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CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U.S.A. 












Che Clerk of Breukelpn 


A Clerk ther is of Breukelpn alto, 

Who unto hittorpe went long ago. 

He woot not if his fare be breed or cake, 

So is he not right fat, J undertake. 

Books heen not oonlp at his beddes heed, 

But whpls thei piled bene upon his hedde, 

And al his flores fo thik thet beep and hide 
That oon to croffe mofte like an Dndtan glide; 
And al his bookes been of hittorpes 

And biages and welterne colonpes. 

Amonges them ful manpe bene, J geffe, 

That bere his name torit in thepr prefaces, | 
Gnd manpe a thank therto thife auctours lepe 
For that he plukt them out of errours wepe. 
And toben he fekes his bookes atte night 

CHith pen in Honde his gloffes to endite, 

Then mote pe fee, tf ointed be poure epn, 

A goltlp felawwihipe aboute him schpn, 

And all regarding him with frendlp mein 

As one to whom thet depe endetted bene, 
Kepprge on lp the light they lit of olde, 
Their memorie that mennes hertes holde. 

So Ptolemie unrolls his mappe-monvde, 
Columbus bp him hath a globe tn Honde, 
Where Raleigh dratweth his Wirgintan lands; 
CHith open Dndian Bible Eliot {tands; 

The New Town Psalmist lines his halting lates; 
The Catechist his lampe of truthe difplates; 
Last, Sabin bp the Stpx’s gloomie tide 
Implores him his unburied bones to hide 
That he map croffe the fatal {treme and diwelle 
CHith Bibliographers in alphodel. 
And pet our Clerk he loveth out-of-dore, 


v1 


THE CLERK OF BREUKELYN 


And wil not ryde hut walketh evermore; 

But derelt holdeth he above al chotses 

The plep of children and thepr murpe boples, 
And they aloon map lette him to feolepe. 

God bless him and his hookes eke, J sepe, 
And kepe him long in hele and foules pees 
That felatwthipe and lerning map encrefe! 


Harry Lyman Koopman 
Brown Anibersity Library 
26 Alay, 1924 


A LETTER OF EXPLANATION 


My pear Dr. Eames, 


Tuer of us sat at dinner last autumn, talking of the future 
of bibliography in America. Representatives of three gener- 
ations were present—one has a reputation, such as it 15, 
already made; another is recognized by those who are watch- 
ing closely, but full achievement is in the future of early 
manhood; the third is newly entered in our field. We 
proposed various plans for cooperative effort to advance the 
interests of our chosen art and craft, and we discussed many 
ways and means and subjects. Then one said, “ But the thing 
to do first of all is to make our homage to Wilberforce 
Eames.” 

This volume is the outcome of that conference. We did not 
stop to enquire when you will complete some decade of life or 
of service, for the years make no visible impression on you or 
on your work — it is only your influence that passing time 
affects. This grows steadily greater and more widely recog- 
nized. We wanted to do this and to do it at once, so that the 
field might be cleared with this as a permanent record of the 
appreciation of your personal influence, the influence which 
makes it possible to expect much of Bibliography in this 
country. 

Those who have written these papers are not a carefully 
chosen few, but are rather those who found it possible to com- 
ply with the request for a contribution at once. Many others 
would have added their share at another time when pre- 
engagements were less imperative. The volume stands as tt 
15, arecord of representative work now being done. As such we 
offer it to you, as evidence of our affection and our respect, 
our common obligation to you for unlimited personal assist- 
ance, for unfailing inspiration, for unequalled standards, for 


Vill A LETTER OF EXPLANATION 


unwearied devotion to the ideals which make your life so per- 
fect a model of scholarship. We all hope long to sit at your 


feet and call you Master. 
We ask you to accept this volume as our pledge of loyalty, 
from a band of your devoted disciples, on whose behalf this 


is written by 
Yours most truly, 


Georce PARKER Winsaip 


June, 1924 


HONORARY DEGREES 


MAsTER OF ARTS 
Harvard University, June 25, 1896 


WILBERFORCE EAMES — Learned bibliographer, especially 
in Americana; studious of the subject-division of all know- 
ledge, and of the means of keeping accessible multiplying 
stores of knowledge. 


Doctor or Laws 
University of Michigan, June 16, 1924 


WILBERFORCE EAMES, of the New York Public Library, 
an authority in the literature dealing with the early history of 
America. Widely recognized and honored by his colleagues for 
his devotion to exacting standards of scholarship, for his not- 
able contributions to learning, and for his profound influence 
in directing and inspiring research, he deserves, in eminent 
degree, this tribute to his distinction. 


Doctor or LETTERS 


Brown University, June 18, 1924 


WILBERFORCE EAMES, of the New York Public Library, 
formerly Librarian of the Lenox Library, erudite scholar in 
realms of bibliography, whose accurate knowledge of rare books 
has enriched our generation and shown us the meaning of the 
ancient scripture, ‘‘ Speak to the past and it shall teach thee.” 


Not the least pleasant experience in connection with the 
publishing of this book of homage was found in reading the 
letters of appreciation of Wilberforce Eames which accom- 
panied the subscriptions. It is impossible to quote from these 
at length, but the following extract from the letter of a friend 
and associate of Mr. Eames, may be taken as expressing the 
feelings of the whole body of those who subscribed to the 
book. 

“In making my contribution for the Wilberforce Eames 
memorial book, I am conscious of performing an act of real 
pleasure. That is due, of course, to the intimate friendship we 
had for many years. Wilberforce Eames is essentially a man 
of simplicity and sincerity. The things that men brag about 
in each other are usually not these, but rather wealth-getting, 
power, and self advertising. Mr. Eames has none of these. 
Eleven months of the year we work out our bibliographical 
problems in the most kindly codperation; and he likes to 
check up his problems and discoveries with Mr. Elliott, Dr. 
Black, and myself. This is always done in the spirit of joyous- 
ness. Then in the Adirondacks, Mrs. Nichols and I have found 
him the most wholesome of companions over many, many 
miles of forest trails, struggling against storms in the open, and 
in the silent charm of the evening fireplace at camp. The 
world talks much of greatness, and is apt to heed those who 
publish the most. Those who know Mr. Eames intimately and 
have helped to solve many of the problems he has worked 
upon, have different ideas upon the subject of greatness. 


Yours very truly, 


L. Netson NIcHOLS”’ 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS 


The following names were received in response to a confidential an- 
nouncement issued early in May, 1924, which was signed by George Parker 
Winship, Belle DaCosta Greene, Abraham S. W. Rosenbach, Victor Hugo 
Paltsits, Randolph Greenfield Adams, Lawrence Counselman Wroth. 

The names of those whose contributions made the publication of this 
tribute possible are marked with an asterisk. 


Ranpoipy G. Apams, William L. Clements Library. 
EMER Apter, New York City. 

ALDINE Book Company (per Herman Go p), Brooklyn. 
Frank ALTscHuL, New York City. 

AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN Society, Worcester. 

Epwin H. Anperson, New York Public Library. 
Crement W. Anprews, John Crerar Library, Chicago. 
Francis R. Appieton, New York City. 

GeorcE A. Armour, Princeton, New Jersey. 

Joun AsHurst, The Free Library of Philadelphia. 
Epwarp E. Ayer,* Chicago. 

AtBErT C. Bares, Connecticut Historical Society. 
Mase  F. Barnes, Harvard College Library. 

Henrietta C. Bartiett, New York City. 

W. Gepney Beatty, New York City. 

Wii.tam Beer, Howard Memorial Library, New Orleans. 
Cuar_eEs Francis Dorr BELpDEN, Boston Public Library. 
W. E. Benjamin, New York City. 

Wiii1amM Warner BisuHop, University of Michigan Library. 
GeorceE W. Brack, New York Public Library. 

Boston Pus tic Liprary. 

R. R. Bowker, New York City. 

Morean B. Brarnarp, Hartford, Connecticut. 

THE Brick Row Book Suop, New York City. 
CLARENCE S. BricHaM, American Antiquarian Society. 
Ciara P. Bricos, Harvard College Library. 

BraprorD Brinton, New York City. 

British Museum, Department of Printed Books, London. 
Brooktyn Pustic Lisprary. 


X11 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS 


Henry J. Brown, London. 

Joun Carter Brown Liprary. 

Joun Nicuotas Brown, Providence. 

Brown University LiBrary. 

Wa ter L. Brown, Buffalo Public Library. 

Henry L. Bu.ien, Typographic Library, Jersey City. 
Cart L. Cannon, New York Public Library. 

Frank Carney, Harvard College Library. 

CuesTer M. Carte, Henry E. Huntington Library. 
Howarp M. Cuapin, Rhode Island Historical Society. 
Cuicaco Pusuic Liprary. 

James Bennett Cuixps, John Crerar Library, Chicago. 
Currorp B. Crapp, Henry E. Huntington Library. 
Wiiuram L. Cements, Bay City, Michigan. 

Wiiiiam L. Ciements Liprary, Ann Arbor, Michigan. 
CLEVELAND Pus ic Liprary. 

Cius or Opp Vo.vumes, Boston. 

Grorce Watson Cote, Henry E. Huntington Library. 
ALLEN CoOL tier, Cincinnati. 

FRANKLIN ConkKLIN, Jr., Newark, New Jersey. 
Converse Memoriar Lisrary, Amherst College. 
Maupe E. C. Cove t, Barrington, R. I. 

Rosert Ernest Cowan, San Francisco. 

FREDERICK COYKENDALL, New York City. 

VERNER W. Crane, Brown University. 

Ernest Crows, Berlin. 

DarTMouTH CoLiEcE LIBRARY. 

Hiram E. Deats, Flemington, N. J. 

Henry F. DePuy, Maryland. 

Rosert H. Dopp, New York City. 

James F. Drake, New York City. | 

Drexe. InstiruTe Liprary, Philadelphia. 

Dunster House Booxsuop, Cambridge, Mass. 
Epwarp Eserstapt, New York City. 

GeorcE Simpson Eppy, New York City. 

Joun Henry Epmonps, Massachusetts State Archives. 
Freperick W. Faxon, Boston. 

Otto FLeiscHNner, Brighton, Mass. 

Wortuincton C. Forp, Massachusetts Historical Society. 
Wiiu1aM E. Foster, Providence Public Library. 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS Xill 


GeorcE S. Goparb, Connecticut State Library, Hartford. 
Cuar_es E. GoopsPeEep, Boston. 

GranD Rapips Pustic Liprary. 

Rut S. Granniss, Grolier Club, New York City. 
Dorotuy HenpeErson Gray, John Carter Brown Library. 
BELLE DaCosta Greene, Pierpont Morgan Library. 
THE Gro.ier Cius, New York City. | 
CuarLes H. Hamitt, Chicago. 

Joun W. Hancock, Roanoke, Virginia. 

LatHrop C. Harper,* New York City. 

Marion V. Harrison, Montclair, N. J. 

Max Harzor, New York City. 

ADELAIDE R. Hasse, Washington, D. C. 

Cuares F. Heartman, Metuchen, N. J. 

Stan. V. Henke :s, Philadelphia. 

SAMUEL HensHAw, Cambridge, Mass. 

Kari W. HiersEMAnn, Leipzig. 

Frank P. Hixt, Brooklyn Public Library. 

Tuomas J. Homes, Cleveland. 

Henry S. Howe, Boston. 

Joun HoweELt, San Francisco. 

Lucius L. Hussarp, Houghton, Michigan. 

Henry E. Huntincton, San Gabriel, California. 
Cuarces L. Hutcuinson, Chicago. 

Jouns Hopxins University Liprary. 

Herscuex V. Jones, Minneapolis. 

Marr B. Jones, Boston. 

Rupotr Jucuuorr, Berlin. 

GRENVILLE Kane,* New York City. 

Louis C. Karpinskt, University of Michigan. 

Cart T. KEL.ErR, Boston. 

WiuraM G. KeExso, Jr., Brooklyn. 

MitcHe.tt KENNERLEY, New York City. 

Henry W. Kent, Metropolitan Museum. 

Anprew Keoou, Yale University Library. 

GeorceE L. Kitrrepecsr, Harvard University. 
Tueopore L. Kocu, Northwestern University Library. 
Harry Lyman Koopman, Brown University Library. 
GeorcE F. Kunz, New York City. 

Wituiam Coouipce Lane, Harvard College Library. 


XIV LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS 


MarsHa.t C. Lerrerts, New York City. 
Nicoxas Leon, City of Mexico. 

Autce H. Lercu, New York Public Library. 

H. C. Levis, London. 

Lisrary oF Concress, Washington, D. C. 
Wa.po Lincoin, Worcester, Mass. 

Mrs. ArTHuR LitcHriELD, New York City. 
Fiora V. Livineston, Harry Elkins Widener Library. 
I. Ferris Locxwoop, New York Public Library. 
GeErHArD R. Lomer, McGill University Library. 
ArTHUR Lorp, Boston. 

Mitton E. Lorp, Harvard University Library. 
Los ANGELES Pustic LIBRARY. 

Harry MILLer LypENBERG, New York Public Library. 
Cuaries W. McAtrin, New York City. 

J. C. McCoy,* Grasse, France. 

Leonarp L. MackALt, Savannah, Georgia. 
Atrrep B. Mactray, New York City. 

Dovcias C. McMurtrie, New York City. 
Cuares Marret, Library of Congress. 
ALEXANDER Marx, Jewish Theological Seminary, New York. 
Wixitam S. Mason, Evanston, Illinois. 
Massacuusetts Historical SOcIETY. 
Wi.turam Gwynn Matuer, Cleveland. 

ALBERT MaTTHEWS, Boston. 

José Torisio Meprna, Santiago de Chile. 
Cuartes E. MERRILL, Jr., New York City. 
PercivaL Merritt,* Boston. 

G. MicuEetmore, London. 

MINNEAPOLIS ATHENAEUM. 

Minnesota Historica Society, St. Paul. 
Joun Prerront Morean,* New York City. 
Pierpont Morcan Lisrary, New York City. 
Noau F. Morrison, Elizabeth, New Jersey. 
Joun Henry Nasu, San Francisco. 

Newark Pusuic Lisrary. 

NewBeErRY Liprary, Chicago. 

DanieL H. Newuatt, New York City. 

A. Epwarp Newrton, Philadelphia. 

New York Historical SOCIETY. 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS 


New York Pusuic Lrsprary. 

New York Pusuic Lisrary ScuHoot. 

New York Stare Liprary, Albany. 
Cuarces L. Nicnors, Worcester. 

L. Netson Nicuots, New York Public Library. 
Martinus NiyuHorr, The Hague, Holland. 
Ernest Dresset Nortn, New York City. 
STEPHEN H. O1in, Rhinebeck, New York. 
Joun Ciype Oswa_p, New York City. 
Vicror Huco Pa rtsirs, New York Public Library. 
Francis H. Parsons, Library of Congress. 
Peasopy InstiTuTE Liprary, Baltimore. 
Haro.p Pierce, Philadelphia. 

ARTHUR ProrzHEIMER, New York City. 

Cari H. ProrzHeimer, New York City. 
GeorceE A. Puiimpton, New York City. 
Henry R. Piomer, London. 

A.trreD W. Po tarp, London. 

Princeton University Liprary. 
PROVIDENCE ATHENAEUM. 

ProvipENceE Pusuic Liprary. 

BERNARD QuaritcH, Lrp., London. 

Pau.t Nortu Rice, New York Public Library. 


Ernest Cusninc Ricwarpson, Princeton University Library. 


GERTRUDE E. Rosson, John Carter Brown Library. 
AzariAH SmiTH Root, Oberlin College Library. 

A. S. W. Rosensacu,* Philadelphia. 

Haro tp G. Ruaa, Hanover, N. H. 

Josep F. Sasin, New York City. 

St. Louis Pusuic Lisrary. 

GeorcE H. Sarcent, Warner, N. H. 

Joun H. Scuerpe, Titusville, Pennsylvania. 
Epwarp W. SHELpon,* New York City. ' 
WILLIAM GREEN SHILLABER, Boston. 

THORVALD SOLBERG, Library of Congress. 

Resecca P. STEERE, Providence. 

Joun B. Stetson,* Jr., Philadelphia. 

Henry N. Stevens, London. 

MarcareT BINGHAM STILLWELL, Annmary Brown Memorial. 
I. N. Puetps Stoxes,* New York City. 


XV 


XVI 


LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS 


Epwarp L, Stone, Roanoke, Virginia. 

Wicsur M. Stone, New York City. 

Tuomas W. STREETER,” New York City. 

Henry C. Strippet, New York Public Library. 
GertrupDE M. Sutuivan, Harvard College Library. 
ArTHuR Swann, American Art Association, New York City. 
Henry F. Tap.ey, Boston. 

Lewis M. Tuompson, New York City. 

Apa Tuurston, New York City. 

Mitprep M. Tucker, Harvard College Library. 
EpwARD TuRNBULL, Walpole Galleries, New York City. 
Cuar_es E. Tutte, Rutland, Vermont. 

Juuius H. Turrie, Massachusetts Historical Society. 
TypocraPpHic Liprary AnD Museum, Jersey City. 
UnIversITETS-BiBLIOTEK, Uppsala, Sweden. 
University oF CALIFORNIA Liprary. 

University oF I.iinois Lisrary. 

University oF NEBRASKA LIBRARY. 

GeorcE B. Uttey, The Newberry Library, Chicago. 
Witrrep M. Voynicu, New York City. 

Henry R. Wacner,* Berkeley, California. 

M. Hannau Wait, Harvard College Library. 

Mitton S. Wa.tpman, London. 

ALEXANDER J. WALL, New York Historical Society. 
Frank WALTERS, New York City. 

Beatrice BeckER WarDE, Typographical Museum, Jersey City. 
Oscar WEGELIN, New York City. 

Lemue. A. WEL Es, New York City. 

GasriEL WELLS,* New York City. 

Wes eyan University Liprary. 

Wituiam A. Wuire, New York City. 

James B. Witsur,* Manchester, Vermont. 

GeorcE Parker Winsuip, Harry Elkins Widener Library. 
GRENVILLE LINDELL WINTHROP, Lenox, Mass. 

Joun Woopsury, Boston. 

Joun M. Wootsey, New York City. 

WorcesTErR Pustic Liprary. | 
Lawrence C. Wrots, John Carter Brown Library. 


CONTENTS 


RIP SEURERRAOESOREURELYN) 2 (soe. 2 RE iw. Sh arson Vv 
Harry Lyman Koopman, Librarian of the Brown University 
Library 


A Letrer or Expianation, on behalf of the Subscribers . . . . vil 


Honorary Decrees, with Citations by President Charles William 
Eliot, of Harvard University, President Marion Leroy Burton, of 
the University of Michigan, and President William. Herbert 


ery wancesot Brown University . 2. ect ce ee. cise see mi wnt 1X 
Extracr From A LETTER from L. Nelson Nichols, of the New York 
SE EM EI Sn Pe a x 
teeter et aay ime 7 72S Re ee ee, xi 
WiBerrorce Eames, A Bio-Bibliographical Narrative .... . I 
RP MerRRICCOMEIDUTIONS 6.) 65 5 euiey x. 4.16 |e see nee a5 
Victor Hugo Paltsits, New York Public Library 
AIDS TO THE IDENTIFICATION OF AMERICAN IMPRINTS. .... . 27 
Alice Hollister Lerch, New York Public Library 
RS RE i ia oi pee AO Ay I ah erage fede. 35 
Perna OGY A Primera. (8 cs ss oon ol efidawieme’h. # units 59 
Percival Merritt, Boston, Massachusetts 
PTE E MO MNGLAND PRIMER i000: erie eco blowioo) ees ip yer gone 61 
Worthington Chauncey Ford, Massachusetts Historical 
Society 
Cuez Moreau ve St-Méry, Philadelphie ........... 67 
Publications of Moreau de St-Méry ....),.... 25.4 6 2 2 74 


Henry W. Kent, Grolier Club, New York 


QUIENES FUERON LOS AUTORES, HASTA AHORA IGNORADOS, DE DOS 


LIBROS INGLESES QUE INTERESAN A AMERICA ........~ 79 
Fosé Toribio Medina, Santiago de Chile 
Tue Literary Fair in THE UNITED STATES. . aaa 
Charles L. Nichols, Worcester, Massachusetts 
Pe PALLAD OF LoveweELt’s FIGHT...) « c.004 wisest’ pee ale 93 


George Lyman Kittredge, Harvard University 


Tue First Work witH AMERICAN TYPES... .....+.-- 129 
Lawrence Counselman Wroth, Librarian of the John Carter 
Brown Library 


PPO TAeeANOTLRACT’ OF 1646 7s" LO Re ore ta en 143 
Lathrop Colgate Harper, New York 


XVill TABLE OF CONTENTS 


Tue SurRREPTITIOUS PRINTING OF ONE oF Corron MATHER’S 

Manuscripts... 636 Sivoo ue eo Se 

Thomas }. Holmes, Librarian of Mr. William Gwynn 
Mather’s Library, Cleveland, Ohio 


EvizABETHAN AMERICANA §. 40.0% jv. 4-03 g A 
George Watson Cole, Librarian of the Henry E. Huntington 
Library, San Marino, California 


Tue Exsor INDIAN TRACTS). (09 9 ee ee ee 
George Parker Winship, Librarian of the Harry Elkins 
Widener Collection, Harvard College Library 


THE New YorkK PRINTERS AND THE CELEBRATION OF THE FRENCH 
REVOLUTION OF 1830 : ¢ 2 7°.". <7. 30 ue 
Ruth Shepard Granniss, Librarian of the Grolier Club, New 

York 


WALL-PAPER NEWSPAPERS OF THE Civit WAR.........- 


Checklist of Issues 10) fcc) hoin ps (ea) te a 
Clarence Saunders Brigham, Librarian of the American An- 
tiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts 


ANALYTICAL MetTHops IN BIBLIOGRAPHY APPLIED TO DANIEL WEB- 
STER’S SPEECH AT WORCESTER IN 1832. 07 fe gg 
Clifford Blake Clapp, of the Henry E. Huntington Library, 


San Marino, California 


Mitts Day’s ProposED HEBREW BIBLE .......-.. . 
Oscar Wegelin, New York 


A TRANSLATION OF THE RosETTA STONE: 1 . 1. 2 29S 
Randolph G. Adams, Librarian of the William L. Clements 
Library, University of Michigan 
CoLontaL AMERICAN ARITHMETICS . . <2). G7) a) 
List of Arithmetics published in America up to1775. ... . 
Louis C. Karpinski, University of Michigan 
SIXTEENTH-CENnTURY MEeExIcAN IMPRINTS .....+6424-46 
Location Table of Mexican Sixteenth-Century Books 
Henry R. Wagner, Berkeley, California 


Tue DeBry CoLiector’s PAINEFULL PEREGRINATION ALONG THE 
PLEASANT PATHWAY TO PERFECTION ....2..55:+s+ 88 
Henry Newton Stevens, London 


A Nore on THE Laws or THE REPUBLIC OF VERMONT. . .. - - 
List of Vermont: Laws, 177971791. ~ « « +)peee 
ames Benjamin Wilbur, Manchester, Vermont 


Tue Promotion LITERATURE OF GEORGIA\: Xe gc eee 
Verner W. Crane, Brown University 


149 


161 


aM i 


193 


203 
205 


2II 


221 


227 


243 
247 


249 
258 


269 


277 
280 


281 


TABLE OF CONTENTS 


Books ON ARCHITECTURE PRINTED IN AMERICA, 1775-1830 . . 
Alexander Ff. Wall, Librarian of the New York Historical 
Society 

BUMMER te GINTER-ENGRAVER . 5 6g «ee 6 6 ew we a 

Sepucerepiy or eddy Publications 2. 20.5044 6 bok 

Harold Goddard Rugg, Dartmouth College Library 

Tue First CatirorniaA Laws PrinteD In ENGLISH ...... 
Chester March Cate, Henry E. Huntington Library, San 
Marino, California 

ANN FRANKLIN oF NEwport, PRINTER, 1736-1763... .... 
Howard Millar Chapin, Librarian of the Rhode Island His- 
torical Society 


THe Work or Hartrorp’s First PRINTER ...:..2.4... 


List of Thomas Green’s Hartford Imprints, 1764-1768 . . . . 
Albert Carlos Bates, Librarian of the Connecticut Historical 


Society 

WemimGeeOr MEV. JOHN COTTON 2... 1. wk eee te 
Fulius H. Tuttle, Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society 


Some Notes on tHE Use or HEBREw Type 1n Non-HeBBEW 
See ON ee eS ke ew ewes 
Alexander Marx, Librarian of the Jewish Theological Sem- 

inary, New York 


Tue Fascicutus Temporum, A Genealogical Survey of Editions 
eer re eRe re Spay ns cep wow le wes 
Margaret Bingham Stillwell, Librarian of the Annmary 

Brown Memorial, Providence, Rhode Island 


X1X 


ooo 


313 
327 


33! 


337 


381 


409 





BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS 











Se i, 


¢ eTedy 


Hie Aa 


‘ 











WILBERFORCE EAMES 


A BIO-BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE 


By VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 
Chief of the American History Division and Keeper of Manuscripts in the 
New York Public Library 

“\HE paternal great-grandfather of Wilberforce Eames 
was Jacob Eames, born in Wilmington, Massachusetts, 

on March 10, 1755. Wilmington, some fifteen miles north of 
Boston, was a section of Woburn which had been set off in 
1730. When Jacob was a mere child his father was engaged in 
the last intercolonial war, from which he did not return. He 
was left in these tender years to the care of his mother, Mrs. 
Abigail (Buck) Eames. Before he had attained his majority, 
Jacob marched to Lexington and participated in that battle of 
the American Revolution. From Wilmington he went to Ches- 
ter, New Hampshire, and in 1784 removed to Belfast, Maine, 
settling on one of the lots in what is now Searsport, which he 
cleared for his farm. After some years he sold this farm and 
settled on a farm at the Narrows, or Upper Bridge, where he 
built a large two-story house that was still standing more than 
a century later. It was here, in 1801, that he was one of the in- 
corporators of ‘“‘The Belfast Bridge Company,” which built a 
toll-bridge across the Narrows on the Passagassawakeag River, 
about a mile from the river’s mouth. In 1804, he pushed far- 
ther north to Swanville, there clearing his third farm. Here he 
continued to live until he died, on November 7, 1851, aged 
nearly ninety-seven years. His life was noted for its remark- 
able energy and industry; even in his later years he kept him- 
self employed. At the time of his death there were living of his 
descendants eleven of his fifteen children, seventy-one grand- 
children, one hundred and nineteen great-grandchildren, and 


2 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


two great-great-grandchildren,-a total of two hundred and 
three living souls. He had been married three times, first to 
Jenny McKeen, who died on February 28, 1792. By this union 
he had seven children, the fourth of whom was John, born at 
Belfast, Maine, on July 16, 1786, who died at Jackson on Sep- 
tember 13, 1839. John married Sarah, called Sally, daughter 
of Samuel and Sarah! Matthews, of Prospect, who had been 
born at Castine, on January 17, 1790,? and died at Jackson in 
1856. There were seven children of this union, the third of 
whom was Nelson, father of Wilberforce. 

Nelson Eames was born at Jackson, in the northern part of 
Waldo County, Maine, on March 21, 1821, and died at Brook- 
lyn, New York, on January 1, 1902. He married Phoebe 
Harriet Crane,’ of Orange, New Jersey, born on February 28, 
1822, and died at Brooklyn, New York, on March 2, 1892. 
Besides Wilberforce, they had a second son, Edward Claren- 
don, born on September 28, 1858, who died on August 27, 1867. 
Nelson Eames, having reached his majority in 1842, taught 
school at Prospect, Maine, for two months, and then spent a 
month on a visit to Cambridge, Massachusetts. From May to 
November, 1843, he continued his education at Belfast, expect- 

1. Mrs. Matthews, born at Groton, Mass., in 1769, died at Searsport, Maine, in 
1851, was a daughter of Oliver and Sarah Parker, and on her mother’s side was re- 
lated to the Worcesters. Her father was many years a judge of the court of common 
pleas for Hancock County, Maine.—A Mother in Israel, sermon by Stephen 
Thurston (Boston, 1853). | 

2. This record is confirmed by the original sampler made by her, still in the pos- 
session of Wilberforce Eames. Besides the alphabet and a few numbers, it reads 
thus: ‘Sally Matthews is my Name and English is my Nation, Prospect is my 
dwelling place and Christ is my Salvation. Sally M. B. the Year 1790 January 
the 17.” 

3. Her oldest brother, Aaron Crane, was a noted maker of clocks that ran a year 
without rewinding. A specimen of his handiwork, still a going clock, is owned by the 
New York Historical Society, to which Mr. Wilberforce Eames presented an original 
daguerreotype portrait of his uncle. This portrait shows him with one of his clocks 
at his side. Mr. Eames also had a grand-uncle on his father’s side, Jacob Eames, 
who graduated from Boston University, studied law at Belfast, Maine, and died at 
Boston. 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 3 


ing thereafter to teach there, but did not secure the appoint- 
ment. He remained at home for a year, and in December, 
1844, went to Islesboro, on Long Island, in Penobscot Bay, 
where he kept school two months. From April to July, 1845, 
he worked on a farm at Danvers, Massachusetts, and then, 
from 1845 till 1846, he taught school at Jackson, Maine, work- 
ing on the home farm the latter summer, and that autumn he 
went to Hartford, Connecticut. From the close of 1847 to 1848 
he taught at Belfast, and then visited Asa Matthews, an uncle, 
at Newport, Maine. Thereafter he went to study at Hampden 
and visited Bangor Seminary. At Stillwater, Maine, he kept 
school for a part of 1848-1849, and for some months after that 
studied and spent some time at Bangor, Portland, and Gor- 
ham. In October, 1849, he began to teach at Scarboro, Maine, 
but in January, 1850, removed to Secaucus, New Jersey, where 
he taught in a school for two years, afterwards teaching in 
other places in New Jersey until his removal to Brooklyn, 
New York, at the beginning of the Civil War. 

Wilberforce Eames was born in Newark, New Jersey, on 
October 12, 1855. When he was six years of age his parents left 
New Jersey and settled in Brooklyn, New York, where he has 
ever since resided. His home environment was of the simple 
yet sturdy New England type which his ancestors had culti- 
vated — untouched by levity, concerned with the more endur- 
ing aspirations, and “enriched with virtue’s rights.” The 
writer’s remembrance of both parents in the sanctuary of this 
home-circle is still vivid after the lapse of many years. We 
have seen that his father had been a country schoolmaster in 
Maine and New Jersey. It was therefore a natural act when 
Wilberforce, as a mere child, was given one of Marcius Will- 
son’s series of primers and readers, from which he learned how 
to read. He first went with his brother to a private school in 
Brooklyn at the age of nine years; none the less he had already 
learned to read, up to Willson’s ‘Third Reader.’ To this series 


4 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS: 


of readers he says he was indebted for his introduction to the 
gentle art of reading and for his original interest in books. In 
the Brooklyn private school he continued for a short time; but 
in 1867 or 1868 attended the public school of the East New 
York neighborhood, and after that always worked. 

Those were not days of night schools. Minors commonly 
left school at an early age to “go to work,” and there were no 
available educational facilities for them. Moreover, hours of 
labor were not short and weekly half-holidays were unknown. 
It required mettle and initiative in a lad to keep aglow a thirst 
for knowledge. For a while after 1868, Mr. Eames performed 
at a boy’s job in his neighborhood. During the first half of the 
year 1870 he learned the art of printing in the office of the East 
New York Sentinel, a weekly newspaper of his neighborhood, 
which was issued on Saturday mornings. The whole plant con- 
sisted of the owner, his daughter—a mere child—and the 
lad Wilberforce Eames. The printing was done on a Franklin 
hand-press. He set type, handled the ink-roller during the 
printing, cleaned type and press, redistributed type, in short, 
performed all kinds of jobs there. 

It was in this period that Mr. Eames had borrowed some 
books from his East New York neighbors. Among these books 
were Rollin’s ‘Ancient History,’ Gibbon’s “Roman Empire,’ 
and Hume’s ‘England’; and from these, as well as such books as 
the ‘Edinburgh Encyclopedia,’ in sixteen octavo volumes, and 
histories of continental Europe and of England, he made for 
himself an historical chronology. He then became more inter- 
ested in Egypt and went with his mother on a special trip to 
Manhattan to buy a copy of Herodotus, in 1868 or 1869, at the 
then well-known bookstore of William Gowans, who, when he 
died in 1870, left a stock of nearly 300,000 volumes. Mr. Eames 
had done all this before he attained his fifteenth year, and then, 
in this same year, 1870, he had entered the employ of the post- 
office. 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 5 


He served as a post-office clerk, although actually hired as a 
mail-carrier, in the East New York district, from 1870 to 1873. 
Most of his time was spent at the stamp-window, but he also 
took the mail-bag from East New York to the Brooklyn post- 
office. It was while waiting for the return mail-bag to be made 
up, that he would go out and visit a neighboring bookstore, 
which was about a block distant from the Brooklyn post-office, 
and in these moments he looked over and got acquainted with 
the books and also made the acquaintance of this bookseller, 
by whom he was three years later employed-as a clerk on his 
own application for the job. It was a supreme ambition which 
sought to know and sell books instead of postage stamps, to 
meet face to face the patrons of a bookstore in the heart of the 
city of Brooklyn, instead of looking at the faces of postage 
stamps and of the patrons of a post-office. 

This bookstore was the only one in Brooklyn that had a 
large stock, then about twenty thousand volumes. It was 
owned by Edward R. Gillespie and located on Myrtle Avenue. 
Among this stock was a set of the ‘Universal History,’ in sixty- 
five volumes, published in the eighteenth century. From it Mr. 
Eames copied largely by hand, with the bookseller’s permis- 
sion; and finally, at great sacrifice to himself, out of his negligi- 
ble means, he bought the whole set for thirty-five dollars on 
instalments, and was filled with unbounded joy. This set the 
writer remembers very well, because he was privileged to bor- 
row volumes from Mr. Eames more than thirty years ago. 

It was in 1873 that Mr. Eames became a clerk in the Gilles- 
pie bookstore, where he remained until 1879. About 1874, he 
had the good fortune to meet there Thomas W. Field, com- 
piler of the ‘Indian Bibliography,’ a work published in the 
previous year, which was also the year in which Field had been 
appointed superintendent of public schools in Brooklyn. Mr. 
Eames purchased a copy of Field’s ‘Bibliography,’ and with it 
began his interest in the American Indians and Americana. 


6 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


Now he occasionally bought items in these classes. Gillespie 
kept open shop until nine o’clock at night, and his place was a 
rendezvous for bibliophiles, and for booksellers of Manhattan 
and elsewhere, whose shops closed at a more reasonable hour. 
From listening to the bibliophilic conversations of these men 
about their hobbies, Mr. Eames was infected with many new 
interests in the realm of books and learning. Among them was 
E. W. Nash, at one time a clerk in Gowans’s great bookstore 
on Nassau Street, Manhattan, who had gone into business on 
his own account: It was Nash who had sold Mr. Eames the 
copy of Herodotus already referred to. From Nash’s stock 
now he secured his earliest accessions of books on the Ameri- 
can Indians, and a little later, from E. P. Boon, also of Man- 
hattan, he bought many pamphlets on the Indians. Another 
frequenter of the Gillespie shop was George P. Philes, in his 
day among the best of American bibliographers, and editor of 
the Philobiblon. Another was Daniel G. Treadwell, from 
whom Mr. Eames absorbed an interest in oriental books. 
From Gillespie he went, in 1879, to N. Tibbals and Sons, at 
37 Park Row, Manhattan, with whom he remained until about 
1881. The Tibbals house specialized in theological books and 
also handled a general book stock. Here Mr. Eames learned 
the general business in new books and acquired a knowledge of © 
the new lists of publishers. He also went around to the pub- 
lishers to get in the new stock for his employers. Another fea- 
ture of his work with the Tibbals firm was to attend for them 
the book auctions at George A. Leavitt and Co’s and Bangs’s, 
both in New York City. For his firm he also went to the Sing 
Sing and the Asbury Park Methodist Episcopal camp-meetings, 
where he set up and conducted a bookstand in the open air or 
in a tent. At this stand he also sold the daily newspapers dur- 
ing the period of the camp-meetings. The counter of his im- 
provised stand was cleaned up of its stock at night and served 
him as a bed until readorned with the wares in the morning. 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 7 


His recollections of these camp-meetings form a singularly en- 
tertaining story. It was while at these meetings that Mr. 
Eames met two interesting persons, one being Louis Klopsch, 
editor of the Christian Herald, for whom he took in subscrip- 
tions; the other was Alfred William Dennett, the well-known 
founder of that then unique chain of restaurants in New York 
City, famous for its “surpassing coffee” and for the framed 
Bible verses which decorated the walls of his establishments. 
Dennett was also the founder of rescue missions for men. He 
attended the camp-meetings, and, a sectarian book which 
he wished to have circulated having been published, it was 
sold for him at the book-stand. 

Mr. Eames first met at Tibbals’s, about 1880, the late James 
Constantine Pilling, who was then engaged in preparing a card- 
catalogue of North American Indian linguistics “for the use of 
the members of the Bureau of Ethnology” at Washington, a 
work which saw print in 1885 as ‘Proof-Sheets of a Bibliogra- 
phy of the Languages of the North American Indians,’ a pon- 
derous volume of more than a thousand pages, issued in one 
hundred copies only, principally for the use of collaborators. 
From their first meeting they were firm friends, and Mr. Eames 
was Pilling’s chief co-laborer in his various bibliographical un- 
dertakings. In the ‘Proof-Sheets’ Pilling said: “Almost from 
the beginning of the type-setting the catalogue has had the 
benefit of his aid and advice. His thorough knowledge of the 
class of books treated, his interest in the subject itself, his fine 
library, rich in bibliographic authorities, his scrupulous care 
and accuracy with the minutiz which compose so large a part 
of a work like this, and his judgment in matters of arrange- 
ment, have all rendered his codperation invaluable. The fre- 
quent mention of his name throughout shows but imperfectly 
the extent of my obligations to him.” This obligation grew as 
Pilling’s monographs on the Algonquian, Iroquoian, and other 
linguistic families were being prepared, toward which Mr. 


8 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


Eames contributed whole sections, indeed many of the best 
and most difficult to study, such as Eliot, Lykins, Mather, 
Mayhew, Meeker, Pierson, Quinney, Rawson, Sergeant, and 
Simerwell, to name only a few of them. Mr. Eames worked in- 
dustriously on the proofs as if they were solely his own works 
that were passing through the press. It was while some of 
the later monographs were being printed that Pilling made 
occasional visits to New York, spending days at a time with 
Mr. Eames in conferences. It was then that the writer first 
met Pilling and glimpsed somewhat of the great professional 
unity that existed between these two scholars. 

After leaving the Tibbals house, Mr. Eames was employed, 
for a year or so, by Henry Miller, first at his bookstore on 
Nassau Street, and then in Fourteenth Street, Manhattan. He 
then was in the employ of Charles L. Woodward, still remem- 
bered by some of to-day as one of the quaintest and most inter- 
esting second-hand booksellers of the city of New York during 
the nineteenth century. His shop was at 78 Nassau Street. 
Here, as he had done in the other bookstores, Mr. Eames 
enlarged his acquaintance with bookmen. He remained with 
Woodward until urged, in 1885, by Dr. George Henry Moore, 
the head of the Lenox Library, to be his personal assistant. 

The sale of the library of Dr. Edmund Bailey O’Callaghan, 
by Bangs and Co., of New York City, was held in December, 
1882. The catalogue had been compiled by E. W. Nash, the 
bookseller heretofore mentioned. It was through arrange- 
ments made with Nash that Mr. Eames bought at this sale, for 
$104, Item 235, the John Carter Brown Catalogue, compiled 
by John Russell Bartlett. It was one of only fifty sets of four 
volumes printed, and the first complete set that had ever been 
offered for sale. Here he also secured Item 851, a copy of the 
1686 edition of John Eliot’s Indian Bible in the Natick dialect, 
for $140. These two purchases, amounting to $244, and to 
him a millionaire’s purchase, were made at extraordinary 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 9 


- sacrifices. He was obliged to sell most of his Indian books and 
pamphlets, as well as much more from his forming library, in 
order to capture the aforesaid two prizes. But these sacrifices 
proved to bea great gain to American bibliography. The pur- 
chase of the Brown catalogue started his interest, systemati- 
cally, in Americana, and soon led him to buy a set of Joseph 
Sabin’s ‘ Dictionary of Books relating to America.’ At Wood- 
ward’s shop he had met Joseph F. Sabin. The father—Joseph 
Sabin — had died, and the publication of the ‘Dictionary’ 
had been suspended. Mr. Eames soon developed in his mind 
an idea for the continuation of the work, which he broached 
to the younger Sabin. He proposed to continue Sabin’s ‘ Dic- 
tionary’ as a labor of love and for the experience it would 
afford him. This arrangement was made and continued 
for all time. He took up the work at “Pennsylvania” and 
brought it through the press to “Smith.” The work was sus- 
pended in 1892, when Mr. Eames’s duties at the Lenox Li- 
brary, increased after Dr. Moore’s death, precluded his giving 
the attention to it which the difficult subject of Captain John 
Smith’s publications imposed. His only tangible reward for 
his hours of labor and sacrifices, always intentional and ac- 
ceptable on his part, was the receipt of a set of the page-proofs 
of the parts he edited, which he added to the rest of his set, 
formerly purchased by him. He resumed, with assistants, the 
editing of the remaining copy of the ‘Dictionary’ in 1906, by 
favor of a grant for clerical aid given by the Carnegie Insti- 
tution of Washington. Only now (1924) does the resumption 
of printing seem to be assured through the codperation of the 
American Library Association, Mr. R. R. Bowker, owner of 
the Library ‘fournal and the Publishers’ Weekly, Mr. Joseph 
F. Sabin and his heirs, and other patrons. In this matter Mr. 
Eames stands now, as he has always stood, in the interest of 
American bibliography, as a willing sacrifice for the good of 
others. 


IO VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


Mr. Eames remained at the Lenox Library as Dr. Moore’s . 
personal associate from 1885 to the close of 1887. In the new 
environment he was afforded an opportunity of contact with 
the fine Americana, incunabula, and other rare books which 
Mr. James Lenox, the founder of the Lenox Library, had 
brought together during a life-time of careful collecting. The 
Lenox Library had been opened for the first time to a limited 
public in 1877. The transfer of books and art objects had been 
accomplished and an inventory in common copy-books had 
been made by Mr. Lenox’s hand, generally with a lead pencil. 
One of Mr. Eames’s tasks was to transcribe and arrange these 
and other inventories in a form for printing as “Lenox Library 
Short-Title Lists,’ issued only for official use. The first ten 
lists were completed in November, 1887, within a period of 
about four weeks. It was in this period before 1888, that Mr. 
Eames made for the Lenox Library a catalogue of the Félix 
Astoin Collection, numbering about five thousand volumes of 
French books, comprising reference works, bibliographies, his- 
tory, art, and particularly belles-lettres of nineteenth-century 
French writers. Betimes he also continued his bibliographical 
studies and the preparation of “copy” for Sabin’s ‘Dictionary.’ 

On January 1, 1888, Mr. Eames began his official relations 
as a member of the staff of the Lenox Library, the same day on 
which the writer's employment by the Library started in a 
humbler capacity. Dr. Moore was the Superintendent of the 
Library, and Dr. Samuel Austin Allibone, the well-known liter- 
ary lexicographer, was then the Librarian. Mr. Eames contin- 
ued in the new relations the kind of work upon which he had 
been engaged whilst under private contract with Dr. Moore. 
When Dr. Allibone retired on April 30, 1888, there was no 
regular service of readers. Occasionally a scholar came to use 
a rare work. There were some rare books exhibited in show- 
cases. Such visitors as came to the Library viewed the book 
exhibitions and the art galleries. The building was open on 


WILBERFORCE EAMES II 


weekdays, except Mondays, from ten a.m. till four or five P.M., 
and was closed during the three summer months. The number 
of visitors during the year 1888 was only 8,263. 

In May, 1888, Mr. Eames transferred his location from a 
closed room of the second story to the only “reading room” on 
the main floor. There was no systematic shelf-classification, 
and no finding-system existed for the books. A prodigious 
memory had to be invoked. In 1889, the printed short-title 
check-lists were cut up and pasted into four scrapbooks in one 
alphabet, and served temporarily as an incomplete finding-list 
on a fixed-location system.! The preparation of this scrap- 
book catalogue by Mr. Eames was the first serious move to 
make at least partially available a library in a chaotic condi- 
tion. In the year 1888, the Lenox Library received by legacy 
of Joseph W. Drexel his extraordinary musical library, which 
was removed from the Drexel mansion by Mr. Eames and the 
writer, was tentatively classified, and made available by means 
of a short-title catalogue printed in 1889. The principal part of 
the library of Evert Augustus Duyckinck was similarly re- 
moved from the Duyckinck house on Clinton Place in 1890, 
and a short-title catalogue was made of that library directly 
from the books. The Lenox Library now began to be a place 
to which persons came for reading and research —not alone a 
museum of exhibits. 

Dr. Moore died on May 5, 1892. On October 7, Mr. Eames 
was appointed by the trustees to be the assistant librarian, the 
appointment being retroactive to May 1. He was in fact in 
charge of the Library after Dr. Moore’s death. This was the 
year of the Columbus quadricentennial, and Mr. Eames made 
in commemoration an extensive Columbus exhibition, in 
which was shown for the first time in America the unique 


1, For an account of the Lenox Library from its incorporation in 1870, until its 
consolidation in the New York Public Library in 1895, see H. M. Lydenberg, 
History of the New York Public Library (New York, 1923), pp. 95-128, and the 
annual reports of the Lenox Library for the entire period. 


12 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


Spanish folio edition of the Columbus letter of 1493, then just 
purchased by the trustees. On this occasion the Duke of Ver- 
agua, heir to the titles of the discoverer, visited the Lenox 
Library and was shown about by Mr. Eames. This year was 
marked by the addition of the Robert L. Stuart collection, the 
most valuable accession since the founder’s original gift. The 
care of all these fell upon Mr. Eames’s shoulders. In 1893, the 
trustees purchased the library of George Bancroft, the histo- 
rian, and so the Lenox Library was materially changed in con- 
tent in the five years of Mr. Eames’s official relations. 

On June 2, 1893, Mr. Eames was elected by the trustees 
Librarian of the Lenox Library. With this title he continued 
until the consolidation of the Lenox Library as one of the three 
foundations of the New York Public Library in 1895, from 
which time, until the collections were absorbed in the new cen- 
tral building, in 1911, he continued in charge of the Lenox 
Building with the rather unusual title of “Lenox Librarian” — 
a designation which has a European counterpart in “ Bodley’s 
Librarian.” As librarian he wrote the annual reports for 1893 
and 1894, and they were widely noted in the press and among 
bookmen. They were different from previous reports and also 
outstanding in comparison with librarians’ reports of that 
time in the United States. They are up-to-date to-day and can 
be read with profit, because in them is seen the unerring hand 
guided by an exact mind. 

These years 1893 and 1894 were also record years with re- 
spect to notable accessions. The George Bancroft library has 
already been mentioned. Mr. Eames’s report of 1893 analyzed 
its content. In this year many additions were made of Amer- 
ican colonial, province, and State laws, and legislative journals, 
printed before 1800. The series of Jesuit Relations of New 
France was completed. Most unusual Americana were added, 
and the Wendell Prime Collection of ‘Don Quixote’ and 
other works by Cervantes was received. The Lenox Library 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 13 


had been closed from May 14, 1892, until February 22, 1893, 
for extensive alterations and repairs and to install the Stuart 
Collection of books, paintings, and other art objects. A new 
era had begun. There were now facilities for readers. In 1894 
a subject-catalogue was begun. Exhibitions were extended. 
Classification and book location were set in motion. Some 
45,000 numbers of American newspapers were purchased and 
reported on by Mr. Eames. From the George H. Moore, 
George Livermore, and other notable libraries dispersed were 
purchased unusual book rarities and manuscripts. As librarian, 
Mr. Eames edited for the Lenox Library its hand-books, and 
particularly a facsimile of the illustrated letter of Columbus on 
the discovery of America. After consolidation of the Lenox 
Library in the New York Public Library, he carried out plans 
devised by Dr. John Shaw Billings for a monthly Bulletin, be- 
gun in 1897, of which he was the original editor, and to which 
he still occasionally contributes. 

In the new central building of the New York Public Library 
Mr. Eames was “Chief of the American History Division” 
from May, 1911, until the end of the year 1915, when he re- 
linquished his administrative relations, continuing, however, 
since January I, 1916, as the “‘Bibliographer” of the Library, 
a concentrated relationship in bibliographical specialization 
pleasing to himself, serviceable to scholars, and of incalculable 
value to the Library. 

During all these years as a librarian and bibliographer he has 
been a Mecca for persons hungry for exact information. From 
his mountain of knowledge, precious ore has gone out in an 
abundant correspondence. With an abandon of generosity he 
has given away the results of his own investigations, to be used 
by others. His facts have been their help to reward; his advice 
has been their hope. He has done these things happily and 
modestly among men. 


14 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


It is not possible to retrace nearly half a century and name 
the small army of Mr. Eames’s correspondents with whom he 
exchanged information on bibliography and other matters of 
scholarship. Mention has already been made of some, notably 
James Constantine Pilling. In this period of forty years ago 
we find Mr. Eames making other contacts with persons whose 
names are unforgettable in American bibliophilism. From 
1893 until his death at the end of 1894, a professional corre- 
spondence existed with Sefior Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, the 
Mexican bibliographer and scholar. When Mr. Eames became 
Librarian of the Lenox Library in 1893, Icazbalceta sent him 
an autographed photograph and congratulations. Mr. Eames 
purchased advance sheets of the ‘Bibliografia Mexicana,’ and 
aided this bibliographer in procuring descriptions for that 
work, sending to him also clues to items he would otherwise 
have missed. A correspondence with Dr. John Russell Bart- 
lett was begun in 1882, ending only with Bartlett’s death in 
1886. Dr. Bartlett gave high praise to Mr. Eames’s mono- 
graphic studies. That on the John Eliot Bible he said was 
“clear and concise”; the Ptolemy was “all that is to be said, 
and will prove very useful to students of geography,” and in a 
New Year’s letter of 1886, he characterized the monograph on 
the ‘Bay Psalm Book’ as “excellent and thorough,” adding: 
“Your work is well done and leaves nothing more to be said 
regarding the work.”’ In January, 1885, Dr. Bartlett gave 
John Nicholas Brown a letter of introduction to Mr. Eames, 
and in a personal letter explained his object thus: “My young 
friend Mr. John N. Brown, son of the late John Carter Brown, 
will be in New York a few days. Thinking that book collectors 
& bibliographers should know each other I have given him a 
letter of introduction to you. Mr. B is the present owner 
of his father’s books.”’ From February, 1885, to March, 1898, 
Mr. Brown and Mr. Eames exchanged many letters on bibli- 
ographical subjects. Mr. Brown willingly gave Mr. Eames 





WILBERFORCE EAMES Lig 


detailed information with respect to editions of Ptolemy, 
Raleigh, Captain John Smith, and other works in his library, 
for inclusion in Sabin’s ‘Dictionary.’ As an example of Mr. 
Brown’s high regard for Mr. Eames’s work, we quote from a 
letter of April 23, 1886: ‘Allow me to express the hope that 
when you come to Ramusio and the various editions of the 
Vespucius letters you will give the world as minute and ac- 
curate descriptions of them as you have of the Ptolemies and 
the Bay Psalm Books. The bibliographical world owes you a 
debt of gratitude for the information you have given it in re- 
gard to these important series of books.” Again, in a letter of 
January 29, 1887, Mr. Brown offered some ideas respecting 
future sections of Sabin’s ‘Dictionary,’ and added, apologeti- 
cally: “I have only noted what has especially occurred to me 
and hope you understand that this letter proceeds solely from 
an interest in you and the great work you are so admirably 
compiling.” 

When, about the middle of the eighties of the nineteenth 
century, Mr. Eames began the editing of Sabin’s ‘ Dictionary,’ 
he found a willing codperator in Paul Leicester Ford, then only 
approaching his majority. A close professional friendship be- 

gan at this time which lasted until Ford’s death nearly twenty 
_ years later. Ford’s last work was dedicated to his friend, and 
his last day’s work in research was spent at the Lenox Library 
Building. He was, during many years, interested in Parson 
Mason L. Weems. On February 7, 1886, he wrote to Mr. 
Eames: “I have unearthed 42 editions of Mr. Weems’ Lies of 
Washington and there are yet very long gaps in my list which 
remain unfilled.”’ The last afternoon of his life, in May, 1902, 
Ford spent at work at the Lenox Library on this subject. The 
next morning a tragedy had cut short his useful life. The Ford 
family in the earlier years lived at 97 Clark Street, Brooklyn, 
and here Mr. Eames made occasional visits to the large Ford 
library, and also dined at times at this hospitable board. 


16 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


Beginning in 1890, Mr. Eames engaged for a number of 
years in correspondence with the late Henry Harrisse, eminent 
Americanist, bibliographer, and historical geographer. It is 
interesting to note the friendliness of Harrisse in his letters to 
Mr. Eames, because at the time Harrisse harbored a deep 
resentment in general toward American scholars. In his letter 
of January 23, 1890, Harrisse said he had learned that Mr. 
Eames was “present editor” of Sabin, a fact he had “suspected 
from the improvements so noticeable of late.” Thanking 
Mr. Eames, on May 19, 1893, for references that were made 
by him in the second edition of the reprint of the Latin Colum- 
bus letter, of which a copy had been sent to him, Harrisse 
adds: “It is about the first time an American speaks of the 
B. A. V., to my knowledge, with common decency.” It was in 
a letter of June 18, 1900, that Harrisse informed Mr. Eames 
why an article on Dieppe maps, a critique of a work by the 
British geographer Charles Henry Coote, had been “greatly 
toned down,” namely, because he had heard of the illness of 
Coote; and Harrisse added: “Not that I had any particular 
reason for showing myself lenient; for he never let pass a chance 
to harp on my works or self, although I had never attacked 
him. Yet the Lord knows if I had good grounds to give him 
fits. It was a mere question of humanity on my part. On the 
other hand, I court criticisms, provided they are honest and 
based upon facts — for that is about the only chance I have 
or may have to correct the errors I commit. With this condi- 
tion, critics may peg away as long as they please.” When 
Harrisse, in 1908, learned of the death of Professor Edward 
Gaylord Bourne, of Yale University, he asked Mr. Eames for 
an obituary notice, and said: “It is a great loss for the United 
States. So far as my knowledge of American historians of the 
present day extends, I know of none who equalled him in 
sound erudition, with a certain tinge of originality.” .In this 
correspondence Harrisse did not hesitate to reveal himself. 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 17 


In April, 1893, upon recommendation of Dr. Samuel A. 
Green, Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society and 
a former mayor of Boston, Mr. Eames was elected a member of 
the American Antiquarian Society, of which he was, in April, 
1924, the thirteenth ranking resident member. In 1896, Har- 
vard University bestowed upon him the honorary degree of 
Master of Arts, also upon the recommendation of Dr. Green, 
an Overseer of the University, who had a penchant for seeking 
out men who did things, irrespective of other considerations, 
and putting them on the way to merited recognition. It was 
in 1904 that the eminent French scholar and sinologist, Henri 
Cordier, came to the United States to attend the Eighth Inter- 
national Geographical Congress, and paid a visit to the geo- 
graphical and cartographical exhibition which Mr. Eames had 
set up at the Lenox Library as codrdinate with the Interna- 
tional Congress. The writer, recognizing the name of Cordier 
on a reader’s ticket, offered to introduce him to Mr. Eames, 
remarking at the moment that Mr. Eames had a remarkable 
personal library of Chinese and Japanese books. The intro- 
duction was made, and the next day Mr. Eames took M. Cor- 
dier to his home to see the collections. This spontaneous con- 
tact proved to be a mutually pleasing event. Some months 
later, in 1905, Mr. Eames had a surprise. Opening a roll 
mailed from France, he found he had been elected, on recom- 
mendation of Cordier, an Honorary Officer of the Academie 
d’Instruction Publique des Beaux Arts et des Cults of the 
French Republic. Perhaps no other American librarian has 
had bestowed upon him two high honorary degrees in a single 
week, as was done to him this year, 1924. On June 16, the 
University of Michigan gave him the degree of LL.D., and on 
June 18, Brown University honored him with that of Litt.D. 

Mr. Eames has had membership in many learned socte- 
ties, among them the Hakluyt Society, the Bibliographical 
Society of England, the Society of Biblical Archeology, the 


18 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


Palestine Exploration and Egyptian Exploration Funds, the 
American Historical Association, the American Oriental So- 
ciety, and the American Library Association. Because of his 
changing interests, some have been discontinued. He isa mem- 
ber of the Bibliographical Society of America, of which he was 
a founder, and its first librarian from 1905 to June, 1909. He 
has been a corresponding member of the Colonial Society of 
Massachusetts since 1898, and of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society since 1907; a life member of the New York Historical 
Society since 1906; president of the New York Library Club 
for the term of 1900-1901, and vice-president for two terms 
from 1897 to 1899. He is a Fellow of the American Academy 
of Arts and Sciences, and in 1923 was elected an honorary 
member of the Grolier Club. 

It remains to mention four works which were dedicated to 
Mr. Eames. On April 30, 1902, there was published, in two 
volumes, “The Journals of Hugh Gaine, Printer. Edited by 
Paul Leicester Ford,’ dedicated to him in these words: “These 
volumes I dedicate to Wilberforce Eames as a slight recogni- 
tion of his scholarship and in grateful acknowledgment of my 
debt toit.” The first copy that came into Mr. Ford’s hands he 
personally presented to Mr. Eames at the Lenox Library, 
without saying anything about the dedication. A little while 
later on the same day, after Mr. Ford had left the Library, Mr. 
Eames, who had been meanwhile busy, let me see the volumes. 
Turning over the leaves I observed the dedication and re- 
marked about it, and Mr. Eames was as much abashed as a 
gentle maiden when surprised by a lover’s gift. He had not 
noticed the dedication when first looking over the volumes in 
the presence of Mr. Ford. Only a few days later, on May 8, 
Mr. Ford met his tragic death — a shock to all his friends, but 
to none more than to Mr. Eames. It was just a year after the 
dedication of the Gaine volumes that the writer dedicated to 
Mr. Eames ‘A Bibliography of the Separate & Collected Works 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 19 


of Philip Freneau Together with an Account of His News- 
papers,’ printed at the University Press of Cambridge in 1903, 
as follows: “To Wilberforce Eames, A.M., an oracle in all 
that touches the domain of bibliography, I dedicate this work 
in loving regard of many years’ daily association.” In 1905, 
Mr. Robert F. Roden dedicated to him the volume on ‘The 
Cambridge Press, 1638-1692,’ in these words: ‘“‘ Dedicated to 
Wilberforce Eames Bibliographer and Librarian in grateful 
recognition of numerous bibliographical courtesies and kind- 
nesses.” ‘The Spanish Southwest 1542-1794 An Annotated 
Bibliography By Henry R. Wagner. Berkeley, California. 
1924’ appeared as this essay was at the printer’s. Its dedica- 
tion reads: “To Wilberforce Eames, the dean of American 
Bibliographers, this work is respectfully dedicated as a mark 
of respect and a token of affectionate regard.” Perhaps hun- 
dreds of authors or editors have paid Mr. Eames tribute or 
acknowledged his aid in their printed publications. 

No narrative concerning Mr. Eames would be complete 
without some idea of the variety and extent of his private 
library. We have seen how his interests in books were de- 
veloped, and what kind of sacrifices he made to possess himself 
of the books he coveted. In the formation of his library he 
often subjected it to the weeding-out process. He was par- 
ticular as to the editions and the condition of his books. He 
often replaced poor copies by better exemplars, and spent 
many hours in cleaning his books, leaf by leaf, especially books 
that were discolored by London smoke. Naturally, he sold off, 
or gave away, books from his library as the rejected items ac- 
cumulated. In the year 1904 his library numbered about 
twenty thousand volumes. No other private library in the 
United States was then so fine and replete in the variety of 
subjects he possessed. In this period his health was not very 
good. He had suffered much from insomnia and had under- 
gone, though with little trouble, an operation for appendicitis. 


20 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


The hospital incarceration he considered then the longest va- 
cation period he had ever had. During the two weeks of his 
convalescence in the hospital he must have dispatched a ton of 
books and periodicals! that had lain in the Lenox Library, 
awaiting the time to be taken to his Brooklyn home, to be 
looked over, for Mr. Eames does not merely collect books — 
he knows their insides. Only a few days after Mr. Eames re- 
turned to the Lenox Library Building, the late Thomas Alli- 
bone Janvier, the American litterateur, entered the Library 
and asked the writer if Mr. Eames was present. Then followed 
this colloquy: “He is back again since a few days.” “Has he 
been on a vacation?” “No, he has had an operation for appen- 
dicitis.”” “How does he feel now?” “He is doing very nicely 
and has a good appetite.” “Well,” said Janvier, “I am very 
sorry to learn that he has lost his Appendix but most happy to 
know that he still retains his Title and Table of Contents.” 
Mr. Eames realized that he would have to alter his method 
of living. His sedentary life had taken toll. Some weeks spent 
under the tutelage of Muldoon at his Westchester resort taught 
Mr. Eames the value of exercise and recreation. For some 
years he has taken exercise in long early morning walks, and 
otherwise has changed his habits. Now he enjoys the best of 
health. After about six hours of sound slumber he rises be- — 
tween five and six in the morning, and is not fatigued at night- 
fall. Among the changes he deemed advisable was the reduc- 
tion of his library. Five parts were sold by The Anderson 
Auction Company, New York City, between May, 1905, and 
April, 1907, and these sales required ten days. The Americana 
sold in May, 1905, consisted of 1,287 numbers; Part II, sold in 
March, 1906, had 2,607 numbers on the history, literature, 
etc., of Great Britain and Ireland; Part III, sold in November, 


1. The tonnage may be an error, attributable to the writer, whose remembrance 
of hand conveyance from the Lenox Library to the Brooklyn hospital, attended with 
muscular rebellion, may be pardonable. 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 21 


1906, embraced 3,735 numbers on the history, literature, 
languages and races of Europe; Part IV, sold in December, 
1906, contained 1,372 numbers, namely, the book-arts and the 
general library, including bibliography, printing, the early 
presses, paper-making, bookbinding, etc.; and Part V, sold in 
April, 1907, with 1,413 numbers, consisted of the history, litera- 
ture, language, etc., of Western, Central, and Northern Asia, 
and Egypt. These sales did not embrace his large collections 
on China, Japan, Korea, India, and Farther India, nor his inter- 
esting collection of Africana, nor his extraordinary American 
Indian books. Nearly all American Indian linguistics that were 
not in the New York Public Library he gave to that institu- 
tion. Among these were items of great rarity and market 
value. Many of his books of Indian captivities, histories, etc., 
were transferred to the New York Public Library, always at 
actual cost, and here again were many items that had risen 
greatly in value since Mr. Eames had bought them. Between 
January, 1910, and September, 1916, these transfers from his 
American Indian collection by gift or at cost-price sale, num- 
bered 3940 volumes. There were also, on seven days between 
April, 1910, and April, 1913, sales from the remainder of his 
American Indian collection. These sales were conducted by 
The Anderson Auction Company, and there were 2,500 lots 
sold. Yet this did not exhaust his American Indian collection. 
The final disposition of the rest of this class has just been made, 
in 1924, and the books, etc., filled about ten packing cases. Mr. 
Eames also gave to the New York Public Library over three 
hundred volumes of African linguistics in 1909, out of about one 
thousand volumes he possessed relating to one hundred and 
fifty languages and dialects of Africa; the rest were sold en bloc 
to the Library of Congress. His general African library, apart 
from linguistics, was sold in part to the New York Public 
Library, and the remainder was dispersed in a miscellaneous 
sale at auction. The Japanese collection, 330 lots, was sold to 


2 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


the Case Memorial Library, Hartford, Connecticut, in 1909. 
And to that Library he sold, in the same year, his general 
Chinese collection, including Korea, consisting of 1,153 lots. 
The remaining half of his Chinese collection, consisting mostly 
of the Chinese classics, original texts, and commentaries there- 
upon, largely exemplars from the library of the noted Professor 
James Legge, he sold to the New York Public Library. His 
very rich collection on India and Farther India embraced 2,112 
lots, and was sold to the Newberry Library in 1907. 

Mr. Eames retained many bibliographical “tools” and has 
added to this class. In the latter part of 1916 he began the for- 
mation of a collection of American Imprints in the region of 
the United States. On this he now concentrated his attention 
with avidity, and at the end of the year 1923 it embraced 
12,468 pieces, mostly pamphlets. These he studied with re- 
spect to the origins of the printing press in all parts of the 
Nation. This collection he has recently sold privately. 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 23 


WorkKS AND CONTRIBUTIONS 


In 1882 Mr. Eames edited a comparative edition of the 
authorized and revised versions of the New Testament. From 
1885 to 1892, he edited six volumes (vols. 15-20) of Joseph 
Sabin’s ‘Dictionary of Books relating to America,’ and some 
parts have been issued as separate monographs, which are listed 
hereafter. Mention has been made elsewhere of his contribu- 
tions to the American Indian bibliographies of the late James 
Constantine Pilling. The following list is intended as a cata- 
logue, rather than as a bibliography, of his printed monographs 
and other contributions. Studies that remain in manuscript, 
with one exception, are not included. If garnered and put 
together, they would make a considerable addition to the 
printed record, and it is to be hoped that Mr. Eames will be 
able to bring much more out into the light. 


A List of Editions of the Bay Psalm Book, or New England Version of the 
Psalms. New York: mpcccLxxxv. 8vo, pp. 14. (1) 
Twenty-five copies reprinted from Sabin, Vol. xv1. 


A List of Editions of Ptolemy’s Geography, 1475-1730. New York: 
MDCCCLXXxVI. 8vo, title and pp. 45. (2) 
Fifty copies reprinted from Sabin, Vol. xv1. 


A Bibliography of Sir Walter Raleigh. New York: mpcccixxxvi. 8vo, 
(3) 


ie 
Thirty-four copies reprinted from Sabin, Vol. xv1. 


A List of Editions of the Margarita Philosophica, 1503-1599. New York: 

MDCCCLXXXVI. 8vo, title and 8 leaves. (4) 
Eight copies prepared from proof-sheets of Sabin, Vol. xvi, with a 
separately printed title-page. Three or four copies were also reissued by 
means of photography. 


Illinois and Miami Vocabulary and Lord’s Prayer. [Contributed by Wil- 

berforce Eames from the original manuscript in the Lenox Library. Pre- 

pared for Dr. John Gilmary Shea. New York, 1891.] 8vo, pp. 9. (5) 
It appeared in the U. S. Catholic Historical Magazine, Vol. 111 (New 
York, 1890), pp. 278-286, from which about 50 copies were issued sepa- 
rately for private distribution. 


Bibliographic Notes on Eliot’s Indian Bible and his other Translations and 
Works in the Indian Language of Massachusetts.. Extract from a ‘ Bibli- 
ography of the Algonquian Languages.’ Washington: Government Print- 
ing Office, 1890. Roy. 8vo, title and pp. 58. 21 plates. (6) 


24 VICTOR HUGO PALTSITS 


Two hundred and fifty copies reprinted from Pilling’s ‘Algonquian Lan- 
guages,’ pp. 127-184, while that work, issued in 1891, was going through 
the press. 
The Letter of Columbus on the Discovery of America. A Facsimile of the 
Pictorial Edition, with a Complete Reprint of the Oldest Four Editions in 
Latin. Printed by Order of the Trustees of the Lenox Library. New York: 
MDCCCXCII. 8vo, pp. xiii, (20), 61. (7) 
Two hundred and fifty copies were printed on handmade paper in 
octavo, for the use of the trustees; and a small-paper edition was printed 
for sale. A second edition of the latter [pp. xi, (20), 13], with a new 
preface, omitting the text of the four editions in Latin, was printed in 
1893. 
Contributions to a Catalogue of The Lenox Library. No. VIII. The Ro- 
man Indexes of Prohibited and Expurgated Books. New York: Printed 
[sic] for the Trustees, MDcccxCv. (8) 
Mr. Eames prepared this manuscript, which was made in the main in 
1888 or 1889. It was intended to print it in 1895, but that purpose 
was not carried out. There are 389 editions described. The unpublished 
“copy” is in the New York Public Library. 


Early New England Catechisms. A Bibliographical Account of some 
~ Catechisms published before the year 1800, for use in New England. 
Read, in part, Before the American Antiquarian Society, at its Annual 
Meeting in Worcester, October 21, 1897. Worcester, Mass. Press of 
Charles Hamilton, 311 Main Street, 1898. 8vo, pp. III. 
Two hundred copies reprinted from the Proceedings of the American 
Antiquarian Society, New Series, Vol. xu. 


The Bay Psalm Book. Being a Facsimile Reprint of the First Edition 

Printed by Stephen Daye At Cambridge, in New England in 1640. With 

an Introduction by Wilberforce Eames. New York... 1903. 12mo, pp. 

xvii, (1), and facsimile of the original work. (10) 
The edition was 975 copies on deckle-edge laid paper and 25 copies on 
Japan paper. The introduction is on pp. v-xvil. 


Three Centuries of English Booktrade Bibliography. An Essay on the 
Beginnings of Booktrade Bibliography since the Introduction of Printing 
and in England since 1595. By A. Growoll . . . Also a List of the Cata- 
logues, &c., published for the English Booktrade from 1595-1902, by Wil- 
berforce Eames of The Lenox Library, New York. New York: Published 
for The Dibdin Club ... 1903. 8vo, pp. xv, 195, (1), one colophon leaf. 
Illustrated. (11) 
The edition was 550 copies. The list of catalogues by Mr. Eames fills 
PP: 99-173: 
List of Maps of the World in the New York Public Library, exhibited in the 
Lenox Branch on the Occasion of the Visit of Members of the Eighth In- 
ternational Geographical Congress, 13-15 September, 1904. (12) 
In Bulletin of the New York Public Library, Vol. vim, no. 9 (September, 
1904), pp. 411-422; also issued separately as a hand-list in 16mo. 


WILBERFORCE EAMES 25 


John Eliot. The Logic Primer. Reprinted from the Unique Original of 

1672. With Introduction by Wilberforce Eames. Cleveland . . . 1904. 

Square 16mo, pp. 94. One facsimile. (13) 
Edition 150 copies. The introduction is on pp. 5-13. 


The Humble Request of His Majesties Loyall Subjects. The Governour 
and the Company late gone for New England to the Rest of their Brethren 
in and of the Church of England for the obtaining of their Prayers and the 
Removall of Suspitions and Misconstructions of their Intentions. New 
Edition in Facsimile of the Rare Original of 1630 with a Bibliographical 
note by Wilberforce Eames (Librarian, Lenox Library, New York City) 
and with an Historical Introduction by John L. Ewell (Howard University, 
Washington, D.C.). Washington ... 1905. Small 4to, pp. 4, one leaf, 
§-12, two blank leaves, half title, and facsimile consisting of title and 
10 pp. (14) 
One hundred copies “printed for sale.” Mr. Eames’s “ Bibliographical 
Note”’ is on pp. [3]-4. 


A Narrative of the Captivity of Mrs. Johnson. Reprinted from the Third 

Edition, published at Windsor, Vermont, 1814, with all Corrections and 

Additions . . . Springfield, Massachusetts McmviI. 16mo, pp. xili, (1), 

194. One facsimile. (15) 
Edition “limited to 350 numbered copies, of which the first 50 copies 
(Nos 1 to $0) are on Van Gelder handmade paper, and the remaining 
300 copies (Nos. 51 to 350) are on Alexandria all-rag paper.” Mr. 
Eames contributed the bibliography of editions of this captivity, de- 
scribing the editions of Walpole, N. H., 1796; of Windsor, Vt., 1807 and 
1814; of New York, 1841; of Concord, 1822 and 1831; of Boston, 1870, 
etc., on pp. Vil-vill. 


The Redeemed Captive Returning to Zion or the Captivity and Deliver- 

ance of Rev. John Williams of Deerfield. Reprinted from the Sixth Edi- 

tion... Springfield, Massachusetts McmvilI. 16mo, pp. xxiv, 212. One 

facsimile. (16) 
Edition “ 526 copies on Mittineague paper, 26 of which are Large Paper 
copies.” Mr. Eames contributed the bibliography of editions of this 
captivity for 1707-1899, on pp. [xili]-xxiv. 


John Eliot and the Indians, 1652-1657. Being Letters Addressed to Rev. 
Jonathan Hanmer of Barnstaple, England. Reproduced from the Original 
Manuscripts in the possession of Theodore N. Vail. Edited by Wilberforce 
Eames. New York: mcmxv. 4to, 31 folios and 22 illustrations. (17) 


Description of a Wood Engraving illustrating the South American Indians 
(1505). By Wilberforce Eames. New York, 1920. Oblong folio, title, 
facsimile, text pp. (4) in double columns. (18) 
This edition was printed by The New York Public Library for official 
use for the Spencer Collection, and five additional copies were also 
struck off and were bound in cloth. These and a set of the printing-office 


26 WILBERFORCE EAMES 


proofs are all that exist in this form. However, it was reprinted with the 
facsimile of the woodcut in the Bulletin of the Library for Septem- 
ber, 1922, and was reissued separately in October in an edition of 300 
copies. 


History of the Press in Western New-York. From the Beginning to the 

Middle of the Nineteenth Century. By Frederick Follett. With a Preface 

By Wilberforce Eames. With Facsimile... New York, 1920. 8vo, pp. 

xv, (1), 65,(1), imprint leaf, verso blank. (19) 
Heartman’s Historical Series Number 34, the edition consisting of “91 
Copies Printed on Handmade Paper. Also Eleven Japan Paper Copies.” 
The preface of Mr. Eames covers pp. v-vil. 


AIDS TO THE IDENTIFICATION OF 
AMERICAN IMPRINTS 


By ALICE HOLLISTER LERCH 
Of the New York Public Library 


FEW years ago a visiting bibliographer was heard to an- 

nounce conclusively that Americana collecting ceased; 
for want of material, about 1878. Regardless of argument or 
evidence, this statement serves to illustrate the difference in 
point of view between the two main classes of Americana — 
namely, the European accounts of discovery and settlement, 
and the issues of the press in the New World. 

In the United States as in no older country the history of 
printing is a chronicle of the Nation and its people, starting 
with their prophetic “Oath of a Freeman’ and continuing with 
their controversies concerning their God and their King, their 
rights and their taxes. America, to Americans, extends beyond 
the narrow colonial sea coast, beyond the early forest clearings 
of the thirteen original states; and as settlements pushed west- 
ward the printing-press followed the axe and the covered 
wagon, and new records appeared and as quickly vanished 
through the exigencies of pioneer life. The emigrant’s guide 
kindled the camp-fire once the end of the journey was in sight; 
as always, newspapers had short lives, and as new laws replaced 
the first, copies of the old were deemed worthless. So ade- 
quately has the first group, as a whole, been bibliographically 
described that a new item is immediately recognized as such 
and noted as “not in” Harrisse, Sabin, Church, or John Carter 
Brown. But in spite of changes in the market of this class of 
early Americana, in spite of the fact that its season is said to 
have closed in 1878, it is by no means a bibliographically dead 
or finished subject. Variant issues and different editions come 


28 ALICE HOLLISTER LERCH 


to us for identification and comparison, and undated editions 
and those without place of publication or name of printer are 
yet with us. 

The need and importance of a complete history of American 
printing is keenly felt by the bibliographer, but for those whose 
interests have never led this way we quote the master-printer 
of Worcester,! who wrote: “[It] is more interesting to us than 
any other nation. Weare able to convey to posterity a correct 
account of the manner in which we have grown up to be an in- 
dependent people, and can delineate the progress of the useful 
and polite arts among us, with a degree of certainty which can- 
not be attained by the natives of the Old World, in respect to 
themselves.” 

Perhaps if Sabin’s ‘Dictionary’ had not grounded on the 
shoals of Smith, following the collapse of Americana collecting, 
even the bibliography of Americana would have been consid- 
ered, by some, a finished subject. But when Thevet’s “Les 
Singvlaritez de La France Antarctiqve,’ Anvers, 1558, in 
original vellum binding bearing the crescents of Diane de 
Poitiers, could no longer be found in Nassau Street, nor its 
description compressed to a four-line entry in a sales catalogue; 
when the great collections and museums were irrevocably ac- 
quiring the rarities, and small collectors were lamenting their 
lost opportunities, there began a persistent search for unknown 
as well as for additional copies of known works which not only 
resulted in the formation of several notable collections and the 
discovery of heretofore unlisted, and listed but lost, Americana, 
but also led to the knowledge of additional editions and variant 
issues. Existing collections received closer scrutiny and com- 
parison, and the second group, the local Americana, long over- 
shadowed by its brilliant predecessor, began to receive atten- 
tion from both collectors and bibliographers. Usually the 


1. Isaiah Thomas, The History of Printing in America. Worcester, 1810. 
Vol. 1, p. 10. 


IDENTIFICATION OF IMPRINTS 29 


character of the beginning of the earliest of these collections 
dominated their continuance — and resulted in the highly 
specialized collections now available for investigation along 
definite lines of study. 

The first attempt at a history of printing had been made, a 
few general bibliographies and lists had been issued, and Sabin 
had begun “A painfull work... I’ll assure you, and more than 
difficult, wherein what toyle hath been taken, as no man think- 
eth so no man believeth, but he hath made the triall,” 2 when, 
in 1872, Henry Stevens of Vermont wrote that “Bibliography 
is fast becoming an exact science, and not a whit too soon. It 
is high time to separate it from mere catalogue making. It is 
becoming a necessity to both the scholar and the collector.” 

He explains that “Photo-Bibliography, or a new application 
of Photography to Bibliography . . . is not intended to super- 
sede, but rather to supplement, improve, systematize, and ele- 
vate the present method of cataloguing our libraries and 
museums, public and private.’’* He tells of his proposed use 
of photograms, reduced photographs on catalogue cards, and 
even proposes the plan for a central bureau for files of nega- 
tives. He pleads for “tidy, exact, compact, and comprehen- 
sive” descriptions. We wish his plea might be broadcast to 
the amateur bibliographer with an additional word for accu- 
rate collations. The ingenuity of the Stevens idea savors of its 
Yankee origin, but expense and difficulty in the production of 
numbers of photographs made its use prohibitive at that time. 
_ It was almost fifty years later, when invention had produced 
a cheap and rapid process of reproduction, that there appeared 
in ‘The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America’ * a 

2. Anthony 4 Wood, Preface to the History of Oxford. Cf. Sabin, A Dictionary 
of Books Relating to America, from its Discovery to the Present Time. New York, 
1868-1892. Vol. 1, title-page. 

3. Henry Stevens of Vermont, Photobibliography. A Word on Catalogues and 


How to Make Them (in his Bibliotheca Geographica and Historica. London, 
1872, pt. I, pp. g-I0). 4. Vol. xv, pt. 1, 1921. 


30 ALICE HOLLISTER LERCH 


series of articles on the use of photostat reproductions, includ- 
ing our present application of the Henry Stevens idea of using 
photographs as bibliographical tools. These papers, however, 
did not cover the use of the photostat in connection with the 
study or identification of American imprints as developed by 
Mr. Wilberforce Eames of the New York Public Library. 
Mr. Eames there told only of his interest in the use of the 
photostat as a means of distributing copies of unique or rare 
works, and of pioneer work, at his own expense, with the 
camera and later with the photostat in reproducing copies of 
rarities for the Reserve Collection of that library. It never- 
theless is due to his knowledge and foresight and to the friendly 
and generous codperation of his friends and the “trade” that 
this collection has been further enriched by reproductions of 
entire works of great rarity, which he has personally examined 
and had reproduced during their brief stay in New York. 
This is the same bibliographical foresight that once led Mr. 
Eames, during his administration of the Lenox Library, to 
expend the principal instead of the income of a book fund for 
a notable collection offered for sale at prices he was confident 
would later be far beyond a public-library allowance — books 
each of which to-day would cost the entire amount expended. 
Mr. Eames has, moreover, gone further in the use of photo- 
stat reproductions, employing them as type specimens in his 
study both of fifteenth-century Americana and of the history 
of American printing, in connection with his personal imprint 
collection and the Imprint Catalogue. Photostat copies ac- 
quired because of the rarity of the original work may become 
the nucleus of a type collection formed by systematic additions 
of all early issues of a single press, or the issues of all the presses 
in a given locality. These reproductions, forming an historical 
record, serve also as practical specimens for comparative type 
study. Collection of these specimens frequently entails search 
of documents or records to prove the sometime existence of a 


IDENTIFICATION OF IMPRINTS 31 


reputed or suspected work, and frequently the printed original 
is found laid away in unidentified or unrecognized seclusion. 

An example of the use of photostat reproductions is fur- 
nished by the work of Mr. Eames in connection with his study 
of the printing of William Bradford, first printer of New York. 
Beginning with Bradford’s Philadelphia printing, titles includ- 
ing the Keith and other Quaker pamphlets, the debatable 
Fletcher proclamation of “the 29th day of April, 1693,” official 
proclamations, decrees, laws, and miscellaneous books printed 
at New York have been assembled. The originals, located in 
the Public Record Office, the British Museum, and in libraries 
and private collections of this country, have been copied and 
identified, and usually the place, printer, and date supplied. 
_ Other works, previously assigned to Bradford, have been iden- 
tified as the printing of Reynier Jansen of Philadelphia. With 
a representative collection sufficiently large for purposes of 
comparison, a book may be traced to source in spite of there 
being no title-page or more obvious clue to a printer than a 
noticeably individual upper-case letter. 

With a famous Printer to the King, — staid, respected, even 
honored, — some results at least would be ultimately certain. 
But the identification of an anonymous work, “Printed for the 
Author in 1789,” must be reserved as a bibliographer’s play- 
thing, and for vacations, for, with only a date for a scent across 
the fields of printing in thirteen states, the chase is apt to be 
prolonged by many obstacles. Here, it is only when theories 
begin to develop into certainties that the photostat again be- 
comes almost indispensable in accumulating evidence to 
present the case. Reproductions of newspapers make typo- 
graphical identification possible, and copies of records and 
manuscripts help complete the story of a soldier of fortune 
turned printer. 

Granted that these are unusual cases, there yet remains to 
be considered the large number of ordinary seventeenth- and 


32 ALICE HOLLISTER LERCH 


eighteenth-century works not yet fully identified in the general 
or special bibliographies — those with one or two of the three 
necessary imprint factors wanting, usually printer's name or 
date. For such, English printing has its official Stationers’ Reg- 
isters, dictionaries of booksellers and printers, and works on the 
printing and book trade. But in this country there is no offi- 
cial record of printing until the enactment of the first Federal 
copyright law, 31 May, 1790.5 “This law required the regis- 
tration of the titles of copyright productions in the office of 
the clerk of the district court of the state in which the author 
lived, which provision as to the recording of the title remained 
unchanged until the enactment of the statute approved July 8, 
TOyOrE, 

At best, these first copyright records furnish only the name 
of the author and his residence when entering the copyright. 
Hence our need for records for ready reference to printers, the 
period covered by their work and the output of their presses. 
This need has been partially met by the Imprint Catalogues of 
the Library of Congress, as planned by Mr. Charles Martel, 
and by that of the Reserve Room of the New York Public 
Library, begun under the direction of Mr. Eames at the Lenox 
Library before 1896. These catalogues entail a minimum of 
expense and work quite out of proportion to their service to 
both staff and readers. They may be limited to cover only the 
American interest, or indefinitely expanded to a complete 
printing record of a collection — depending upon the char- 
acter and extent of a collection or the needs of a library. 

Three main groups, place, printer, and date, are advisable, 
and may be formed by using extra copies of catalogue cards, 
where cards are printed by a library, or by copies of existing 
cards. To these may be added titles from other libraries, espe- 
cially those printing their own cards, cuttings from sales cata- 


5. Under Article I, Section 8, of the Constitution. 
6. Report of the Librarian of Congress . . . 1901, pp. 278-279. 


IDENTIFICATION OF IMPRINTS 33 


logues, and miscellaneous references. The very practical uses 
these files serve are: (1) titles of examples of printers’ work, 
(2) dates of the establishment of local presses, (3) output of 
local presses, (4) lists of printers, and (5) location of copies. 
~ Reluctant to lose sight of two small volumes with unusual 
imprints, Mr. Eames purchased them and thus, in 1916, began 
the formation of his personal collection of American Imprints. 
In seven years it was discontinued, not for lack of interest, nor 
for lack of material, for “it could have gone on forever,” he 
says, but “‘after all the wall space was covered, and all the floor 
space was covered, there was no place to put more books.” In 
seven years it numbered 13,000 volumes. With his character- 
istic generosity, Mr. Eames has always been ready to consult 
this collection for the benefit of others. This Imprint Collec- 
tion, his Printers’ List, and the Imprint Catalogue have to- 
gether been used as bibliographical tools, one supplementing 
the other, and used in connection with Sabin and Evans. 
Although the value of the general bibliographies of Ameri- 
cana is thoroughly appreciated by those who benefit by the 
labor expended upon them, the need is felt to-day for bibli- 
ographies on special subjects rather than for further attempts 
at general works. With increased facilities for creditable work 
it is hoped that even the standard of Harrisse? may be more 
nearly approached. The standard: “Whether we consider Bib- 
liography as an indispensable means to explore the sources of 
literature and of the historical sciences, or as the competent 
guide which leads conscientious critics to the knowledge of the 
subjects they are called upon to discuss, it is evident that its 
sphere of influence may be greatly extended. There is no reason 
why the bibliographer should limit his efforts to a faithful tran- 
scription of titles, coupled with minute collations. He may, 
without trespassing upon the province of Belles-Lettres, give 


7. Henry Harrisse, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, New York, 1866, pp. 
Vili, 1X. 


34 IDENTIFICATION OF IMPRINTS 


the history of the book, enumerate its contents, ascertain its 
precise place in the chronology of literature, state the references 
which mark its influence in the preparation of other works, 
quote the opinions expressed by competent critics, divulge its 
author or editor when published anonymously, and, if it be 
devoid of imprint, discover the date at which, and the place 
where, it was printed, and by what printer. He must, further- 
more, describe the typographical peculiarities of the book, the 
changes they inaugurate, and their bearing upon the history 
of the art of printing. Nor should he neglect to group around 
each title the data which may enable critics to correct errors 
and to elucidate every point in controversy.” 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 


By PERCIVAL MERRITT 
Of Boston, Massachusetts 


HE Royal Primer: Or, an Easy and Pleasant Guide 

to the Art of Reading,’ has suffered sufficiently through 
confusion with its better-known and more distinguished prede- 
cessor and probable prototype, the New England Primer, so as 
almost to lose its own identity and individuality. In the exam- 
ination of catalogues and indexes it will frequently be found 
listed simply under the general heading of Primers, or even un- 
der and in conjunction with the New England Primer. It has 
without doubt a generic similarity, as one spelling-book or one 
Reader may resemble another.! Yet while but for the New 
England Primer the Royal Primer might never have come into 
existence, its conception, general plan, and execution give it a 
distinct personality of its own. 

It may fairly be said that it represents the more liberal Angli- 
can standpoint as contrasted with the rigid Puritanical back- 
ground of the New England Primer. In due course of time it 
reacted on the latter and to some extent humanized it, but 
apparently the New England Primer had no reaction whatso- 
ever on the Royal Primer. The late Paul Leicester Ford, in 
his bibliography of the New England Primer wrote: “About 
1790 a very marked change was made by printers taking some 
mundane rhymes from an English publication entitled the 
“Royal Primer’ describing various animals, with pictures of 
them. From this source were also taken a “Description of a 
Good Boy,’ a ‘Description of a Bad Boy,’ and poems on “The 
Good Girl’ and ‘The Naughty Girl.’ Their insertion marked 

1. No attempt will be made to trace the origin of the eighteenth-century primer 


back to the English primer of the time of Henry VIII or to the early English school- 
books, since it is beyond the scope of this sketch. 


36 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


the beginning of the end, for no longer salvation was promised 
to the good, and unending fire to the bad, but ‘pert Miss Prat- 
a-pace’ was to have none of the ‘Oranges, Apples, Cakes, or 
Nuts’ promised to ‘pretty Miss Prudence,’ and the naughty 
urchin was only threatened with beggary, while the good boy 
was promised ‘credit and reputation.’”’ * | 

It can be shown, I believe, that this change came about ear- 
lier than stated by Mr. Ford. For instance, the Bostonian So- 
ciety possesses a copy of: ‘The New England Primer enlarged: 
Or, an easy and pleasant Guide to the Art of Reading. Adorn’d 
with Cuts. To which are added, The Assembly of Divines and 
Mr. Cotton’s Catechism. Boston: Printed by T. and J. Fleet, 
at the Bible and Heart in Cornhill.’ It is undated, but on the 
first page is written: “Ambrose Dunton His Book 1781.” This 
copy contains verses, cuts, pictures of animals, a secular alpha- 
bet, etc., taken directly from the Royal Primer and added to 
the regular features of the New England Primer, such as the 
Adam’s Fall Alphabet, the John Rogers cut and verses, the 
Shorter Catechism, and Cotton’s Spiritual Milk for American 
Babes. Mr. Ford also stated that “The change, nevertheless, 
proved popular, alas, and quite a number of editions between 
1790 and 1800 contain more or less of these worldly additions.””® 

Mr. Charles F. Heartman apparently considered the Royal 
Primer simply as the New England Primer under another 
name when he wrote: “From Portsmouth to Philadelphia 
there was probably not one printer that did not issue a number 


2. Ford. The New England Primer, New York, 1897, p. 47- The statement of 
Mr. Ford, so far as it relates to the Description of a Good Boy and a Bad Boy, and 
the poems on the Good Girl and Naughty Girl, is questioned with some hesitation, 
since it is not possible to know what his authorities may have been. It must be said, 
however, that in none of the English and American Royal Primers of the eighteenth 
century which have been examined are any such verses to be found. But they do 
appear in The New England Primer Improved, printed by Thomas Kirk, Brooklyn, 
1811. The descriptive lines ‘To a Good Girl,’ and “To a Naughty Girl’ had ap- 
peared at least as.early as 1784 in a Carnan publication, “The Fairing; or, a Golden 
Toy for Children.’ This little book was reprinted by Isaiah Thomas in 1788. — 

3. Idem, p. 48. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 37 


of Primers during the eighteenth century. Some occasionally 
changed the title to “Royal Primer,’ ‘Franklin Primer,’ ‘Fam- 
ily Primer,’ ‘Boston Primer,’ “New York Primer,’ ‘American 
Primer,’ ‘Columbian Primer,’ ‘New Primer,’ or some such 
title, none of which achieved any popularity.” 4 

Now as a matter of fact the Royal Primer made its first ap- 
pearance among the earlier publications of that indefatigable 
purveyor of books for children, John Newbery of London. The 
year of its publication cannot be exactly determined at the 
present time, but it was not earlier than 1744, after he had re- 
moved from Reading to London and opened a warehouse at 
the Bible and Crown near Devereux Court, without Temple 
Bar, with a branch at the Royal Exchange, nor later than 
1750, when the first advertisement of the Royal Primer is 
found in the public press in this country. In 1745 Newbery 
combined both branches and removed to the Bible and Sun in 
St. Paul’s Churchyard where most of his famous publications 
were issued, and where he remained until his death in 1767.5 
Newbery’s biographer, Charles Welsh, implies, although his 
statement is not very clear, that: “The Royal Battledore; or 
First Book for Children’ was publicly advertised in 1745.5 
The Royal Primer evidently followed the Royal Battledore in 
due course of time. An advertisement of the Battledore in 
1750 is accompanied by the statement: “[After which the 
next proper Book for Children is] The Royal Primer,” which 
seems to establish the publication period of the Primer as be- 
tween 1745 and 1750.° 


4. Heartman, The New England Primer Issued Prior to 1830, p. xvii. 

5. Welsh. A Bookseller of the Last Century, Being some Account of the Life of 
John Newbery, and of the Books he published, with a Notice of the later Newberys. 
Printed for Griffith, Farrar, Okeden & Welsh, successors to Newbery & Harris, at 
the sign of the Bible and Sun, West Corner of St. Paul’s Churchyard, London, and 
E. P. Dutton & Co., New York, mpcccLxxxv, pp.19,20. 5%. Idem, pp. 186, 187. 

6. A careful search has been made at the British Museum through files of the 
London Evening Post and the General Advertiser from January to November, 1750, 
and of the London Evening Post-for the years 1744 to 1749 inclusive, without locating 
any advertisement of the publication of the Royal Primer. 


38 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


What was Newbery’s intent and desire in his long series of 

children’s books can best be shown by quoting what are prob- 
ably his own words in the preface to the long list of “Books 
published for the Instruction and Amusement of Children,” 
annexed to one of his little books: ‘The Newtonian System of 
Philosophy Adapted to the Capacities of Young Gentlemen 
and Ladies, and familiarized and made entertaining by Objects 
with which they are intimately acquainted: Being The Sub- 
stance of Six Lectures read to the Lilliputian Society. By Tom 
Telescope, A.M. And collected and methodized for the Benefit 
of the Youth of these Kingdoms, By their old Friend Mr. New- 
bery, in St. Paul’s Church Yard. London, Printed for J. New- 
bery, at the Bible and Sun, in St. Paul’s Church Yard. 1761.” 

This list comprised twenty titles of “Books published for the 
Instruction and Amusement of Children,” in which the Royal 
Battledore and Royal Primer are numbers three and four, and 
seventeen titles of books ‘“‘For the Instruction and Amusement 
of Young Gentlemen and Ladies.” 

The preface reads: “To the Parents, Guardians, and Gov- 
ernesses of Great Britain and Ireland. At a time when all com- 
plain of the Depravity of Human Nature, and the corrupt 
Principles of Mankind, any Design that is calculated to remove 
the Evils, and inforce a contrary Conduct, will undoubtedly 
deserve the Attention and Encouragement of the Publick. It 
has been said, and said wisely, that the only way to remedy 
these Evils, is to begin with the rising Generation, and to take 
the Mind in its infant State, when it is uncorrupted and sus- 
ceptible of any Impression; To represent their duties and future 
Interest in a Manner that shall seem rather intended to amuse 
than instruct, to excite their Attention with Images and Pic- 
tures that are familiar and pleasing; To warm their Affections 
with such little Histories as are capable of giving them Delight, 
and of impressing on their tender Minds proper Sentiments of 
Religion, Justice, Honour, and Virtue. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 39 


“When infant Reason grows apace, it calls 
‘For the kind Hand of an assiduous Care: 
“Delightful Task! To rear the tender Thought, 
‘To teach the young Idea how to shoot, 
“To pour the fresh Instruction o’er the Mind, 
“To breathe th’inspiring Spirit, to implant, 
‘The generous Purpose in the glowing Breast.’ 
Thompson. 


“How far Mr. Newbery’s little Books may tend to forward 
this good Work, may be, in some measure, seen by what are 
already published, and, it is presumed, will more evidently ap- 
pear by others which are now in the Press.” ? 

Now his intent, as indicated in this preface, is well manifested 
in the execution of the Royal Primer, which shows all the New- 
bery characteristics. It is true that Charles Welsh notes a 
reference to the Primer from the account book of Benjamin 
Collins of Salisbury, the associate of Newbery in the publica- 
tion of this and many other books, in which he spoke of it as 
““My own scheme.” § Whether this was so or not cannot be 
determined. Collins might have suggested the general idea, but 
the style and execution are so thoroughly characteristic of John 
Newbery that the statement need not be regarded as with- 
drawing the credit from him. 

It has been said above that the Royal Primer reflects the 
Anglican background as contrasted with the Puritan. The 
Ten Commandments and the Lord’s Prayer are taken from the 
Book of Common Prayer and not from the King James Bible. 
The scripture lessons are drawn from the Psalms and Proverbs. 
The “Second Lesson of Words of one Syllable” is composed of 
parts of the Venite and other psalms adapted to the limitations 
of a single syllable. The fudi/ate and third collect of Morning 
Prayer are taken almost verbatim from the Prayer Book. In 


7. Newtonian System of Philosophy, London, 1761, pp. 126, 127. 
8. Bookseller of the Last Century, p. 302. Collins also referred to the Royal 
Battledore as “ My own invention.” (Id. p. 172). 


40 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


only one instance is the version of the King James Bible em- 
ployed — in a shortened form of the Fifty-first Psalm. But the 
most marked difference between the two primers from a the- 
ological standpoint is the fact that the youthful readers of the 
Royal Primer are promised, as the result of the practice of vir- 
tue, a mundane and not a celestial reward. | 

And this is quite characteristic of the Newbery juvenile 
books in general. Readers of the famous Newbery nursery 
classic, the ‘History of Little Goody Twoshoes,’ will remem- 
ber that Mistress Margery, after her various tribulations and 
trials, entered into a comfortable earthly mansion instead of a 
heavenly one. While at the very moment of her marriage to 
Sir Charles, her brother Tom, who had gone to sea as a boy and 
had now returned with a large fortune, dashed up to the church 
in a post-chaise, halting the wedding ceremony until he assured 
himself that a proper settlement had been made on his sister. 

So in the Royal Primer under the heading of “The Rewards 
of Virtue,” we find this little history: “Miss Goodchild had the 
Advantage of such Instructions in her Youth, that she could 
reason justly on the Obligations of Virtue, and on the Being, 
Providence and Perfections of God; whom she admir’d, lov’d, 
and reverenc’d, from a Conviction of his infinite Excellencies; 
and to whom, every Morning and Night, she offer’d up her 
Prayers for Protection, and for advancement in useful Knowl- 
edge, and good Dispositions, the chief Object of her Pursuit! 
Her Pappa and Mamma soon died; and she had no other Por- 
tion left but her undissembled Piety, a decent Modesty, which 
shewed itself in her Actions, an innocent Simplicity, and a 
Heart full of Goodness. These raised her Friends; they ad- 
mired her, they loved her, they strove to make her happy. A 
Gentleman of Understanding and Virtue became sensible of 
her Merit, and marry’d her. "I was the Business of their Lives 
to make each other happy; and as their Fortune was large, she 
was enabled to gratify the generous Dispositions of her Heart, 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 4l 


in relieving the distrest honest Man; and using the Power her 
Riches gave her, in promoting the substantial Benefit of all 
about her.” ® 

Newbery’s system of philosophy with regard to the reasons 
and rewards for youthful study is set forth in two verses which 
appear on the frontispiece to the Royal Primer. The page is 
headed “A good Boy and Girl at their Books,” and above and 
below a cut intended to represent a boy and girl at study in a 
library, are the following lines: 


He who ne’er learns his A, B, C, 

Forever will a Blockhead be. 

But he who to his Books inclin’d, 
Will soon a golden Treasure find. 





Children like tender Oziers take the Bow 
And as they first are fashion’d always grow 
For what we learn in Youth, to that alone, 
In age we are by second Nature prone. 
The first set of these verses had already been used in 1745 in 
the Royal Battledore, in a slightly different form but with an 
equally material reward as the prize for youthful studies: 


He that ne’er learns his A B C 
Forever will a Blockhead be. 
But he that learns these Letters fair, 
Shall have a Coach to take the Air." 
Referring to these verses Mr. Ford wrote: “Worst of all was 
the insertion of a short poem which should have made the true 


g. Royal Primer, pp. 67, 68. 
10. Reproduced in A. W. Tuer’s History of the Horn Book, ii, 234. 


42 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


Puritan turn in his grave, for instead of teaching that letters 
were to be learned, that the Bible might be read, and that the 
figures were to be acquired for the purpose of finding chapter 
and verse in that work, it said ‘He who ne’er learns his A.B.C. 
etc.’ 1 The first couplet of the second set of verses, “ Chil- 
dren, like tender Oziers, take the bow,” had also been employed 
as early as 1744, when it appeared in an advertisement of the 
Little Pretty Pocket Book in the Penny Morning Post of June 
18, 1744.2 Thus it will be seen that, at the very beginning of 
his career as a publisher of juvenile books, Newbery had pro- 
claimed the standards which he consistently maintained there- 
after. } | 

The Royal Primer begins with the customary alphabet in 
Roman and Italic letters, and the syllabaries, but the vocabu- 
lary is made up of words of a varying number of letters instead 
of syllables. Here the closest similarity to the New England 
Primer ceases. Two complete alphabets are given, one in verse 
beginning “A Stands for Apple and Awl,” the other a pictorial 
one, “a Apple, b Ball,” etc., with rather crude cuts intended to 
represent the objects employed. The Scripture Catechism is a 
brief one, simply intended to explain to the children many of 
the “principal Persons contained in the Scriptures.” The Old 
Testament portion contains a characteristic Newbery touch in 
his method of combining instruction and advertisement of his 
own wares. Thus: “Q. Who was David? A. The man after 
God’s own Heart, who was raised from a Shepherd to a King.*” 
The purpose of the asterisk is shown in a foot note at the bot- 
tom of the page: “*See his life in the Royal Psalter.” Follow- 
ing a hymn by Dr. Watts, “My God who mak’st the Sun to 
know His proper Hour to rise,” etc., in about the middle of the 
book comes its most essential characteristic— a series of cuts 
of some twelve animals, birds, and insects, each followed by a 


11. Ford. The New England Primer, 1897, p- 47- 
12. Bookseller of the Last Century, p. 107. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 43 


couplet, or couplets of verse, with a moral lesson in prose at- 
tached. The description of the parrot is brief and sufficiently 
indicative of the whole series: 


The Parrot prates he knows not what 
For all he says is got by rote. 


The Par-rot is a chat-ter-ing Bird; he talks a great deal, yet knows not 
what he says, and is there-fore not un-like some sil-ly Boys who prate 
with-out think-ing and learn their Les-son with-out look-ing at their Book. 

Then follow cuts and descriptions of the Creation, Adam 
and Eve, Noah’s Ark, the Tower of Babel, Solomon’s Temple, 
the Nativity and Passion, and the Death and Ascension of 
Christ. Next come cuts of St. Paul’s Cathedral, the Rewards 
of Virtue, a little Boy and Girl at Prayers, a little Boy and 
Girl asking a Blessing of their Parents, and a little Boy and 
Girl bestowing Charity. The Primer ends with the Lord’s 
Prayer, prayers for Morning and Evening, and Grace before 
and after Meat. 

Small wonder that, when the opportunity came to the Ameri- 
can child, as it did in 1750, the humanity, interest, and divers- 
ity of the Royal Primer, as contrasted with the austerities of 
the New England Primer, must have made a strong appeal 
to normal and healthy-minded children, embryonic Cotton 
Mathers excepted. A rapturous change from John Rogers and 
his poetical advice to his children, the Westminster Catechism 
infelicitously described as “Shorter,” the Spiritual Milk for 
American Babes, which at times must have turned sour in 
many little stomachs, and the Dialogue between Christ, Youth 
and the Devil with its gruesome “Conclusion”: 

Thus end the days of woful youth, 
Who won’t obey nor mind the truth; 
Nor hearken to what preachers say, 
But do their parents disobey. 

They in their Youth go down to hell, 
Under eternal wrath to dwell. 


Many don’t live out half their days, 
For cleaving unto sinful ways. 


44 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


It is not surprising that, when the Royal Primer was trans- 
planted to this country, it first took root in the more genial soil, 
from a theological standpoint, of Philadelphia. Miss Rosalie 
V. Halsey made the discovery that a long list of Newbery pub- 
lications was advertised in the Pennsylvania Gazette of Novem- 
ber 15, 1750." and reproduced the advertisement in her de- 
lightful book, ‘Forgotten Books of the American Nursery,’ 
Boston, 1911.4 Miss Halsey drew the deduction from the ad- 
vertisement that “the omission of the customary announce- 
ment of special books as ‘to be had of the Printer hereof,’ 
points to Newbery’s enterprise in seeking a wider market for 
his wares, and Franklin’s business ability in securing the ad- 
vertisement, as it is not repeated in the ‘Journal.’” ® The list 
comprises five titles, including the Royal Battledore and the 
Royal Primer. The first book on the list is: ‘A Museum for 
young Gentlemen and Ladies: Or, A private Tutor for little 
Masters and Misses,’ which had recently been advertised for 
sale in London in the General Evening Post, July 26, 1750.'® 
Each of the first two titles is followed by an imprint giving the 
names of the several publishers. The last three titles are fol- 
lowed at the end of the advertisement by the general imprint: 
“London: Printed and Sold by J. Newberry, in St. Paul’s 
Church-Yard; J. Hodges on the Bridge; and B. Collins, Book- 
seller, on the New Canal in Salisbury. By whom good Allow- 
ance is made to all Shopkeepers, School-Masters, &c. who buy 
Quantities to sell again.” It was doubtless due to this fact 
that Miss Halsey concluded that the advertisement was merely 
“an announcement that John Newbery had for ‘Sale to 
Schoolmasters, Shopkeepers, &c, who buy in quantities to sell 
again,’”’ the various books advertised.’7 But an examination 
of the Pennsylvania Gazette itself reveals in an interesting way 
the fallibility even of photographic reproductions, for it there 


13. Page 2/2. 14. Page 60. 15. Page 61. 
16. Bookseller of the Last Century, p. 274. 
17. Forgotten Books of the American Nursery, p. 60. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 46 


appears that the advertisement is actually headed: “Lately 
Published in London, (Price One Shilling neatly bound,)” which 
heading does not appear in the reproduction. 

The conclusion then would seem rather to be that Franklin 
and Hall, (or more probably David Hall himself, since Frank- 
lin by this time had given up bookselling),!* had imported the 
books on their own account, or had accepted them on consign- 
ment, and placed them on sale in Philadelphia. Franklin’s 
custom appears to have been to have his orders for books in 
London filled through his friend and correspondent, William 
Strahan, and there is no indication in his published writings or 
letters that he ever had any direct dealings with Newbery. He 
may have had some acquaintance with John Newbery, for ina 
letter to Strahan, under date of November 27, 1755, he wrote: 
“My respects to Mr. Newbery, of whom you give so amiable a 
character.” 

This conclusion is fairly well corroborated by the fact that 
in the issue of the Pennsylvania Gazette of December 11, 1750, 
there appeared again the list of Newbery publications, as part 
of an advertisement reading: “Just published, and to be sold 
by the Printers hereof (Price 35.6d.) Anti-Paedo-Rantism De- 
fended: . . . Lately published at New-York, and to be sold at 
the Post-Office Philadelphia (Price 1s. 6d.) A New Memo- 
randum-Book: . . . Lately published at Antigua, and to be 
sold at the Post-Office, Philadelphia (Price 25.)Medulla Medi- 
cinae Universae: . . . Lately Published in London, (Price One 
Shilling, neatly bound.) A Museum for Young Gentlemen 
and Ladies: . . .” * Then the advertisement of the Newbery 


18. Franklin had written Cadwallader Colden, under date of September 29, 
1748, of his ‘“‘having put my printing-house under the care of my partner, David 
Hall, absolutely left off bookselling, and removed to a more quiet part of the town. 
...” (The Writings of Benjamin Franklin, A. H. Smyth, editor, 1905, ii, 362). 

19. Idem, iii, 304. 

20. Page 2/2-3. This advertisement was repeated in the issues of December 25, 
1750 (p. 4/1), and January 1, 1750-51 (p. 4/3). 


46 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


publications runs on exactly as in the issue of the Gazette of 
November 15. 

Apparently the Newbery books met with favor and a ready 
sale in Philadelphia, for the Pennsylvania Gazette of June 13, 
1761, contained an advertisement headed: “ Just imported in 
the Wandsworth, Capt. Smith, and to be sold by David Hall, 
At the Post-Office, the following Books, viz....” A long list of 
books follows under the separate headings of Folios, Quartos, 
Octavos, and ‘“Twelves.” Among the list of the “Twelves” 
are found the ‘Museum for young gentlemen and ladies, pretty 
Book for Children, Royal Primmers, and Battledores. .. .’* 
The Gazette of December 10, 1761, contained a somewhat 
similar advertisement headed: “Just imported in the last two 
ships from London, and to be sold by David Hall, At the Post- 
Office.” While this advertisement did not mention Primers 
specifically, it contained a “ parcel of small histories, and useful 
and entertaining books for children. . . .* In the Gazetie of 
May 17, 1753, Hall was still advertising that he had for sale 
spelling-books and “Primmers.” * His presumable success 
with them evidently attracted the attention of other book- 
sellers, for in the Gazette of July 18, 1754, Tench Francis Jr. 
advertised as “Just imported from London,” and to be sold by 
him, a long list of books including “little children’s books, lille- 
putian magazine, doz. royal primers, doz. battledores. ...” ™ 

But to Philadelphia the credit is due, not only of first offering 
the Royal Primer for sale in this country, but also of publishing 
the first American edition of it, which was issued by the Qua- 
ker bookseller, James Chattin, with the date of 1753 on the 
title-page. Of this edition only one copy is known to exist, in 
the private collection of Dr. A. S. W. Rosenbach of Philadel- 
phia. Sabin,?> Evans,?6 and Hildeburn ™ cite a ‘Royal Primer 


21. Page 2/2-3. Repeated June 20, 1751, pp. 3/1-2. 22. Page 2/1-2. 
23. Page 3/1. 24. Page 2/3. 25. Xvill, 70. 26. ili, 7114. 
27. The issues of the Press in Pennsylvania, 1685-1784, 1, p. 281. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 47 


improved’ as ‘The Second Edition, Philadelphia: James 
Chattin, 1753, 18mo.’ No copy is located or collation given, 
and it would seem as if the entry might have been derived from 
some catalogue or advertisement, that none of the bibliogra- 
phers had had the opportunity of examining it, and that one 
had followed the other in recording it. 

The imprint of the Rosenbach copy reads: ‘[Cut of Royal 
Arms] The Royal Primer Improved: Being an easy and plea- 
sant Guide To The Art of Reading. Philadelphia: Printed and 
Sold by James Chattin, in Church-Alley. 1753.’ On the fly-leaf 
is written the name of the original owner with the date of 1754. 
Curiously enough this first American reprint of the Royal 
Primer differs more widely from the Newbery publication 
than any of the other eighteenth-century American editions 
which have been located and examined, and which in general 
follow the Newbery Primer very closely. The cut of a “Good 
Boy and Girl at their Study” is accompanied by a totally dif- 
ferent set of verses, six lines in all, beginning “Attend ye 
sprightly Youth, ye Modest Fair... .” The customary “A 
Apple” alphabet in verse, and the alphabet with illustrative 
cuts are not employed. The syllabaries, words composed of 
various letters, and “Easy Lessons” are very much expanded 
and fill about fifty pages of the total text pages, 3-95. The 
Easy Lessons are composed of extracts from the Bible, and 
of didactic proverbs and platitudes. Most of the cuts repre- 
senting birds, animals, and sacred scenes are found as in the 
Newbery Primer, though evidently reéngraved in many cases. 
But pages 76-80 have a series of cuts of sailing vessels which 
have been found in no other primer, a ship, brigantine, snow, 
schooner, and sloop. Running on at the bottom of these five 
pages is a poem by Addison entitled: “An Ode to Almighty 
God, on a Deliverance at Sea.’”’ The book ends at page 95 with 
Dr. Watts’s “Divine Song of Praise to God, for a Child,” page 
96 being used to advertise another publication by Chattin. 


48 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


The Pennsylvania Gazette does not contain any advertise- 
ment of the Chattin Royal Primer in 1753, and no advertise- 
ment of it as a separate publication has been found. But the 
Gazette of February 26, 1754, has a list of “Books printed and 
sold by James Chattin, at his Printing-Office, next Door to 
Hugh Roberts’s in Church-Alley, Philadelphia, viz.; . . . The 
royal primer improv’d, neatly bound, 6d. Ditto, bound differ- 
ent, 8d.” 8 This was repeated in the issues of March 12” and 
April my 1754.0" 

In Boston the earliest known reprint of the Royal Primer is 
that of William McAlpine in 1768, a copy of which is in the 
Rosenbach collection, with the imprint: “Boston: Printed and 
sold by W. McAlpine, between the Governor’s and Dr. Gardi- 
ner’s Marlborough-Street, 1768.” Evans (IV, 10761), records 
a McAlpine edition as Boston, 1767, but no copy has been lo- 
cated. The record was apparently made from a sale catalogue, 
or similar source, and there may have been some confusion 
with the New England Primer, of which McAlpine did publish 
two editions in 1767. 

The Rosenbach McAlpine copy of 1768 is incomplete, end- 
ing with page 44. Judging from a later McAlpine edition it 
should have fifty-six pages. So far as it goes, it follows the 
Newbery Royal Primer closely, the variations in general being 
due to compressing the material into a smaller number of 
pages, and to the reéngraving of cuts. : 

The files of the Boston News-Letter contain various advertise- 
ments of primers, beginning as early as 1752, commonly re- 
ferred to as imported either from London or Scotland, but no 
definite conclusions can be drawn as to whether they were 
Royal Primers or New England Primers. In the case of the 
Scotch importations however it seems more than probable that 
they would be the latter. In the News-Letter of July 3, 1752, 

28. Page 2/3. 29. Page 4/1. 


30. Page 4/1. The Royal Primer was also advertised by Chattin in the issues of 
October 17, October 31, and December 5, 1754. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 49 


John and Thomas Leverett “opposite to the Stationer’s Arms, 
in Cornhill,” gave notice that they had just imported, and 
offered for sale, a long list of books including “Psalters, Prim- 
ers, Spelling-Books, &c....” 3! July 16, 1752, William McAl- 
pine advertised books “Lately Imported from Scotland”’ 
among which were Psalters, Psalm Books and Primers. 
Thomas Rand in Cornhill, on May 22, 1755, advertised as 
“Just imported from London ... Psalters and Primers .. .” ® 
June 10, 1756, Joshua Blanchard gave notice that he had just 
imported Primers.* Thomas Leverett, June 8, 1758, offered 
Primers which he had imported,** and January 17, 1760, and 
January 29, 1761, John Leverett had imported Primers for 
sale.*® July 1, 1762, Philip Freeman offered Primers,°’ and on 
the same day William Lang announced an offering of “ Prim- 
mers” imported from Glasgow. 

While no specific advertisement of the McAlpine 1768 edi- 
tion has been found, the Boston Gazette of November 21, 1768, 
contained a general advertisement reading: “William M’Al- 
pine Informs his Customers and others, That, being obliged to 
raise a Sum of Money in a few Months — he intends to dispose 
of his Stock under the common Wholesale Prices if applied for 
soon. Most of the Books are of his Printing & Binding, and 
will be warranted good. Among which are... New England 
Primers, Royal Primers... .” ® The Boston News-Letter of 
August 24, 1769, carried an advertisement by Zechariah 
Fowle, with whom Isaiah Thomas served his apprenticeship, 
which is of interest both on account of its offering of children’s 
books and for the opportunity which it afforded to any aspir- 
ant to the trade of printer and book-seller.” It reads: “The 


‘31. Page 2/2. 32. Page 2/2. Repeated July 23, p. 2/2. 
- 33. Page 2/2. Repeated May 29, p. 4/2, and June 5, p. 4/2. 
34. Page 2/2. 35. Page 3/1. Also November 2, 1758, p. 3/3. 


36. Pages 4/1 and 3/2. 37. Page 1/1. 38. Page 4/2. 39. Page 2/3. 
40. Page 2/3. This advertisement appeared also in the Massachusetts Gazette, 
August 31, 1769 (p. 2/1), and September 21, 1769 (p. 2/3). 


50 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


following Books to be sold By the Groce or Dozen, By Zecha- 
riah Fowle, In Back-Street near the Mill Bridge, Boston... . 
The following Books for Children. The School of Good Man- 
ners, The Royal Primer, with Cuts, History of the Holy Jesus, 
Dr. Watts’s Divine Songs. . . . 

“Said Fowle has to dispose of his Printing-Press, which is 
compleat, and his Printing-Types, consisting of a Fount of 
Double-Pica, English, and Small-Pica, with an Assortment of 
large Letters, Flowers etc., and a very great Variety of Cuts 
suitable for Ballads and such Books as are designed for the 
Amusement of Children and others: Together with all Uten- 
sils necessary for carrying on the Printing-Business. Any 
Person inclining to purchase the above, may apply to said 
Fowle.” He eventually appears to have found a purchaser in 
the person of his former apprentice, Isaiah Thomas, who be- 
came his partner in 1770. In Thomas’s History of Printing he 
wrote that: “This connection was dissolved in less than three 
months, and Thomas purchased his press and types.” # 

In 1770 there appeared another American edition of the 
Royal Primer, with the imprint: “Boston Printed for, and 
Sold by John Boyles, in Marlborough Street, 1770,” of which 
only one copy has been located. The publisher was John 
Boyle, also the publisher of several editions of the New Eng- 
land Primer, a native of Marblehead who appears to have 
begun life as Boyles. The records of St. Michaels Church, 
Marblehead, contain the entry: “Boyles, Jo[hn] , s. Jo[hn] and 
Lydia, bp. Mar -, 1745-6.” Among the marriage records 1s 
the entry: “Boyles, John, and Lydia Gale, July 31, 1744.” “ 
In the year 1773 he dropped the final letter of his family name. 
The Boston News-Letter of August 26, 1773, had an advertise- 
ment of a new publication to be sold by John Boyles in Marl- 
borough Street.“# The issue of the Boston Post Boy for Mon- 


41. Second Edition, 1874, 1, p. 135. 43. Id., ii, 48. 
42. Marblehead Vital Records, i, 62. 44. Page 4/2. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 51 


day, August 30 to Monday, September 6, 1773, contained a 
notice of a book: “This day Published, and to be sold by John 
Boyle, in Marlboro-street ....”45 After this time the final s 
is very rarely, but still occasionally, to be seen.*® 

Isaiah Thomas, in his History of Printing, wrote that 
“John Boyle served an apprenticeship with Green & Russell. 
He purchased the types of Fletcher of Halifax,‘7 and began 
business as a printer and bookseller in Marlborough St. in 
1771, and printed a few books on his own account. In May, 
1774, Boyle formed a partnership with Richard Draper, pub- 
lisher of the Massachusetts Gazette, or Boston News-Letter. 
Draper died the following month, but the widow continued the 
newspaper, etc. Boyle was in partnership with the widow until 
August following; they then dissolved their connection and 
Boyle returned to his former stand. In 1775, Boyle sold his 
printing materials, but retained his book store, which he con- 
tinued to keep in the same place.” # Asa matter of fact Boyle 
began the business of bookselling some two years earlier than 
the time stated by Thomas. The Boston Post Boy, June 26, 
1769, contains the first mention of him as a bookseller. Four 
sermons by Samuel Stillman were advertised as “published, 
and Sold by Ezekiel Russell, at the New Printing Office, a few 
Doors Northward of Concert Hall, by Philip Freeman... by 
Philip Freeman, Jun’r . . . and by John Boyles, in Marlboro’- 
Street.” # In the Post Boy of November 20, 1769, and again 
on November 12, 1770, Boyle advertised “Primers” in con- 
junction with other books which he offered for sale. 


45. Page 3/2. Repeated in the next two issues of the Post Boy. 

46. Heartman lists two issues of the New England Primer in 1774, one “Printed 
and sold by John Boyle’s in Marlborough-street”; the other “Printed and sold by 
John Boyle, in Marlborough-street” (p. 43). 

47. Thomas stated that Fletcher “remained at Halifax until 1770, then sent his 
printing materials to Boston for sale, and returned himself to England.” (History of 
Printing, 1874, 1, 361.) 48... 1) 170) 171. 

49- Page 4/3. This advertisement had already appeared in the Massachusetts 
Gazette on June 5 and June 15, 1769, but without Boyle’s name. In the issue of 
June 29 his name appeared together with the names of the three other sellers. 


52 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


Boyle’s reprint of the Royal Primer also follows the New- 
bery Primer closely. The slight typographical variations in the 
text are such as would naturally come about in type-setting 
and in reducing the number of pages, but the general con- 
tents and arrangement in sequence are the same. The cuts are 
cruder, but in general the variations in the details and positions 
of the animals and birds represented might naturally be ex- 
pected in reéngraving from the originals. Only once is a 
totally different cut employed, in illustrating “The Rewards 
of Virtue,” where a large single figure is represented instead of 
a small group of figures. There is, however, one curious varia- 
tion among the cuts of animals. The Lion in the Newbery 
Primer has the massive head and heavy mane of a lion. In the 
Boyle Primer the head of the animal has a striking resemblance 
to a human face and it does not have the shaggy mane which 
would be expected as a marked characteristic of a lion, and 
which would be very easy to reproduce. This fact taken in 
conjunction with the last couplet of the descriptive verse: 

“The Lion ranges round the wood, 
And makes the lesser beasts his food: 
Thus Tyrants on their subjects prey, 
And rule with arbitrary sway.” 
arouses the probably fanciful but not unnatural conjecture, 
whether any political satire was intended in view of the events 
of the preceding year of 1769. 

In 1773 McAlpine published another edition of the Royal 
Primer. Valentine Hollingsworth of Boston has a perfect copy, 
formerly the A. L. Hollingsworth copy. The imprint reads: 
“Boston, Printed and Sold by William McAlpine, in Marl- 
borough-Street where may be had a Variety of entertaining and 
instructive Books for Children, MDCCLXXIII.”" In its 

50. The Newbery Primer used for purpose of comparison has seventy-two pages. 
The Boyle edition has fifty-six only, but the pages are both taller and wider than in 
the Newbery copy. 


s1. Title-page and frontispiece (cut of King George III), reproduced by George 
E. Littlefield in his Early New England Schools, Boston, 1904, pp. 150, 151. 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 53 


contents this edition corresponds to the Newbery Primer very 
exactly, though the subject matter is contained in fewer pages, 
which are both taller and wider than in the English edition. 
A comparison of the McAlpine, 1773, and Boyle primers 
shows probably beyond a reasonable doubt that both were 
printed by the same printer. It will be remembered that the 
imprint of the Boyle primer reads: “‘ Boston: Printed for, and 
Sold by John Boyles, ...’’ Except for a difference in making up 
the first five pages © they are almost identical, though an occa- 
sional variation in a line of text shows that the type had been 
reset for the 1773 edition. Both end with page 56. The single 
figure cut for “The Rewards of Virtue” is employed in each, 
as well as the cut of the Lion with what resembles a human 
face. In both, the cuts of animals, birds, sacred scenes, etc., are 
enclosed in borders composed of typographic flowers. At first 
glance the borders seem to be identical in the two primers, but 
a closer examination shows that while the same flowers are em- 
ployed there are variations both in their combination and use. 
Isaiah Thomas of Worcester in 1787 published an edition of 
the Royal Primer as one of his reproductions of the Newbery 
children’s books. Dr. Charles L. Nichols, who has a perfect 
copy, has stated that “In 1784 Isaiah Thomas wrote to 
Thomas Evans of London for a large assortment of the New- 
bery books, evidently having in mind the plan of reproduction 
which was carried out+in the following year.” ® This edition 
closely resembles the Newbery Primer, as would naturally be 
expected. The most noticeable differences are that the cut of 
the Royal Arms on the Newbery title-page is replaced by a cut 
containing the American eagle, shield, and motto; the descrip- 
tion of “The Wicked Man” and Dr. Watts’s “ Divine Song of 
Praise to God,” which appear about in the middle of the New- 
52. Boyle edition: the first two leaves lacking; p. 5, title-page; p. 6, alphabet. 
McAlpine edition: p. 1, blank; p. 2, cut of George II]; p. 3, title-page; p. 4, blank; 


Pp: 5, cut of a Boy and Girl at Prayers, with the verses; p. 6, alphabet. 
53. Isaiah Thomas Printer, Writer & Collector. Boston 1912. Page 24. 


54 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


bery Primer, are carried over toward the end of the Thomas 
Primer, and a poem of four verses entitled “An Evening Song,” 
which is not found in the earlier primers, is added on the last 
page of text. The first and last pages of the book contain ad- 
vertisements of Thomas publications. A “List of Juveniles” 
in the manuscript catalogue of the Library of Isaiah Thomas, 
in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society,” re- 
cords two editions of the Royal Primer as having been printed, 
but no copy of the other reprint is known. The 1787 edition is 
an excellent specimen of the Thomas typography. The cuts, 
which in general closely follow those of the Newbery Primer, 
are very good, and rather better executed. 

In 1796 the latest known issue of the eighteenth-century 
American editions made its appearance: “Printed and sold by 
Samuel Hall, No. 53, Cornhill, Boston. — 1796.” The Ameri- 
can Antiquarian Society possesses a perfect copy. It seems to 
have been reprinted from the Thomas 1787 edition, and is very 
much like it in appearance. The cut of the Arms on the title- 
page is the same, the Wicked Man and Divine Song appear in 
the same relative positions, and the Evening Song is on the last 
page of text. It does not contain any advertisements. 

It will be observed, as has been stated earlier, that the New 
England Primer had not affected, nor reacted upon, the Royal 
Primer. Aside from the Chattin 1753 edition which stands in 
a class by itself, the inclusion of “An*Evening Song” in the 
Thomas and the Hall editions is the only textual addition to be 
found in the course of nearly fifty years, with the trifling ex- 
ception that Thomas had included among the alphabets on 
page 4 a set of what he termed “Old English Black” capitals. 
Since the Plimpton copy of the Newbery Primer has at the 
bottom of page 4 “Old English Black” lower case letters, it 
may be conjectured that the English edition from which 
Thomas reprinted also had Old English letters. 


54. Isaiah Thomas, etc., pp. 132, 133- 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 55 


Returning to the Newbery Royal Primer, it should be said 
that no copy with a dated imprint has been seen. Only two 
fairly safe conclusions can be drawn with regard to the prob- 
able time of issue of the various editions. First: Any primer 
which has in the imprint the name J. Newbery either alone or 
in conjunction with other booksellers, was, in all probability at 
least, printed before Newbery’s death in 1767.°> Second: Any 
copy which has an owner’s name and date written in it was 
presumably published as early as the written date.*® It is en- 
tirely unsafe to draw the deduction from the statement on the 
title-page: “Authoriz’d by His Majesty King George I]. To 
be used throughout His Majesty’s Dominions,” that the edi- 
tion was published prior to the death of the King in 1760. The 
Boyle edition of 1770, and McAlpine editions of 1768 and 1773, 
all have this statement. As a matter of fact it meant exactly 
what it said, that the book had been authorized by the King, 
and it was merely a simple form of copyright. This was clearly 
pointed out by Charles Welsh who wrote: “These little books 
were many of them published by the King’s authority, which 
was the manner in which copyright was secured at that period, 
as witness the following announcement from the Mercurius 
Latinus, August 9, 1746: — “George R., George the Second, 
by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, &c., to all whom 
these presents shall come, Greeting. Whereas our trusty and 
well-beloved Yohn Newbery of London, Bookseller, hath with 
great expence and much labour, compiled a work intitled ‘ The 
Circle of the Sciences; or, The Compendious Library,’ digested in 
a method entirely new, whereby each branch of Polite Litera- 
ture is rendered extremely easy and instructive. We being will- 

55. John Newbery died December 22, 1767, at the age of fifty-four (Bookseller 
of the Last Century, p. 70). | 

56. This statement is qualified on account of the possible chance of the owner 
having made a clerical error in setting down the date. It does not seem probable 
however that in the case of a book with no particular value at the time of its ac- 


quisition any one would be likely to date his book back with prophetic foresight of 
its enhanced value to posterity. 


56 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


ing to encourage all works of public benefit, are graciously 
pleased to grant him our royal privilege and license for the 
sole printing, publishing, and vending the same. 


Given at St. Fames’, the Sth of December 1744. 
by His Majesty’s Command, 
Holles Newcastle.’ 


But owing to the laxness of the copyright laws at that period, 
or possibly to the fact that Newbery did not renew his licenses 
when they expired, many of the books were pirated by printers 
in York, Newcastle, Dublin, and other provincial towns, and 
often in terribly mutilated and travestied forms.” 

Six Newbery Royal Primers have been located in this coun- 
try and examined. Four are very much alike textually, but the 
other two, which are both in the private collection of Dr. 
A. S. W. Rosenbach, have noticeable variations. The first, 
formerly the D. Huntington copy, has a presentation inscrip- 
tion on the fly-leaf dated 1755. This is probably the earliest 
edition among the six primers. It has only sixty-four pages 
instead of the customary seventy-two, and does not contain 
the pictorial alphabet, the short Scripture Catechism, the 
Scripture-names in the New Testament, or the Rewards of 
Virtue. It does include a short moral sketch of two pages 
entitled the “Force of Good-Nature,” which is headed by the 
cut employed in the other copies for the Rewards of Virtue. 
The second, formerly the James W. Ellsworth copy, has 
seventy-eight pages, doubtless accounted for by the fact that 
both types and page are slightly larger. The principal varia- 
tion, however, is found in the pictorial alphabet where only five 
out of the twenty-four illustrative cuts which are found in the 
other primers have been used. For instance, Ape is substituted 


57. Bookseller of the Last Century, p.111. Sales of the Newbery Primer alone 
must have run into hundreds of thousands. Welsh cites a statement from B.Collins’s 
Account Book that ‘20000 of these were sold from October, 1771 to October 1772,” 
and this was over twenty years after its first appearance. (Id., p. 302.) 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 57 


for Apple, Bee-hive for Bull, Camel for Cat, and soon. The 
imprints of the several editions differ somewhat,** while the 
general cuts show minor variations, largely from reéngrav- 
ing, which are unimportant and do not call for particular 
comment. 

As to other English editions, the Boston Public Library has 
a copy of “The New Royal Primer’ authorized, according to 
the title-page, by King George III, and “Printed by R. Bas- 
sam, No. 53, St. John’s Street, West Smithfield.” It is un- 
dated but has on the outside of the front cover a cut of the 
Princess of Wales, and on the back cover the Prince of Wales’s 
crest. 

Below the cut of the Princess of Wales is the fervent, though 
somewhat ungrammatical, aspiration: “Long live her Off- 
springs,” a wish which was quite fully realized. At page six the 
same cut is used again under the heading “The Princess Royal 
of England.” The Princess Royal was presumably the oldest 
daughter of George III, born September 29, 1766, and the 
Princess of Wales, who died February 8, 1772, was his mother. 
This would seem to establish the time of its first appearance 
somewhere between these two years. It follows in a general 
way the Newbery Primer but with many variations. It has 
a running headline, “Royal Primer.” The first set of verses 
which are found on the frontispiece, as in the Newbery edition, 
appear again in a variant on the pages of the pictorial alphabet: 


“He who learns this Book throughout, 
Shall have a Horse to ride about: 
And She who learns these Letters fair 
Shall have a Coach to take the Air.” 


58. 1. London: Printed for J. Newbery, at the Bible and Sun, in St. Paul’s 
Church-yard, and B. Collins at Salisbury. (Rosenbach.) 2. London: Printed for 
John Newberry. (NYPL). 3. London: Printed for J. Newbery, at the Bible and 
Sun, in St. Paul’s Church-yard, and B. Collins at Salisbury. (Nichols.) 4. Lon- 
don: Printed for J. New[bery at the Bible] and Sun, in St. Paul’s[Church-yard and] 
B. Collins at Salisbury. (Plimpton, title-page defective). 5. London: Printed for 
J. Newberry, at the Bible and Sun, in St. Paul’s Church-yard. (Rosenbach.) 
6. London: Printed for John Newbery. (Merritt.) 


58 PERCIVAL MERRITT 


It conforms to the Newbery Primer fairly closely for the first 
thirty-one pages, after which the changes are very marked. 
The birds and animals represented in the various cuts are 
nearly all different from those in the Newbery book, while the 
cuts of sacred scenes and events vary considerably. It also has 
an addition in the form of “An Hymn, by Mr. Addison.” 

In the Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington, 
there is an undated copy of the Royal Primer, with the im- 
print: “Brentford, Printed by P. Norbury, nearly opposite the 
Market Place. (Price Three Pence.)”’ | 

The Huntington Library has a copy of the Royal Primer 
published by D. Wogan, Dublin, 1813, which probably con- 
tains nineteenth-century additions as it has ninety-five pages, 
32mo. There are several copies known of ‘The Royal Primer: 
or, the First Book for Children. Adapted to their tender Ca- 
pacities. Authorized by His Majesty King George III. To be 
used throughout His Majesty’s Dominions. . . . Dublin: 
Printed by William Jones, 75, Thomas-Street. 1818.’ This 
edition has ninety-six pages, and while it contains some of the 
features of the Newbery Primer it is much changed for the 
worse. It has a number of alphabets, some styled “Enticing,” 
didactic “Easy Lessons” for children, several collections of 
Proverbs and Precepts, as well as additions to the cuts of ani- 
mals and birds. The distinction and interest which pertained 
to the eighteenth-century primers is gone. 

A simple check-list is appended with full realization of its 
incompleteness. 


1750 
[755%] 


[757°] 
[7760?] 


1753 
1768 


1770 


1773 


1787 


178-? 
1796 


1766-17722 


1770-1800? 


1813 


THE ROYAL PRIMER 59 


CHECK-LIST OF RoyAL PRIMERS 


Joun Newsery Epitions, 1750-17—? 


Advertised in Pennsylvania Gazette, November 15, 1750. 
Rosenbach, formerly D. Huntington. 
Has presentation date of 1755. 


Noa L, 


BM. 

Nichols: Imperfect, lacks frontispiece and pp. 65-72. 
Plimpton: Title-page defective, lacks pp. 49-50, 71-72. 
Rosenbach. 


Merritt: Pages 11-12 supplied by leaf from a New England 
Primer. 


AMERICAN EDITIONS, 1753-1796 
The Royal Primer Improved, James Chattin, Philadelphia. 
Rosenbach. 


The Royal Primer. William McAlpine, Boston. 
Rosenbach: Lacks pp. 45-56. 


The Royal Primer. John Boyles, Boston. 
Merritt: Lacks first two leaves. 


The Royal Primer. William McAlpine, Boston. 
Huntington: Lacks pages 7-8. 

Valentine Hollingsworth: Perfect. 

The Royal Primer. Isaiah Thomas, Worcester. 
AAS: Imperfect. 

Nichols: Perfect. 

Another Thomas edition, date and copy unknown. 


The Royal Primer. Samuel Hall, Boston. 
AAS: Perfect. 
MHS: Imperfect. 


OrHER EncuiisH Epitions, 1766?-1818 


The New Royal Primer. R. Bassam, West Smithfield. 
BP.L. 


The Royal Primer. P. Norbury, Brentford, England. 
BM 


Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. 


The Royal Primer. D. Wogan, Dublin. 
Huntington. 


60 THE ROYAL PRIMER 


1818 The Royal Primer. William Jones, Dublin. 
BM. 
Pequot Library. 
Merritt. 
The British Museum Catalogue also lists three editions of Royal 
Primers as: 
London [1854?]. 4°. 
Pe ARETE he co 
o- [e8490tl 28 


A good Boy and Girl at their Study. 


E who ne’er Icarns his 4, B,C, 

For ever will a Blockhead be; ; 
But he who to his Book’s inclin’d, 
Will foon a ere Treafure find: 





HILDREN, like tender 
Oziers take the Bow, 
And as ney firft are fafhion’d always 


gro 
For ae we learn in Youth, to that 
one, 
In Age we are by fecond Nature 
prone. 





"ae Seeee 


BRVEGRVESSELSY 


Ropat pumner 
Or, an eafy and pleafant. 
GUIDE 


TO THE 


Arr of Reapina. 
Be 


ing an rece Part of 
ae Circle of the Sciences. 
Publife'd by AUTHORITY. 


LONDON: . 
Printed for J. NEWBERY, 
the Bible and Suz, inSt. Paul's 
Church-yard, and B. CoLtins 
ai Saieaet (Price bound 34.) sg, md 
Seareaeeeeeneeenae 


ore pag ae bea 


- 
% 


RRR eT 
ee 


From the copy with inscription dated 1755 


THE NEW ENGLAND PRIMER 


By WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD 
Of the Massachusetts Historical Society 


MONG the words in common use and understanding, the 

origin of which has never been determined, is the word 
“Primer.” The ordinary sense of “first or primary book” does 
not agree with its historical growth. One of the Day Hours of 
the Western Church was known as “Prime”’ and, specifically, 
it was one of the Little Hours, said to have been introduced at 
a later time than the Greater Hours. A primer in its first 
forms was a prayer-book or devotional manual intended not 
for the priests but for the laity, and in the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries, in its simplest form, it contained the Hours 
of the Blessed Virgin, Psalms, the Litany, the Office for the 
Dead, and the Commendations. After the English Reforma- 
tion the contents were altered to conform to the Book of Com- 
mon Prayer, first issued in 1553 and continued with changes 
till 1783. Long before the Reformation, however, the word 
was applied to a little book by which children were taught to 
read and pray. The AB C, Pater Noster, Creed, Decalogue, 
and certain prayers would constitute such a primer, but the 
form and contents were not uniform, and a volume could be 
written on the subject even if confined to the products before 
the beginning of the seventeenth century. 

The primer was thus originally a religious book, a manual of 
devotion, and, by a natural progress, and with alphabet and 
syllabary added, became a school-book, but with the religious 
feature still dominant.! We are told that after 1600 the main 
purpose of the primer appears to have been educational, and it 

1. In 1564-65 Alde printed a ballet, “an a b c witha prayer,” and printers were 


fined for binding primers ‘‘contrary to the orders” of the Stationers’ Company; 
Registers, 1, 269, 274. 


62 WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD 


was used as a first reader, as in Scotland down to about 1800. 
Sanctioned by royal authority, the little book took on a politi- 
cal function, for Church and State were in close union. In the 
disturbed conditions in both Church and State of the seven- 
teenth century, and in the hands of printers compiling their 
own AB C’s or primers, the possible extension of purpose was 
limited only by the purpose in the mind of the compiler. It 
was a long way between the privilege or monopoly given to 
Seres of printing the primer for little children, and just a cen- 
tury after the freedom taken by Benjamin Harris in his “New 
England Primer.’ The alphabet might be attached to the 
catechism and so serve religion and education, and catechisms 
were imported into Boston from London in the second half of 
the seventeenth century. The first idea of a New England 
primer, however, arose in the mind of an obscure London 
printer, apparently without any connection with Massachu- 
setts or New England. 

In the Stationers’ Register (Eyre and Rivington, 111, 199), 
under date October 5, 1683, was entered by John Gaine, “for 
his Booke or Coppy entituled the New England Primer or 
Milk for babes.” What little is known of John Gaine and his 
publications throws no light upon the entry or its origin. The 
book was presumably printed, for the fee of six-pence would 
hardly be warranted by the registration of merely a title. 
Some information that such a publication had been made 
drifted to Boston, for Usher wrote in 1684 or 1685 about it to 
Chiswell, the noted London publisher and bookseller, who re- 
plied in April, 1685: “There is not one New England Primmer 
in London, if they will Take of Ten Grose and send over a book 
to print it by, they may be furnished, less than that Number 
will not Answer the Charge.” Catechisms had been prepared 
in New England, so there is no impossibility in supposing that 
a primer might also be. Yet here is an entry of a title exactly 
suited to such a publication, emanating from a printer who 


THE NEW ENGLAND PRIMER 63 


could not have got the suggestion from Boston. Usher would 
have known of the preparation in Massachusetts of such a 
work; had there been any profit in it he or another Boston 
bookseller would have handled it. He wrote to London, how- 
ever, and one of the largest and best-known publishers of that 
city could not supply a single copy. If Gaine did issue his 
‘Primer’ not a copy has survived, a fact by no means strange, 
even where many editions of a book were made. 

This discovery of Gaine’s entry somewhat shook the claim 
generally made that Benjamin Harris originated the New Eng- 
land primer. Harris came to Boston in 1686 after a somewhat 
stormy career in London, where his publishing activities had 
deeply involved him with the courts. On one subject he was 
almost a fanatic — on the cruelty and wickedness of the Pope 
and Roman Catholics. By tracts, newspapers, and playing 
cards he had sought to express the dangers threatened to the 
State by the Popish following, and he had prepared a volume 
intended to inspire the young with a wholesome fear of Rome 
and her works. In “The Protestant Tutor,’ first issued in 1679- 
80, Harris compiled a volume intended to serve as a first 
reader for children and an unfailing encouragement to perse- 
cute Roman Catholics. The title of this production reads: 


The | Protestant | Tutor. | Instructing Children | to spel and read En- | 
glish, and Ground- | ing them in the True | Protestant Religion | and Dis- 
covering the | Errors and Deceits | of the Papists. || London: Printed for 
Ben Harris under the Piazza | of the Royal Exchange at Cornhill, 1679. 

From this publication the ‘New England Primer’ issued by 
Harris in Boston between 1687 and 1690 was believed to have 
been derived. 

In an advertisement in Harris’ Protestant (Domestick) In- 
telligence, February 27, 1680, the contents of the first issue of 
the ‘Protestant Tutor’ are given, and from them it is seen that 
the volume was a bitterly partisan tract, in which the educa- 
tional features were reduced to a minimum. In a country still 
quaking from the terrors of Oates and Popish plots, torn by 


64 ' WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD 


disputes on the State church, such a publication would find a 
place; and Harris sought favor by dedicating a second edition, 
put forth in January, 1681, to the son of the Duke of Mon- 
mouth. It was highly recommended for use in all Protestant 
schools as an antidote to Popery. Outside of England, how- 
ever, it would find no market, for its reading matter and crude 
wood-cuts were intended for English youth and no others. 
The illustrations did not appear in the syllabary nor in any of 
the pages for instruction in reading, —as in the New England 
Primer,’ — but were associated with the articles most concerned 
with the misdoings of the Papists. 

One year before Harris came to Boston a little tract was 
printed in that town by Samuel Green, for John Griffin, a 
bookseller of no great account. It bore the title “The Protes- 
tant Tutor, for Children.’ From a fragmentary copy in the 
American Antiquarian Society it is seen to have been composed 
of two divisions, a catechism and Mr. Rogers’ Verses, both of 
which were in Harris’s ‘Protestant Tutor’ and may have been 
borrowed from that work. It was a catechism against Popery, 
and reads strangely on New England soil — quite out of place. 
Griffin’s venture could hardly have proved a success. No 
mention of it is known in records of the time, and there 1s no 
hint of later issues. The catechism could serve no useful pur- 
pose, and the martyrdom of the fictitious Rogers awakened 
little or no interest. One year later Harris appeared in Boston 
and in time thought he saw an opening for a primer — a true 
New England primer. He entirely discarded his ‘Protestant 
Tutor,’ rejecting even the two selections which Griffin had’ 
taken into his ‘Tutor.’ In the first ‘New England Primer ’ 
neither the catechism nor the Rogers verses appeared: the war 
against Rome had disappeared. In the second edition, adver- 
tised in 1690, the Verses of Rogers and a Prayer of King Ed- 
ward VI were inserted, but the prayer soon dropped out, as un- 
suited to the political or churchly atmosphere of New England. 


THE NEW ENGLAND PRIMER 65 


Thus the Rogers lines, and possibly the syllabary, were the 
only parts of the ‘New England Primer’ that were drawn from 
Harris’s ‘Protestant Tutor.’ The ‘Tutor’ was a political tract 
and the ‘Primer’ was a school-book. It is difficult to see how 
a definite connection between the two can be made. Though 
Harris was responsible for both, it is rather a tribute to his 
business acumen that he could throw off so completely his Eng- 
lish compilation, recognizing its unfitness for the New England 
people. In retaining the Rogers verses he kept one of the chief 
claims of the ‘Primer’ to remembrance. As Mr. Eames has 
done so much to clear our knowledge of New England primers 
and catechisms, I have thought it a proper opportunity to 
make this record of late developments.? 


2. See my Boston Book Market, 1679-1700, 29, and Massachusetts Historical 
Society Proceedings, LVI, 45. 


DES 


P.R IoS OF Nes 


DE 


PHILADELPHIE. 








PAR UN EUROPEEN. 
a a 





-PHILADELPATE. 


Imprimé & fe trouve chez MOREAU DE St-MERY, Imprimeur- 
Libraire , au coin de Front & de Walnut ftreets, N° 84. 
nee Te 
JawvieER 1796. 


CHEZ MOREAU DE SAINT-MERY, 
PHILADELPHIE 


By HENRY W. KENT 
Of the Grolier Club, New York 
With a List of Imprints enlarged by George Parker Winship 


EVERAL years ago, a friend who knew my interest in 
Bodoni and his press at Parma, sent me a beautiful uncut 
square quarto by the Papal printer, which I regarded as a gift 
having a double value, since it dealt with a subject, also, in 
which I had an interest. The title of the book ran like this: 
*Discours sur l’utilité du musée établi 4 Paris; prononcé dans sa 
séance publique du 1°" décembre 1784, par M. L. E. Moreau de 
Saint-Méry, ex-Secrétaire perpétuel de ce musée ... A Parme. 
Imprimée par Bodoni, mpcccv.’ I read the essay as well as 
I was able, without cutting the leaves, but I used the book 
chiefly to gratify my eye. Having had time hanging on my 
hands lately, I have read the essay again, carefully, and then 
I began to wonder who the author might be, with so long a 
sheaf of titles and honours gathered on the title-page after his 
name: Conséiller d’Etat, l’un des commandants de la Légion 
d’Honneur, Administrateur Général des Etats de Parme, 
Plaisance, Guastalla, etc., etc., and member of seven societies, 
including La Société Philosophique de Philadelphie. The 
“museum” concerning which Saint-Méry wrote was estab- 
lished in 1782, in the rue Ste. Avoye, at Paris, by Pilatre de 
Rozier, an interesting young man who met his death at the age 
of thirty-one in a tragic and most unfortunate manner, by a 
fall from a balloon.1 The museum, which was really a kind of 


1. Upon his tomb-stone one may read: 


Ci-git un jeune téméraire 

Qui — dans son généreux transport 

De |’Olympe étonné franchissant la barriére 
Y trouva le premier et la gloire et la mort. 


68 HENRY W. KENT 


incubator for revolutionary ideas, and not a museum in the 
usual sense of the word at all, was known by his name until it 
was changed to Lycée Républicain, and again to Athénée de 
Paris, under which it had an interesting history. The preface 
to the book tells this. But why was the essay not published 
until 1805! What had happened to the author between these 
dates? This curiosity was easily satisfied by a reference to the 
‘Biographie Universelle’; in an article signed by B. L. the 
facts appear, and, abridged and translated freely, they are as 
follows: 

Moreau de Saint-Méry was born January 13, 1750, at Fort 
Royal, Martinique. Sprung from a good family, originally of 
Poitou, he was still young when he lost his father, and he re- 
ceived but an imperfect education. When he was nineteen he 
went to Paris, and was admitted into the King’s guard, and 
succeeded, without neglecting the service, in being enrolled an 
avocat au parlement. Returning to Martinique, he found his 
fortune considerably diminished, and, in order to reéstablish 
it, he set off to Cap Frangais to practise as an advocate. About 
1780, he was admitted to the Superior Council of San Domingo. 

Taking advantage of such leisure as his duties permitted 
him, he occupied himself in classifying the abundant materials 
he had collected on the laws, the description, and the history 
of the French colonies. He explored the registers and archives 
of the Antilles, and, on one of his excursions, discovered the 
tomb of Christopher Columbus, which he restored at his own 
expense. Returning to Paris, he was warmly welcomed by the 
learned world, and it was then that he became associated with 
Pilatre de Rozier in founding the Museum of Paris, of which 
the greater part of the men of letters of the period were mem- 
bers. When the Revolution broke out, he was chosen President 
of the Electors of Paris, and twice made an address to Louis 
XVI. He also, it is said, persuaded his colleagues to choose 
Lafayette as chief of the National Guard. In 1790, as Deputy 


MOREAU DE ST.-MERY 69 


for Martinique, he was a member of the Constituent Assembly, 
where he occupied himself more particularly with the affairs of 
the Colonies. In 1791, he was a member of the Judicial Coun- 
cil, established in connection with the Ministry of Justice. A 
few days before the tenth of August, he was attacked by a band 
of fanatics, and forced to retire to the little Norman town of 
Forges. Having been arrested with the Duc de la Rochefou- 
cauld, he escaped the scaffold, thanks to the devotion of one of 
his guards, to whom he had once rendered a favor. He then 
fled to the United States with his family. Returning to France 
in 1799, he obtained from his friend, Admiral Bruix, the post 
of Historiographer of Marine, and a commission to prepare a 
Maritime Penal Code. Nominated Councillor of State in 1800, 
Moreau de Saint-Méry was dispatched in 1801, in the capacity 
of Resident, to the Duke of Parma; and, on the death of that 
Prince, he became Administrator-General of the Duchies of 
Parma, Piacenza, and Guastalla. He used the very consider- 
able power delegated to him with wisdom and moderation, 
protected all industrial establishments, and encouraged letters; 
enjoying, doubtless, an acquaintance with Bodoni, whom he 
now employed to print the ‘Discours’ of twenty years before! 
But unfortunately, the Administrator habitually lacked firm- 
ness, and was too prone to forget he was not the Sovereign of 
the States confided to his care. In 1806 he was recalled by 
Napoleon, and fell into complete disgrace. The cause assigned 
for this was the weakness with which he had repressed a mu- 
tiny of the Militia companies of Parma, who had refused to 
march to the camp at Bologna. The Emperor showed a lively 
irritation, and dispatched Junot with unlimited powers. The 
instigators of the revolt were shot, and two villages which had 
sided with them, burnt. As to Moreau de Saint-Méry, he lost 
not only his place of Administrator, but his position as Coun- 
cillor of State, and even the sum of 40,000 francs due him, 
which they refused to pay. Napoleon having addressed him 


70 HENRY W. KENT 


on the subject in a loud voice, with a certain asperity, he al- 
lowed himself to reply: “Sire, I.do not ask you to reward my 
uprightness; I only beg that it be tolerated. Do not be afraid 
— this disease is not catching!” 

Up to the year 1812, Moreau lived entirely upon the kind- 
ness of the Empress Josephine, his distant relative; after that 
period he was allowed a pension which hardly sufficed for his 
necessities. In 1817, Louis XVIII, having been told of his dis- 
tress, sent him a present of 15,000 francs. He died January 28, 
1819, at Paris, at the age of sixty-eight. He belonged to most 
of the learned societies of Paris. 

Here is a life that reads like a romance! Few novelists, how- 
ever, would have thought of the touch about Columbus's 
grave, which gives an American a feeling of proprietary inter- 
est in the gentleman from the Antilles. But we have still to 
supply in its chronological place a paragraph apparently un- 
recognized by the biographer which is calculated to awaken 
this kind of interest in earnest. 

When Saint-Méry came to America, it appears that at first 
he earned his bread, painfully, as a clerk in the employment of 
a New York commission merchant, the future Administrateur 
Général des Etats de Parme, Plaisance, etc., etc., rolling 
barrels of pork and all sorts of things, and loading vessels. 
Later he went to Philadelphia, where he opened a book-shop 
at 84 S. Front Street, to which he presently added a printing» 
press! Saint-Méry became a printer and bookseller, and it is_ 
this episode in his career which concerns us chiefly, and not 
that of the really famous refugee, the friend of the most dis- 
tinguished of his countrymen who came to live in the United 
States, or to visit here. The list of his callers, visitors, friends, 
and correspondents includes such men as John Adams, Beau- 
merg, William Cobbett, Gouvain, Goynard, General Kosci- 
usko, La Rochefoucauld Liancourt, Talleyrand, Van Braam, 
and many others. Our printer’s own interesting account of 


MOREAU DE ST.-MERY 71 


his travels in this country and his stay in Philadelphia is found 
in a volume of his Journal entitled: ‘Voyage aux Etats-Unis 
de l’Amerique, 1793-1798, edited by Professor Stewart L. 
Mims of Yale University, and published in 1913. What an 
interesting rendezvous his shop in Philadelphia was, with 
Talleyrand and the other frequent visitors coming and going; 
as headquarters for the publication of the Courrier de la 
France et des colonies, edited by another San Domingan, 
Gatereau, and as a common ground for the meeting of the 
émigrés, the diary duly relates. But, full as it is on other sub- 
jects, this important record is provokingly reticent regarding 
the work of the book-shop and the press. Gleaned from the 
text of Professor Mims’ book, its meager references to the 
“complete printing office” are given here to save some one 
else the trouble of weeding them out. 

In October, 1794, Saint-Méry employed as clerk a man 
named Descombatz, who had had a shop in San Domingo, and 
in November he hung out a sign in English and French, “ma 
belle enseigne,” reading: 


MOREAU DE ST. MERY AND CO. BOOKSELLER 
PRINTER AND STATIONER 
NO. 84 FRONT STREET 


MOREAU DE ST. MERY ET COMP. LIBRAIRIE 
IMPRIMEUR ET PAPETIER 
NO. 84 1° RUE 
The shop, which was on the south side of Front Street, on 
the corner of Chestnut, where nearly all of the best goldsmiths, 
watchmakers, booksellers, and printers were located, was 
opened on December Io, and on March 1, 1795, a catalogue of 
the stock was published. The list of books and other wares 
offered for sale shows Saint-Méry to have been a discriminat- 
ing buyer in a field calculated to appeal to the French people, 
as well as others in Philadelphia; and a note shows that he was 
prepared to offer engravings, stationery, mathematical instru- 
ments, maps, charts, and music, as well as English, Italian, 


72 HENRY W. KENT 


Spanish, German, Dutch, and French books. In April of the 
same year, the printing equipment, “L’imprimerie,” ordered 
from London, arrived. Trouble with his partner, the Baron 
Frank de la Roche, whose acquaintance he made in New York 
and who advanced the capital for the business, began early. 
In May, he promised de la Roche to efface the words “‘et com- 
pagnie”’ from his sign, and he adds in the Diary, “Je ne sais 
quel prix il mettait a ce sacrifice.” The legal dissolution of the 
company occurred in August of the same year. 

In June, the types ordered from London were about to be 
shipped, and in August they were received. Descombatz was 
taken into service in September of the same year. La Grange, 
a printer, first in Paris and then in San Domingo, became 
maitre ouvrier in the printing office, and one Despioux, a Bor- 
delais, also from the island, was employed as compositor. 
There seems also to have been another clerk, named Jules, who 
was born in Paris. Early in September, 1797, the shop was 
moved to a less desirable location, the unfashionable Northern 
Liberties, Callow Hill Street, corner of Front and Walnut 
Streets, and there Saint-Méry remained during the rest of his 
stay in Philadelphia. 

The first volume issued from the press, an ‘ Essay on Improv- 
ing the Breed of Horses,’ appeared in October, a month after 
La Grange and Despioux began work. The real purpose of the 
printing press, however, was to enable the author-printer to 
issue his own work on San Domingo, one of the most important 
contributions to the history of this island; but the works of 
certain of his friends and visitors came in remarkably pat as 
fillers-in until his own performances were ready for the press: 
of William Cobbett, the English political writer who translated 
the ‘Description of the Spanish Part of San Domingo’; of Van 
Braam, the Dutch ambassador of the East India Company; 
and of La Rochefoucauld Liancourt, the distinguished phil- 
anthropist. 


MOREAU DE ST.-MERY 73 


A list is added of such of the books issued from the press as 
have been located in New York, Philadelphia, Boston, or 
Providence libraries. The notes from the file of the Courrier 
Francais et des Colonies, at the Boston Athenaeum, have been 
added by Mr. Winship. The books were printed in a Caslon | 
of a clear, clean appearance, their title-pages showing the nice 
French touch, particularly in the use of an eighteenth-century 
cypher in ‘Des Prisons,’ and a cu/-de-lampe in the ‘Despatch.’ 
The map in the ‘San Domingo,’ engraved by Vallance, and the 
plates in the Van Braam ‘Voyage’ are much more pretentious 
and far better done than those issued in most American publi- 
cations of the period. 

Saint-Méry was not exactly above his business, but he ap- 
pears to have had a clear idea of his own importance, and the 
aftairs of the big world interested him more than anything else. 
The comings and goings of his many visitors, the suppers and 
dinners which he gave and was given, the visits he paid — all 
very properly a part of the life of a person accustomed to the 
ways of French society — could not have left him much time 
for work behind the counter. Add to all these distractions the 
disorders occasioned by the epidemic of yellow fever which 
raged in Philadelphia in 1797, and it is not surprising that 
when Saint-Méry was about to return to France, going home 
for good in August, 1798, he was obliged to sell all his belong- 
ings because he was hard up, the business not having paid, 
“car mon commerce n’allait plus.” 

As a printer, brief as the period of his activities was, Saint. 
Méry conferred distinction upon the history of the art in 
America, and he is entitled to a high place in our list of early 
publishers, wherever historians assign him as patriot, historian, 
and governor. 


74, HENRY W. KENT 


Pupiications oF Moreau DE SAint-MERY 
1795 


(Moreau de St.-Méry.) Catalogue of Books, Stationary, Engravings, 

Mathematical Instruments, Maps, Charts, and other Goods of Moreau de 

St.-Méry & Co.’s Store, No. 84, South Front-Street, Corner of Walnut, 

Philadelphia, 1795. 12 mo, pp. ix, 76. (1) 
Issued in March. 


Prospectus . . . un journal sous le titre de Courrier de la France et des Col- 
onies ... paraitra le 15 de ce mois. [signed] Gaterau. Philadelphie ce ter. 
Octobre 1795. Printed by Moreau de St.-Méry, Printer and Book-seller, 
corner of Front and Walnut Streets, Philadelphia. 
Small 4to. Broadside. (2) 
Reprinted from the copy at the John Carter Brown Library in The 
Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 1920, xiv, 125-126. 


Courrier de la France et des Colonies. No. 1 [to 66] Publié, a Philadelphie, 
par Gaterau. Du Jeudi 15 Octobre 1795 [to 31 Decembre]. 
4to, pp. 1-264 & 1 p. Supplement to No. 64. Each issue 4 pp. (3) 
The Boston Athenaeum Library has the complete file; see Winship, 
‘French Newspapers in the United States before 1800’ in Papers of Am. 
Bib. Soc., xiv, part II, which states that “no copy has been seen.” 
The advertisements which throw additional light on the subject of this 
paper are reprinted below, with the date when each first appeared. 
Nearly all were repeated in subsequent issues, apparently whenever 
there was space to be filled. 


(Moreau de St.-Méry.) Essay on the Manner of Improving the Breed of 

Horses in America. October. (4) 
The month of publication is usually given on the title page of Moreau’s 
editions 


Essai sur le maniére de améliorer l’éducation des chevaux. Novembre. 
8vo, pp. iv, 39. (5) 
Announced in Courrier, No. 4, 19 Octobre. “Le prix est d’un quart de 
gourde (25 cents), en francais ou en anglais.” 


Nouvelle Constitution Francaise. (6) 
The following announcement appeared in the Courrier, No. 29, 17 No- 
vembre: “On met actuellement sous presse, 4 l’imprimerie de cette 
feuille, la Nouvelle Constitution francaise, arrivée par le dernier batiment 
venu du Havre. Elle paraitra en méme tems en anglais, imprimée par 
Benjamin Franklin Bache.” No copy has been seen, and the fact that, 
unlike all of the other advertisements of the printer, this does not appear 
again, may mean that the project of printing it was given up. 


MOREAU DE ST.-MERY WES 


1796 
Courrier de la France et des Colonies ... par Gaterau. No. 1 [to 63]. Du 
Vendredi 1 Janvier 1796 [to Lundi 14 Mars]. 4to, pp. 1-252. (7) 


No. 63 begins with a brief statement that the ill-health of the editor 
will make it impossible for him to continue the publication. 


La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, F. A. F. de. Des Prisons de Philadelphie. 
Par un Européen. Janvier. 8vo, pp. 44. (8) 


— On the Prisons of Philadelphia. 8vo, pp. 46. (9) 
This was deposited for copyright on January 2, 1796, and the certificate 
is printed in the Courrier, No. 8, January 9, and later issues. In No. 19, 
January 22, “Moreau de St.-Méry, a l’honneur de prévenir le public 
qu'il metre en vente aujourd’hui un pamphlet (etc.). Le prix de l’exem- 
plaire est d’un quart de gourde, en francaise ou en anglois.” A brief 
statement of its contents was printed in the paper of the 25th, and sub- 
sequently. Reprinted, Amsterdam, 1799. 


Moreau de St.-Méry. Description topographique et politique de la partie 
espagnole de l’isle Saint-Domingue. 8vo, 2 vols.: pp. xlix, 307; 311. (10) 
This was announced in No. 1 of the Courrier. The price was three 
dollars for the two volumes, and would be four dollars to those who did 
not subscribe in advance of publication; 200 had already subscribed, 
and the work was to go to press as soon as 500 subscriptions were re- 
ceived; the first volume was to appear in November. 
The printed List of Subscribers contains 136 names, one of which is 
“Un Francois, Cent Exemplaires” and another “Un Américain, Deux 
Cents Exemplaires,” these two friends making the publication possible, 
apparently. 
It was deposited for copyright on January 2, and the certificate, 
with a résumé in French, was printed in the Courrier, No. 8, January 
g, and subsequent issues. 
The completion of vol. I is announced in No. 49, February 26: “Le 
travail de la gravire de la Carte n’étant pas encore terminé, cette Carte 
(qué doit itre mise 4 la fin du ter. volume), ne sera delivrée qu’avec le 
second.” 
About 300 copies remained in June, 1798. 


Moreau de St.-Méry. A topographical and political description of the 
Spanish part of Saint-Domingo. Translated by William Cobbett. 
2 vols., 80, pp. 8, 8, liv, 314; 318, (1). (11) 
The Courrier on February 26 stated that “la traduction anglaise...dont 
plus des deux-tiers sont déja imprimée, paraitra incessament.” The 
final issue announced on March 14 that “La traduction Anglaise du Ier. 
volume de la Description . . . sera mis en vente le 25 de ce mois; le 26me 
volume est actuellement sous presse, ainsi que sa traduction en Anglais.” 
In June, 1798, about 500 copies of the English edition were left. Re- 
printed, London, 1798. 


76 HENRY W. KENT 


Bordes, J. Mariede. Défense des colons de Saint-Domingue; ou, Examen 
rapide de la nouvelle Déclaration des droits de "homme, en ce qu'elle a 
particuliérement de relatif aux colonies. 12mo, pp. x, 179. (12) 
The Courrier on March 4 announced “Souscription Proposée pour un 
ouvrage intitulé [as above] Par... habitant, propriétaire a Jérémie. Le 
prix... est d’une gourde [one dollar], et dés qu’il y en aura cent-vingt, 
l’ouvrage sera mis sous presse . . . sera de 100 4 120 pages”; it has 179. 


Moreau de St.-Méry. Danse. Article extrait d’un ouvrage de M.L. E. 

Moreau de St.-Méry. Ayant pour titre: Répertoire des Notions Coloniales. 

Par Ordre Alphabétique. 8vo, pp. 8, 62. (13) 
Reprinted by Bodoni at Parma, 1801 and 1805. 


James Quicksilver; pseudonym of James Philip Puglia. The Blue Shop 
or Impartial and Humorous Observations on the Life and Adventures 
of Peter Porcupine. August. 8vo, pp. 55. (14) 

Cobbett published his Porcupine’s Gazette at Philadelphia in 1797-1799- 


The Political Massacre, or Unexpected Observations on the Writings 


of our Present Scribblers. September. 
8vo, p. 29, cartoon frontispiece. (15) 





The Disappointment, or Peter Porcupine in London: A Comedy in 
Three Acts, Written by James Quicksilver, Author of the Blue Shop, 
Political Massacre, &c. (16) 
The last paragraph of ‘ The Blue Shop ’ promises “‘in three weeks from 
this date, I will publish a Comedy on the transactions of Peter Porcupine 
in London . . . and I pledge my honour that it will be as interesting, 
‘nstructive and humourous Production as you could expect on the sub- 
ject. Its title will be” as above. At the end of ‘ The Political Massacre ’ 
is a full-page advertisement of this title as “Shortly will be published 
From the press of Moreau de St.-Mary,” followed by a page announcing 
‘The Blue Shop’ as “Just Published From the press of Moreau de St.- 
Mery, and to be had at his and other principal Bookstores in this City.” 
This is not mentioned, although another “Complete Disappointment”’ 
of 1808 in manuscript is given, in the list of his publications at the end of 
‘Forgery Defeated by James Ph. Puglia,’ Philadelphia, 1822, in which 
the two preceding titles are described. Moreau does not allude to this 
episode in his Journal. 


Moreau de St.-Méry. Idée Général, ou Abrégé des Sciences et des Arts a 
l’usage de la Jeunesse. October. 16mo, pp. xi, 408. (17) 
From the work by M. Forney, 1783. 
Of the edition of 1000 copies, about 300 were left in June, 1798. 


[The same] translated into English by Michael Fortune. 
16mo (?) pp. 380. (18) 





About 300 copies were left in June, 1798. 


Moreau de St.-Méry. De nouvelles Etrennes spirituelles 4 l’usage de 
Rome. October. 12mo, pp. 290. (19) 
In June, 1798, about 150 copies were left. 


MOREAU DE ST.-MERY 77 


1797 
Tanguy de la Boissiere (C. C.). Observations sur la dépéche écrite le 16 
janvier 1797, par M. Pickering... a M. Pinkney. 8vo, pp. 50. (20) 


— Observations on the Dispatch written the 16th. January 1797, by 
Mr. Pickering... to Mr. Pinkney. Translated from the French by Samuel 
Chandler. 8vo, pp. 50. (21) 


Moreau de St.-Méry. Description topographique, physique, civile, poli- 
tique et historique de la partie francaise de L’Isle Saint-Domingue. 
Large 4to, 2 vols., pp. 788 & 856, map, table. (22) 
The final issue of the Courrier, on March 14, 1796, announced that 
“Moreau de St.-Méry ouvrira incessament une souscription pour la 
Description de la partie Francaise de Sait-Domingue dont il est l’auteur.”’ 
1000 copies were printed, of which 300 remained in June, 1798. 
The advertisement of June, 1798, states that “le rer. volume est déja 
traduit & publié par un libraire d’Harlem.” 


Braam Houckgeest (A. E. van). Voyage de l’Ambassade de la Compagnie 

des Indes Orientales Hollandaises, vers |’Empereur de la Chine, en 1794- 

1795. 4to, 2 vols. Maps & plates. (23) 
In June, 1798, Moreau advertised that he was “au moment de terminer 
limpression du second volume du voyage de la Chine.” An English 
translation, by Moreau, appeared in London in 1798. 


Moreau de St.-Méry. Description of the Spanish Part of San Domingo. 
4to, 2 vols., pp. 312; 319; maps & plates. (24) 
_ Translated by William Cobbett. Also, London, 1798. 
The following extracts from Moreau’s Journal refer to this publica- 
tion: Mai 17, 1796. A la racommandation de Talleyrand, je fis une 
visite 4 M. Van Braam. Mai 23. Je convins avec M. Van Braam d’étre 
Editeur de son voyage . . . et de la publier imprimé. 
The first volume was announced for sale in the Leyden newspapers on 


October 6. 
ADVERTISEMENTS 


The following advertisements appeared in the Courrier on the dates 
given, and in various subsequent issues: 
October 23, 1795. Moreau bE St.-Méry a l’honneur de prévenir qu'il 
vient de recevoir d’Europe un nouvel assortiment de plus de deux mille 
volumes francais, au nombre desquels se trouvent: 
La Vie du Général Doumourier, gu’il] ne faut pas confondre avec ses 
Mémoires. 
Les Mémoires posthumes de général Custine. 
Le tableau des Prisons du tems de Robespierres. Et un grand nombre 
d’autres ouvrages sur les événemens présens. 
On peut y choisir aussi, une fonde de Romans agréables & intéressans, 
&c. &c. 


78 MOREAU DE ST.-MERY 


November 4. Moreau DE St.-MEry a Vhonneur de prévenir qu’il a de la 
musique Francaise dés meilleurs maitres pour le Forte Piano & la Harpe. 
Il a aussi pour la saisan présent, des piéces de l’espéce de lainage Anglais, 
appellé fleecy hosiery, & notamment des chaussons, des piéces d’estomac, 
des bas, des calecons, des chemises d’hommes & des femmes. 


November 25. Moreau DE St.-MERY vient de recevoir de Londres par 
l’Ann et Mary, differens ouvrages, notamment: 
Discours sur la Révolution, par Durand. 
L’Expedition de Quiberon, par un officier Francais 4 bord de la Pomone. 
Apercu des événemens, &c. 
Histoire secrete de Coblentz. 
Paris pendant l’année 1795. 
Nouvelle lettre aux francais, sur les évenemens depuis juillet, 1794. 
Dangers which threaten Europe. 
Letter to the Prince of Wales. 
Chronological events of the French Revolution. 
A Sketch of the politics of France; &c. &c. 


February 1. Moreau DE St.-MErY vient de recevoir le Calendrier Parisien 
pour l’an IV de la République Francaise, auquel on a joint un tableau 
chronologique des operations de la Convention — L’hymn du 9 Thermidor, 
le Réveil du Peuple &c. Prix: un quart de gourde: 

Ft des numéros de l’ouvrage périodique, Paris pendant |’année 1795. 


March 14, the last issue. Moreau de St.-Méry a l’honneur de prévenir le 
public en général & ses amis en particulier, qu'il continue & continuera a 
imprimer tout ce qu’on youdra bien lui confier, soit en Anglais, soit en 
Francais, sans différence pour le prix relativement a l'un ou autre lan- 
guage. 
During June, 1798, an advertisement appeared in several issues of the 
Courier Francais of Philadelphia," announcing that “Moreau de St.-Mery 
étant au moment de terminer l’impression du second volume du voyage de 
la Chine par Van Braam, dont ‘| est Editeur; et de son second volume de 
la Partie Francaise de Saint-Domingue; veut vendre, 
1°, Une imprimerie complette avec laquelle on peut entreprendre égale- 
ment la publication de plusieurs ouvrages, soit en frangais, soit en 
anglais. 
2°-6°, 8°. [The remainders of his several publications, as noted above.] 
7°, Des exemplaires de son Atlas de St.-Domingue. [Paris, 1795.] 
g°. Quelques livres qui lui restent du fond de sa librairie. 
10°. Un Forté-Piano. 
11°. Un Violon de Renaudin. 
12°. Plusieurs meubles & objets dont le détail serait trop long. Enfin 
Moreau de St.-Mery cedera aussi plusieurs ouvrages de sa biblio- 
théque personelle & quelques-unes de ses cartes. 


1. Reprinted in The Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, xIv, 118. 


QUIENES FUERON LOS AUTORES, HASTA 
AHORA IGNORADOS, DE DOS LIBROS IN- 
GLESES QUE INTERESAN A AMERICA 


By JOSE TORIBIO MEDINA 
Of Santiago de Chile 


ARA nadie medianamente versado en Bibliografia es un 

secreto que el ramo mas dificil de esta ciencia es la averi- 
guacion de los autores de los libros anénimos 0 pseudénimos, y 
que, especialmente, sin duda, por eso, es también la parte de ella 
que se halla menos adelantada. Aportar una noticia siquiera 
que contribuya a aumentar el acervo de los que hasta hoy han 
sido resueltos no puede carecer de cierto interés, sobre todo s1 
se trata de obras que tengan relacién con la historia 0 literatura 
americanas. Quiera el lector pasar los ojos por las lineas si- 
guientes y juzgar si he acertado con los nombres de los auto- 
res de los dos libros ingleses de que voy a tratar. 

Sea el primero de ellos el que se intitula ‘The Vale of Guasco: 
or the Maid with seven lovers. A romance in verse. In seven 
cantos.’ London: Printed for J. J. Stockdale, 41, Pall-Mall. 
1813. 8vo., 320 pp. 

Bien se deja comprender que este libro toca a Chile por el 
titulo que lleva, ‘El Valle del Guasco,’ como si dijéramos aquel 
que primero encontraron Almagro y sus compafieros en su Jor- 
nada de descubrimiento, que es, cabalmente, lo que el autor 
expresa al darnos en compendio el argumento de su poema en 
los términos siguientes: ‘“‘Al leer la historia de Chile y com- 
pararla con la de Felipe II, tuve la idea de poner de relieve esta 
especie de conexién entre el Mundo Nuevo y el Viejo en su 
principio, bajo cierta especie de pintura imaginaria, del todo 
diferente, sin embargo, de aquel alegérico ropaje bajo el cual 
Barclay mostré en su ‘Argenis’ asuntos de ese perfodo. La 


80 JOSE TORIBIO MEDINA 


figura capital en el pequefio romance que sigue es un emigrante 
inglés, a quien se supone, después de una serie de aventuras (no 
frecuentes, aunque no del todo improbables) haber logrado una 
concesién de tierras y alcanzado relaciones de familia en esta 
parte de Chile, que fué m4s tarde el primer escenario de la 
crueldad espafiola.”’ 

El espiritu en gran manera religioso que transpira toda la 
obra y las frecuentes referencias que contiene a “La Araucana’ 
de Ercilla me hicieron sospechar desde el primer momento que 
el autor debié de ser algiin eclesidstico protestante y, a la vez, 
fervoroso admirador de aquel poema; y, en efecto, por lo que a 
este ultimo toca, a la vuelta de la pagina final de la obra se 
halla la siguiente noticia: “Lista para la prensa, por el autor 
del ‘Vale of Guasco,’ una traducci6n de ‘La Araucana,’ poema 
espafiol, por Ercilla y Zaiiga, que viene a ser continuacién del 
tema del ‘Vale of Guasco.””’ 

Pues bien: traductores ingleses de esa epopeya espafiola no 
ha habido sino dos: William Hayley y el reverendo Henry 
Boyd, y pues no podia ser aquél el autor de la obra que se decia 
hallarse lista para la prensa por cuanto los fragmentos que tra- 
dujo de ‘La Araucana’ se habian publicado treinta afios antes, 
no quedaba, asi, mas candidato que Boyd para la paternidad 
del manuscrito ofrecido. Afiadiré que esa traduccién com- 
pleta del vate espafiol nunca vié la luz publica, salvandose sélo 
de ella los fragmentos que se insertaron como apéndice a la 
version inglesa de la ‘Historia de Chile’ del Abate Molina, im- 
presa en Middletown (Estados Unidos), en 1808. 

Respecto a su autor, diré que era irlandés; en 1785 habia 
publicado la traduccién del ‘Infierno’ del Dante, que completé, 
en 1802, con la de toda ‘La Divina Comedia.’ “En 1805,” 
refiere Nichols (‘Dictionary of National Biography,’ t. VI, p. 
91) Boyd “andaba en busca de un editor para su traduccién de 
‘La Araucana,’ extenso poema, que era empresa demasiado 
grande para un editor de Edimburgo, y para la cual hizo sin 


DOS LIBROS INGLESES SI 


resultado gestiones para hallar un comprador en Londres. 
Fallecié el. 18 de Septiembre de 1832.” 

Cualquiera que sea el mérito literario que corresponda a esa 
obra de Boyd, por la importancia que reviste para el conoci- 
miento de uno de los periodos mAs interesantes de la historia de 
la América Espafiola, queda muy por debajo de la que en los al- 
timos meses de 1831 se publicaba, también en Londres, en tres 
volimenes en 12mo, con el titulo de “Campaigns and cruises in 
Venezuela and New Grenada, and in the Pacific Ocean: from 
1817 to 1830; with the narrative of a march from the River 
Orinoco to San Buenaventura on the coast of Chocé; and 
Sketches of the West Coast of South America from the Gulf 
of California, to the Archipelago of Chiloé. Also Tales of 
Venezuela: illustrative of revolutionary men, manners and 
incidents,’ que sospecho debe haberse impreso en tirada muy 
reducida, porque ni Lowndes, en 1834, ni Bohn, en 1837, men- 
cionaron el libro en el nutridisimo ‘Bibliographer’s Manual.’ 

A referir esos tltimos particulares estan consagrados los 
tomos II y III, que, aunque tan bien escritos e hilvanados, que 
se leen como la m4s entretenida de las novelas, no alcanzan, ni 
con mucho, la valia que corresponde al I, dedicado que estaba 
a referir los sucesos histéricos de aquella época interesantisima 
de las guerras de la Independencia en la América espajiola. 

En una Advertencia plena de modestia, el autor afirma que 
todo lo que relata le consta de propia informacién, y cuando de 
ajena, de fuentes insospechables, como en efecto sucede, salvo 
en contadisimos casos de escasa entidad, que no es del momento 
apuntar aqui. A gala tuvo el autor ocultar toda referencia a su 
nombre. Resulta de todo punto inttil repasar las paginas de 
su libro para ver modo de descubrirle en alguna de las muchas 
incidencias en que le tocé figurar; digo mal, en una en que se 
nombra, — lo que comprobamos a posteriori, — la alusi6n que 
hace a su persona esta de tal manera disimulada, que seria ma- 
teria de adivinanza saber que de él se trata. iA qué se debié 


82 JOSE TORIBIO MEDINA 


semejante ocultacién? Ni siquiera lograron averiguarlo sus 
contemporaneos. El traductor francés de la obra, al paso que 
observa que “cuando se publicé en Londres, los érganos mas 
acreditados de la prensa le tributaron, undnimemente, los mas 
brillantes elogios,” pero no pudieron adelantar una palabra 
respecto a quien fuera el autor. Ese mismo traductor, también 
anonimo, pero cuyo nombre han logrado descubrir los biblid- 
grafos, — Alphonse Viollet, — a pesar de que escribia en 
1837, digamos, por consiguiente, apenas seis afios después de 
haber aparecido el original inglés, tuvo que guardar silencio 
respecto a quien perteneciera la obra que divulgaba en Francia. 
Halkett y Laing ni siquiera pudieron hacer caudal del libro en 
su ‘Dictionary of the anonymous and pseudonymous litera- 
ture of Great Britain.’ Sabin, en Estados Unidos, en su *Dic- 
tionary of books,’ etc., (n. 10193) cité el libro inglés, pero sin 
decir palabra acerca de quien fuera el autor, y Cushing ha in- 
currido en la misma omisién; jy apenas necesito decir que 
Blanco Fombona en el prélogo que puso al frente de la tra- 
duccién castellana del libro inglés, tomandola de la francesa, no 
adelanté en un punto la averiguacién del anénimo, limitandose 
a expresar, para salir del paso, que si no firmé el autor inglés, 
ello debe atribuirse al escepticismo de que estaba dominado! 

Diré, por iltimo, que Barros Arana no recuerda tampoco en 
su ‘Catalogo de obras anénimas’ las “Campaigns and cruises,’ 
etc. 

Ensayaré por mi parte el ver modo de resolver este problema 
envuelto hasta ahora en el misterio, tomando por punto de par- 
tida algunos de los hechos en que el autor nos dice haber figu- 
rado, haciendo caso omiso de todos aquellos que atafien a su 
permanencia en el servicio de Venezuela, para concretarme al 
tiempo que milité bajo las banderas de Chile. 

Cuenta, pues, que hallandose en Guayaquil con licencia de 
Sucre, a cuyas érdenes habia servido, para dirigirse a Europa, 
llegé alli Lord Cochrane al mando de la escuadra chilena y que 


DOS LIBROS INGLESES 83 


habiendo recibido de él el ofrecimiento de incorporarse a una de 
sus naves con el mismo grado que tenia en el ejército de Colom- 
bia, se embarcé a bordo de La Independencia el 1° de Noviem- 
bre de 1821: dato del mayor interés para descubrir su nombre, 
pero que viene a complicarse con la circunstancia de que en el 
mismo caso se hallé el teniente G. Noyes; por fortuna, la duda 
de si podria atribuirse a éste la paternidad de la obra se man- 
tiene por un instante, pues en nota cuida de advertirse que ese 
oficial fallecié en Valparaiso en 1825. Queda, pues, asi, como 
candidato al intento que buscamos uno solo de los dos oficiales 
que ingresaron a la escuadra alli en Guayaquil. 

En términos mas generales, se cuenta en el libro que su autor 
tomé parte en las excursiones a las costas de México y Cali- 
fornia, cuya relacién ocupa todo el capitulo primero de la obra; 
en las dos expediciones a Chiloé, que refiere también por ex- 
tenso, y, sin otros muchos particulares que sobran al intento 
que perseguimos, cémo habia militado a las érdenes inmediatas 
de Freire cuando en 1823 se trasladé de Talcaguano a Val- 
paraiso, a bordo de La Independencia. 

Después que todo esto sabemos, léase ahora el siguiente 
documento y jiizguese si calza, diré asf, en todo y por todo con 
esos antecedentes. 


Excmo. Sefior Director Supremo. — Don Ricardo Longeville Vowell, 
capitan de tropa de la Marina de Chile, ante V. E. con el mayor respeto 
parezco y hago presente que por los certificados que tengo el honor de 
acompafiar, firmados por los Jefes y Contadores con quienes he navigado 
(sic), consta que ha estado siempre de servicio actual en la dicha clase, 
desde Noviembre de 1821 hasta la fecha, durante que tiempo he presen- 
ciado las campafias de México y California y con los bloqueos de Chiloé, 
teniendo el honor de servir a bordo de La Independencia cuando vino V. E. 
de Talcahuano ac4 en 1823; en fin, en toda expedicién... 


Resultaria tedioso y, adem4s, redundante para un articulo 
como el presente que fuéramos comprobando tales datos con 
citas de las paginas del libro de Vowell; y en cuanto a los ante- 
cedentes biogrAficos suyos, en él estan para quien desee cono- 
cerlos. Limitaréme, pues, a decir que partié de Inglaterra en 


84 DOS LIBROS INGLESES 


los comienzos de 1817, con el grado de oficial del Primer Regi- 
miento de Lanceros venezolanos, y que después de haber mili- 
tado en Venezuela y Nueva Granada, en ocasiones viéndose en 
inminente riesgo de perder la vida, y de soportar en todo mo- 
mento las penurias consiguientes a tan duras campafias, du- 
rante cuatro afios, arribé a Guayaquil, segfin se dijo ya, con 
licencia de su jefe para regresar a su patria, enfermo de un 
agudo reumatismo. Alli entré al servicio de Chile, en el cual 
permanecié hasta Noviembre de 1829, fecha en que se embarcé 
en Valparaiso, para llegar por fin a su patria, después de una 
travesia por el Cabo de Hornos y el Brasil, en la primavera de 
1830, al cabo de trece afios de ausencia. 


THE LITERARY FAIR IN THE UNITED 
STATES 


By CHARLES L. NICHOLS 
Of Worcester, Massachusetts 


ITH the foundation of the United States of America, a 
new chapter in the history of the book trade of this 
country was begun. The printing restrictions and trade regu- 
lations of Great Britain were at an end, but new difficulties 
opened before it; new dissensions arose. The first printers’ 
strike in America was that in the office of James Rivington of 
New York in 1776. From that time such disagreements be- 
tween printers and their employers were common and gradu- 
ally typographical societies were formed in the large cities by 
the journeymen printers with the twofold object of arranging 
wage scales for their benefit caring for their sick and poor. 
An interesting summary of the development of the book 
trade during these early years was published in The Evening 
Star, for October 30, 1810: 


For many years after the peace of 1783, books could be imported into 
the United States and sold cheaper than they could be printed here and in- 
deed until 1793 nothing like a competition with English Printers and Book- 
sellers could be maintained. The war then raging in Europe and added 
duty on paper made some difference but it was not until the union of 
Ireland and England (in 1801) that a decided advantage was ascertained 
to exist. 

This statement was made by the striking printers of Philadel- 
phia and was followed by an outline of their grievances. The 
state of the book trade as thus described, the unrest and the 
union of the printers, and the isolation of the publishers caused 
much concern among the larger minds in the trade. In Decem- 
ber, 1801, Mathew Carey of Philadelphia, after several years of 
study of his plan, sent a circular to the principal booksellers of 


the country calling attention to the need of greater uniformity 


86 CHARLES L. NICHOLS 


in the book trade. He suggested the foundation of an annual 
book fair, after the custom in Leipsic and Frankfort which had 
been in operation for many years and had materially bene- 
fited the booksellers of Germany. Carey proposed that a fair 
be held in New York the first of June, 1802, and asked all deal- 
ers to express their opinion and accept the invitation. 

While this plan was being considered, an important matter 
came up requiring immediate concerted action and the steps 
taken showed that the tendency toward unity of effort was be- 
coming a reality. On April 2, 1802, E. T. Andrews, of the 
Boston firm of Thomas & Andrews, wrote to Isaiah Thomas: ? 


I have received a circular letter from a committee of Booksellers &c. of 
Baltimore requesting a union of the trade here in presenting a memorial to 
Congress requesting them to lay an additional duty on books imported. I 
should like something of the kind restricted to certain classes of books. 
What do you think of a measure of that kind? Bibles ought to be included 
though I do not think it would do to lay an additional duty on them only, 
as serious people might think they intended to prohibit religion or em- 
barrass it. 


Three days later he wrote: 


I have my doubts about the utility of laying an additional duty on 
books until we are prepared in a more effectual manner to answer the de- 
mand of the public. But few of the books used in the colleges have yet 
been printed here and to tax them would be burdening literature. It 
would help booksellers and prices at the expense of the public. I have not 
viewed the subject thoroughly but I think there are weighty objections to 
the measure on a general scale. The booksellers meet this evening to con- 
sider the circular letter on the subject. I do not feel much inclined to go 
to the Book Fair, I do not altogether like the plan. Fear that it will do 
more harm than good. 


On April 5, 1802, Thomas & Andrews sent a letter to Carey 
(Bradisher’s ‘Life of Carey,’ p. 23) urging the formation of 
associations of the booksellers in every considerable city to 
regulate prices and the printing of books in place of increasing 
the duties on foreign books. 

In spite of his uncertainty regarding the fair, Andrews went, 
for in a letter to Thomas from New York, June 4, he says: 


1. Mss. letters in collections of the American Antiquarian Society. 


THE LITERARY FAIR 87 


The fair in this city has assumed more consequence than I anticipated 
though I still have my doubts of its utility unless care is taken to regulate 
it. We have, this day, dined together, at Barden’s Hotel, to the number of 
about fifty and among them several very respectable booksellers such as 
Messrs. Gaine, Beers, Collins, Kollock, Pritchard and others. The enter- 
tainment went off very well and I believe it is the first time that so many 
booksellers ever dined together in America. 


The New York Gazette and General Advertiser of June 2 says: 


Yesterday agreeable to public notice was held the first American Liter- 
ary Fair at which were present a considerable number of printers and book- 
sellers from different parts of the country. The proceedings of the meeting 
were opened by the appointment of Hugh Gaine, the oldest printer and 
bookseller in the United States, as President and Mathew Carey as Secre- 
tary after which committees were appointed to frame rules for the manage- 
ment of the business of the fair. 


The Independent Chronicle (Boston) of July 1g, in an account 
of this first Literary Fair, printed the following resolutions 
passed by the booksellers who attended the fair on June 7th: 


1. Resolved that it is earnestly recommended to the printers and book- 
sellers throughout the United States, to use their utmost endeavors to im- 
prove the quality of the books they publish, in order to establish and sup- 
port the reputation of the American manufacture of books and render it 
deserving the patronage of the friends of their country. 

2. Resolved that it be likewise recommended to our brethren to avoid, 
as much as it may be, any interference with the interests of each other by 
the republication of books already printed in the United States and of 
which there is a sufficient supply to be had on reasonable terms. 

3. Resolved that it be recommended to the importers of books to dis- 
continue the importation of all books of which good and correct editions 
are printed in this country and on which a liberal discount is made by the 
publishers. | 

4. Resolved that the continuance of the Literary Fair be strongly 
recommended to all persons interested in the publication of books in this 
country and that it be held twice a year — on the first Tuesday of April in 
New York and on the first Tuesday of October in Philadelphia. 

5. Resolved that it be recommended to the booksellers in the principal 

cities of the United States to form themselves into associations for the 
purpose of corresponding with each other in order to promote the general 
interest and that every person publishing a book be requested to forward 
specimens of the printing and paper with terms of sale to the secretaries of 
such associations for the information of the members. 

Then a committee was appointed, consisting of two members from 
Philadelphia, M. Carey and J. Conrad, two from Boston, E. T. Andrews 
and John West, and two from New York, J. Collins and J. Swords, to pre- 
pare rules and regulations for the future government of the fair. 


88 CHARLES L. NICHOLS 


The Presidential address of Mr. Gaine has been preserved 
and in it he expresses the hope that this will be the beginning 
of a new era of good will among the members of the trade, and 
expresses great confidence in such an outcome. 

The second meeting was held at the Franklin Hotel in Phila- 
delphia in December of this year, as was noticed in the Aurora 
of December 7, the regular meeting being postponed until this 
time because of yellow fever in that city during October. This 
fair closed with a dinner at which seventeen toasts were offered. 

On June 21, 1803, Andrews again wrote Thomas from New 
York: 


There are a large number of booksellers here and probably will be more 
tomorrow. The fair is assuming more order and system and may become 
an important institution. I have hardly seen the whole company yet and 
done no business, yesterday being pretty much taken up with preparation 
and arrangement. 


In the ‘Chronological Record of Printing’ kept by Joel 
Munsell of Albany, we find an entry of June 18, 1804: 


The fourth meeting of the American Company of Booksellers was held 
in the city of New York when the following officers were chosen, for the 
coming year: Mathew Carey, President; Isaac Collins, Vice President; and 
Thomas S. Arden, Secretary. There was a very general attendance of the 
members of the company and the business transacted greatly exceeded 
that of any former year. During the meeting new articles of association 
and bylaws were adopted for the government of the company. 


Among the directors chosen this year was E. T. Andrews and 
it was voted to have all meetings in the future held in the vil- 
lage of Newark, New Jersey. 

In The Library, or Philadelphia Literary Reporter of July 28, 
1804, we read: 


At the fourth meeting of the American Company of Booksellers, held 
at New York, June 18th, 1804, the following resolution was adopted: 

“Resolved, that the premiums to be offered for the present year shall be 
a gold medal of the value of $50 for the best specimen of printing, no less 
than 300 pages, executed on American paper and with American ink and 
the edition of which such specimen is part, to consist of no less than 500 
copies, all executed in the same style. A gold medal of $20 for the second 
best specimen of like printing, of no less than 150 pages and the edition to 
consist of not less than 300 copies, all executed in the same style. A gold 


THE LITERARY FAIR 89 


medal of like value for the best sample of American printing paper, the 
quantity to be not less than 50 reams, of which the sample is a part. A 
gold medal of the value of $25 for the best piece of American binding exe- 
cuted in American leather to be exhibited on a book of American printing 
of no less than 300 pages. And a gold medal of like value for the best 
sample of American printing ink, to be exhibited in a printed volume of no 
less than 300 pages and the quantity of which such sample is a part, to 
consist of not less than 500 weight.” 

This was signed by Mathew Carey, President. 

Joel Munsell’s Diary, with date of 1804, states: 


The annual fair of the Booksellers was held at Newark which closed on 
the 20th of June. Exchanges to a large amount were transacted. The 
premiums offered at the previous meeting were awarded as follows: for the 
best specimen of printing ink, a sample of 500 weight, a gold medal of the 
value of $25 was awarded to Jacob Johnson, of Philadelphia. For the best 
specimen of binding executed in America, a like medal was awarded to 
William Swain of New York. The medals for printing and paper were 
held over to the next meeting. 

There is in existence an octavo sheet folded, dated June Fair, 
1806, entitled, ‘Warner & Hanna’s Exchange List’ which was 
used at the fair of that year and which is the last evidence of 
these meetings. 

The primary object of the book fair was to facilitate the ex- 
change of books published in the different sections of the coun- 
try by exhibiting them at these gatherings and taking orders 
for them and, as we have seen, the plan worked well for several 
years. Later, in spite of the precautions taken by the officers 
of the organization to raise the standards, the market was 
flooded with large editions of poorly printed books which came 
into competition with the finer and more costly issues of the 
better publishers and these, largely in the cities, withdrew 
from the organization. It is not known when the meetings 
ended, but the above date, 1806, is the last reference that the 
writer has been able to find. 

A striking illustration of the difficulties that followed this 
ineffectual attempt at organizing this important branch of 
business, and the length of time required to overcome the re- 
sulting evil, prolonged without question by the War of 1812, 


90 CHARLES L. NICHOLS 


is seen in a letter written to Isaiah Thomas, by Littell & 
Henry of Philadelphia and dated June 24, 1819: 

Booksellers have suffered so much in this city and in New York and to 
the south of us, by auctions and by irregular persons who sold at large dis- 
counts at retail, that for several years past fewer books have been printed, 
editions have been smaller and a call for new ones has not been readily 
answered. This has led to a scarcity of books and now, therefore, this fact 
is producing a more regular and orderly course of business. Books are 
becoming a better stock than they were and we hope that industry and 
honesty will be able to compete advantageously with speculation and 
knavery. 

One important result, in addition to the meetings already 
described, did follow and this alone would have been sufficient 
justification for the effort. In the circular letter sent to Carey, 
dated April 5, 1802, and later endorsed at the first meeting of 
the fair, was the suggestion of Thomas & Andrews that local 
associations be formed in the principal cities for the benefit of 
their local trade. A number of these were established, the 
most active being that of Philadelphia, and called the Com- 
pany of Printers of Philadelphia. Founded in 1794, it is the 
oldest known organization of employers in this country; its 
constitution has been used as a model many times; and, al- 
though its active existence lasted but two years, it is considered 
to be the connecting link between the merchant guilds of the 
Middle Ages and the employers’ associations of to-day. Early 
in the nineteenth century it was revived as the Philadelphia 
Company of Booksellers and at once took an active part in 
affairs. In 1804, a newspaper of four pages was published by 
this company entitled, The Library, or Philadelphia Literary 
Reporter. It contained advertisements and lists of books, im- 
ported and domestic, which were for sale by the members of 
that association. It was published every two weeks at the be- 
ginning, No. 1 being dated Saturday, February 25, 1804, and 
later only once in six weeks. One extract from this paper has 
been quoted above, but with that exception and a few notices 
of the book fair it contained only notices and lists of books. 


THE LITERARY FAIR gI 


In January, 1809, the Philadelphia Library Reporter ap- 
peared, published by David Hogan, under the auspices of a 
number of Philadelphia booksellers. It was published monthly 
to September of that year at least, the last number seen by the 
writer bearing this date. | 

The New York Society of Printers was another similar or- 
ganization, formed in 1805. The Lexington, Kentucky, pa- 
pers of this year announced that on the first Wednesday of 
October the printers and booksellers of the Western country 
were called upon to hold a meeting for the purpose of taking 
such measures as might be thought advisable to form an or- 
ganization among themselves similar to those in the Atlantic 
States to facilitate the interchange of works of merit. : 

In Boston a similar organization was formed as early as 
1805, for we find, in the archives of the American Antiquarian 
Society, a printed circular, dated June 13, 1805, from the So- 
ciety of Printers of Boston and Vicinity, signed by Benjamin 
Russell, President, soliciting membership, as well as a manu- 
script copy of a ‘Constitution and By-Laws of the Association 
of Printers and Booksellers.’ In 1808 the name of this society 
was changed to the Faustus Association and the objects of the 
organization were stated to be | 


the elevation of the printing art, the regulation of trade and prices, the 
preservation of good fellowship in the profession and the formation of a 
Fire Society for the protection of printing offices. 


This fire society, suggested by Mr. Andrews, continued its use- 
ful existence until the reorganization of the Boston Fire De- 
partment in the year 1826, while the Faustus Association 
ceased to exist as such in 1815, the older name, the Society of 
Printers, being taken when later the organization was revived. 

The original plan of a literary fair was, as Carey stated, de- 
rived from those held in Frankfort and Leipsic, in which cities 
several weeks were devoted to them. The records of that at 
Frankfort contain much of interest to-day. In the year 1579, 


92 THE LITERARY FAIR 


for example, Plantin and his stepson, Moretus, traveled to the 
Lent Fair with six boxes of books for sale and returned with 
but 1600 of the more than sooo they had brought. John Bill 
of London bought books there when purchasing for Sir 
Thomas Bodley; while Estienne of Paris, Froben of Basle and 
Elzevir of Leyden have left records of their experiences at 
these fairs. 

Before A.D. 1156 the fairs at Leipsic were in existence. They 
still are in active operation, although they have been omitted 
or curtailed in their activities at times such as the period of 
the Thirty Years’ War. | 

In the spring of 1922, according to ‘The Leipzig Book Fair,’ 
by T. W. Koch, the 522d fair was held, at which there were 
156,000 buyers, 32,000 of whom were foreigners, and more 
than 12,000 were exhibitors, these figures applying to all de- 
partments but showing the number of possible purchasers. In 
August, 1922, 100,000 were present and in the Book Depart- 
ment 165 publishers, in addition to booksellers, were repre- 
sented. 

The contrast here suggested will show where lay the cause of 
failure of the American Book Fair. The small number of mem- 
bers of the organization in consequence of the limited trade of 
that period, and the lack of an international basis to stimulate 
the interchange of ideas and products are sufficient reasons for 
its brief existence, but this early attempt to raise the standards 
of our country’s book trade should have a fitting record in 
history. It is hardly necessary to call attention to the fact that 
neither of these reasons exist to-day and that organized effort 
might result, through a revival of this institution, in a more 
uniform elevation of the standards of book production in this 
country. | 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 


By GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 
Of Harvard University 


HE oldest extant text of the ballad of “Lovewell’s Fight” 

— “Of worthy Captain Lovewell, I purpose now to sing” 
— 1s that published at Concord, New Hampshire, in Farmer 
and Moore’s Collections, Historical and Miscellaneous; and 
Monthly Literary ‘fournal for February, 1824,! and there en- 
titled ‘‘Lovewell’s Fight. A Song.”’ The piece has been often 
reprinted,’ but the reprints are in every instance derived, medi- 
ately or immediately, from the Collections. Farmer and Moore 
acknowledge indebtedness to “a friend” for “a copy of the 
song” — apparently a manuscript copy, and they remark that 
the ballad “was written about one hundred years since.” “For 
many years,” they add, “it was sung throughout a consider- 
able portion of New-Hampshire and Massachusetts, and prob- 
ably served more than anything else to keep in remembrance 
the circumstances of this desperate engagement.” The Fight 
took place on May 8, 1725. 

The friend from whom the editors of the Collections received 
the song was Joshua Coffin (1792-1864), the genealogist and 
antiquary, celebrated in Whittier’s poem “To my Old School- 
master” and honorably known as the author of ‘A Sketch of 
the History of Newbury’ (Boston, 1845). He was at the time 
the head of a school at Tyngsborough, Massachusetts, formerly 
a part of Dunstable.’ A letter from Farmer to Coffin, dated 
December 20, 1823, contains the following passage: 


¢ 


I have, for several years, been endeavoring to find a copy of a song in 
memory of the heroic exploits of Capt. Lovewell and his brave companions 
at Pequawkett, which I remember to have heard sung in my early years. 
It ought to be preserved as a curiosity. It was written about an hundred 
years since, and for more than half a century was sung in memory of the 
events it commemorated. IJ have a fragment of it. The first stanza is — 


94 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


“The worthy Captain Lovewell my purpose is to sing 
“How willingly he served his country & his King; 

“He and his jolly soldiers did range the wood full wide; 
“Much hardship they endured, to quell the Indians’ pride.” 


Perhaps Col. Bancroft may have a copy of it. This we should like to 
publish. 

This letter I found among the Coffin MSS in the library of the 
Essex Institute (111, 4). Coffin’s reply containing or enclosing 
a copy of the ballad is unfortunately not preserved, but it 
must have been despatched before January 22, 1824.* 

The historical accuracy of the ballad, combined with the ex- 
press statement of Farmer and Moore as to its age and oral 
currency, has resulted in its general acceptance as the work of 
some contemporary of Lovewell’s. As to its oral currency in 
two New England states, their testimony may be accepted 
without scruple: we must believe that either the editors or 
their informant, or both, really knew that the ballad was much 
older than 1824 — that it was at least fifty years old. And if 
so, the probability that it was contemporary with the event is 
very strong.’ One other point too, is hardly open to doubt: the 
copy furnished by Coffin was either a printed text (a broad- 
side) or a text derived from good manuscript authority. It is 
too faithful to the facts and too little corrupted in form, to 
have been a recent transcript from a long line of oral tradition. 

When all is said and done, however, we still need one specific 
piece of evidence — namely, direct proof that some ballad de- 
scribing Lovewell’s Fight was actually written soon after the 
event. If this can be established, we have a basis for compari- 
son between the extant text and the presumable form and con- 
tents of the contemporary product — and, if the extant text 
stands the comparison, we shall be justified in inferring that 
the Farmer ballad is really as ancient as its editors supposed. 

Such direct evidence exists in the form of an unassailable 
record. In his invaluable catalogue of Massachusetts broad- 
sides, issued in 1922 by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 95 


Mr. Worthington C. Ford prints the following advertisement 
(p. 73) from the New-England Courant of May 31, 1725 (No. 
200): “Just Publish’d, and sold by J. Franklin in Union-Street, 
The Voluntier’s March; being a full and true Account [of] the 
bloody Fight which happen’d between Capt. Lovewell’s Com- 
pany, and the Indians at Pigwoket. An excellent new Song.” 

Mr. Ford does not suggest any connection between this ad- 
vertisement and the extant ballad, which, indeed, he does not 
mention. In a recent note,® however, I have dared to conjec- 
ture that the lost broadside issued by James Franklin con- 
tained the ballad preserved by Farmer and Moore. A closer 
scrutiny tends only to substantiate this inference. In discuss- 
ing the question I shall for convenience designate the “new 
Song” advertised in the Courant as “the Franklin ballad” and 
the text in the Collections as “the Farmer ballad.” 

We know positively that the Franklin ballad was written 
shortly before Monday, May 31, 1725, the day on which it was 
announced in the Courant as “‘Just Publish’d.” The first con- 
tingent of survivors (twelve in number “) did not get to Dun- 
stable until May 13 “at Night.” * Their report of the engage- 
ment reached Lieutenant Governor William Dummer at Bos- 
ton on the 14th and 15th.*® On the 17th there appeared, in the 
Boston Gazette, the first printed account of Lovewell’s Fight. 
Obviously, then, the earliest conceivable date for the composi- 
tion of the Franklin ballad is May 14 or 15. But we can come 
nearer than that. Like Benjamin Franklin’s “Blackbeard” 
and “The Lighthouse Tragedy,” both of which were prompted 
by the business sagacity of brother James," the ballad on Love- 
well was made to sell: it was meant for immediate hawking 
about the streets. Hence it was undoubtedly set up as soon as 
copy was available. It was certainly not in type, and probably 
not in existence, on May 24, or it would have been advertised 
in James Franklin’s Courant of that date. Manifestly the ex- 
treme limits for its composition are May 25 and May 31, 17265. 


96 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


It was based, therefore, on such tidings as had come to Boston 
by Monday, May 24, or, in other words, on the long item pub- 
lished on May 24 in the New-England Courant." This was as 


follows: 
Boston May 24. 


Last Week came to Town Lieutenant Wyman and several others who 
were in the late Fight between the Indians and Capt. Lovewell’s Company 
at Pigwocket, by whom we have a more particular and certain Account of 
the Fight than has yet been publish’d, and is as follows. 

Early on Saturday Morning, the 8th Instant, the English discover'd an In- 
dian on a Neck of Land which run into a Pond, and by his Actions judg'd 
there were a considerable Number of Indians near the Pond, and that he was 
set on purpose to draw the English upon the Neck: They therefore laid down 
their Packs (that they might be ready to receive the Enemy's Attack) when they 
had about two miles to travel round the Pond, to come at the Indian upon the 
Neck. When they came within Gun Shot of him, he fir'd two Guns, and 
slightly wounded Capt. Lovewell and one of his Men with Beaver Shot. Sev- 
eral of the English immediately fir'd upon him, kill‘d and scalp'd him; and re- 
turning to the Place where they left their Packs, before they could reach tt, one of 
the English discovered an Indian, and calling out to the rest, the Indians rose 
up from their Ambush, shouted and fir'd, as did the English at the same In- 
stant. The Indians were reckon'd at least 80 in Number, and Capt. Lovewell's 
Company consisted of but 34, Nine Men and the Doctor betng left about 50 
miles distant with a sick man. After the first Fire, the Indians advanced with 
great Fury towards the English, with their Hatchets in their Hands, the English 
likewise running up to them, till they came within four or five Yards of the 
Enemy, and were even mix‘d among them, when the Dispute growing too 
warm for the Indians, they gave back, and endeavour'd to encompass the Eng- 
lish, who then retreated to the Pond, in order to have their Rear cover'd, where 
they continu‘d the Fight till Night. During the Fight the Indians call'd to 
them to take Quarter, but were answer‘d that they would have tt with the muz- 
gles of their Guns. About two Hours before Night the Indians drew off, and 
presently came on again; and their Shout then being compar‘d with the first, tt 
was thought half their Number at least were kill‘d and wounded. Of the chief 
among the English, Capt. Lovewell, Lieut. Fairwell, and Ensign Robins, 
were mortally wounded at the beginning of the Fight, and Mr. Fry, their Chap- 
lain, in about five Hours after, having fought with undaunted Courage, and 
scalp‘d one of the Indians in the Heat of the Engagement. Eight of the English 
dy’d on the Spot, and 9 were wounded, 4 of which Number were just expiring 
when they came away at Night, and the rest they brought off several miles, but 
were oblig‘d to leave them with what Provision they had, when they were unable 
to travel with them. Sixteen of our men are return‘d tho’ they had no Provision 
but what they caught in the Woods, the Indians having got all their Packs be- 
fore the Fight. ‘Tis thought that not above 20 of the Indians went off well at 
Night: But tho‘ we cannot have a certain Account of their Loss, yet it is evident 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 97 


that “twas very great, and they were afraid of another Engagement; for tho‘ our 
men staid several Hours after the Fight, and the Indians knew they had no 
Provision, yet they neither endeavour‘d to keep them there, nor waylaid them in 
their Return Home. His Honour the Lieut. Governour has been pleas‘d to 
grant a Captain's Commission to Lieut. Wyman, who distinguish'd himself 
with great Courage and Conduct during the whole Engagement. 

N. B. The Article of the late Fight publish‘d in the last Week‘s Gazette, 
was design‘d likewise for this Paper, but omitted by Mistake. 

This morning it is confidently reported that Capt. Lovewell and Mr. Fry 
are got to some of our Frontier Towns, tho‘ very much wounded. 

The next Courant, that of May 31, contains the following 
item: 


The Report of Capt. Lovewell’s being alive, proves groundless; but we 
have certain Advice, that Eleazer Davis, one of the 4 wounded Men who 
were brought off several Miles by the English, is arriv’d at Berwick. The 
other three, who were not able to travel as fast as himself, he left in the 
Woods, of whose Return we are not yet out of Hopes. The Indians not 
venturing to follow the Track of these wounded Men, is a further Confir- 
mation of their entire Defeat. 

Now let us turn to the ballad published by Farmer and 
Moore in 1824 and asserted by them to have been “written 
about a hundred years since.” 

If we compare the Farmer ballad with the Courant of May 24 
and 31, we shall find that the ballad follows the item of the 
24th closely, not only in statements of fact, but even in phrase- 
ology. Indeed, it is to all intents and purposes a versification 
of that item, though it adds two or three details. And we shall 
also find that the balladist, — whoever he was and whenever he 
poetized, — though he had the Courant of May 24 on his table, 
had not seen the Courant of the 31st. Thus it becomes evident 
that the Farmer ballad, like the Franklin ballad, was composed 
after May 24 and before May 31. The inference is unescapable: 
the two ballads are identical: the ballad published by James 
Franklin on or just before May 31, 1725, still exists, though no 
man living has ever seen one of the original broadsides. A copy 
of the text, probably a manuscript, came into the hands of 
Farmer and Moore and was published by them in their Co/lec- 


tions in February, 1824.% 


98 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


Some of the details that establish this identity will now be 
specified. In making our comparison, we shall consider also the 
‘Lovewell Lamented’ of the Reverend Thomas Symmes, pub- 
lished at Boston on July 1, 1725;™ for the agreement of the 
Farmer ballad and the Courant item of May 24 in points in 
which both of them differ from Symmes’s fuller and more ac- 
curate narrative, will serve to emphasize the dependence of the 
Farmer ballad on that item. 

(1) In the ballad (stanza 2), as in the Courant item of May 
24, the Indian whom Lovewell’s men spied “upon a neck of 
land” early on Saturday morning, May 8, is the same who is 
killed and scalped (stanzas 5,6). In Symmes the two are quite 
distinct. 

(2) The ballad and the item both report that the savage 
fired first, discharging two guns: 


“They came unto this Indian, who did them thus defy, 
As soon as they came nigh him, two guns he did let fly, 
Which wounded Captain Lovewell, and likewise one man more, 
But when this rogue was running, they laid him in his gore. 


“Then having scalp’d the Indian,” etc. — Stanzas 5, 6. 


“When they came within Gun Shot of him, he fir’d two Guns, and 
slightly wounded Capt. Lovewell and one of his Men with Beaver Shot. 
Several of the English immediately fir’d upon him, kill‘d and scalp‘d him.” 
— Courant, May 24. 


In Symmes the Indian (the second Indian in this case) is not 
said to have had two guns, and it is the English who open fire: 


“They all squat, and let him come on: presently several Guns were 
Fir’d at him; upon which the Indian Fir'd upon Captain Lovewell with 
Bever-Shot and Wounded him Mortally (as is supposed) tho” he made little 
Complaint, and was still able to Travel, and at the same time Wounded 
Mr. Samuel Whiting: Immediately Wyman Fir'd at the Indian and Kill’d 
him; and Mr. Frie and another Scalp’d him.” — Symmes, p. vi; (Kidder, 
p- 32). 

The curious detail of the two guns (in the ballad and the 
item; not in Symmes) challenges attention. Manifestly it is a 
mistake: Lovewell and Whiting were wounded at a single dis- 


charge, the beaver shot scattering. It is worth noting that, 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 99 


when the News-Letter of May 27 repeated the Courant item of 
May 24, “one Gun” was substituted for “two Guns.” We 
might infer that the Farmer ballad was written before May 27, 
and thus we should reduce the limits of its date from May 25- 
30 to May 25-26; but this point need not be pressed. It is 
enough for our present purpose to observe that the balladist 
follows the Courant of May 24 in a mistaken statement." 

(3) For coincidence in phraseology we may take, as one 
specimen out of many, the following instance: 


“Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave his pack, 
That we may briskly fight them when they make their attack.” 
— Stanza 4. 


“They therefore laid down their Packs (that they might be ready to re- 
ceive the Enemy‘s Attack).” — Courant, May 24. 


Contrast Symmes: 


“The Captain . . . Ordered the Men to lay down their Packs, & March 
with greatest Caution, and in utmost readiness.” — P. v (Kidder, p. 32). 


(4) A striking agreement between the ballad and the item, 
both in incident and in phraseology, concerns the temporary 
lull in the fighting: 


“°'Twas ten o’clock in the morning, when first the fight begun, 
And fiercely did continue until the setting sun; 
Excepting that the Indians some hours before ’twas night, 
Drew off into the bushes and ceas’d a while to fight. 


“But soon again returned, in fierce and furious mood, 
Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud; 
For as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell, 
Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well. 


“And that our valiant English, till midnight there did stay, 
To see whether the rebels would have another fray; 
But they no more returning, they made off towards their home, 
And brought away their wounded as far as they could come.” 
— Stanzas 12-14. 


“About two Hours before Night the Indians drew off, and presently 
came on again; and their Shout then being compar‘d with the first, it was 
thought half their Number at least were kill‘d and wounded .... “Tis 
thought that not above 20 of the Indians went off well at Night... tho* 
our men staid several Hours after the Fight, ... yet they neither endeav- 
our‘d to keep them there, nor waylaid them in their Return Home.” 


100 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


Symmes says nothing of a temporary cessation of fighting and 
a renewed attack, and therefore, of course, he does not con- 
trast the shouting on the two onsets. 

(s) A plain indication that the Farmer ballad was written 
soon after the event is the language used in recording Seth 
Wyman’s promotion to a captaincy: “Wyman’'s Captain 
made” (stanza 17). This is as much as to say, “Wyman has 
been made Captain.” The Courant of May 24 remarks: “His 
Honour the Lieut. Governour has been pleas‘d to grant a Cap- 
tain‘s Commission to Lieut. Wyman, who distinguish‘d him- 
self with great Courage and Conduct during the whole Engage- 
ment.” So Symmes: “HIS Honour, Our Excellent Lieutenant 
Governour has been Pleas’d to give Ensign Seth Wyman, a 
Captain’s Commission, since his Return, as a Reward of His 
Valour.” 16 Nobody who was writing after Wyman’s death 
(which took place on September 5, 1725) would have said 
“Wyman’s Captain made” or “Wyman has been made Cap- 
tain.” Such a form of speech implies that Wyman is still alive 
and in the enjoyment of the commission which has recently 
been granted him." 

(6) The sixteenth stanza of the ballad runs thus: 

“Our worthy Captain Lovewell among them there did die, 

They killed Lieut. Robbins and wounded good young Frye, 


Who was our English Chaplain, he many Indians slew, 
And some of them he scalp’d when bullets round him flew.” 18 


The minstrel, then, was certain that Lovewell and Robbins 
were dead, but, so far as he could tell, the Chaplain (Jonathan 
Frye), though wounded, was still in the land of the living. 
Now it was known in Boston as early as May 17 that Lovewell 
and Robbins must be dead, for the first contingent of the sur- 
vivors, who reached Dunstable on the 13th, had reported that 
these two were “mortally wounded by the Indians first shot 
from their Ambushments,” and that, if not actually dead when 
the survivors started on the homeward march, they were at the 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT IOI 


point of death and had been unable to move from the field; 
and this report was confirmed by Wyman’s account when he 
arrived at Dunstable on the 15th. But the fate of four of the 
men — Lieutenant Josiah Farwell, Chaplain Jonathan Frye, 
Josiah Jones, and Eleazer Davis, — who, though wounded, 
had started with the others on the return march but had been 
left behind after the party had travelled some distance, was 
still in doubt when the Courant printed its report on May 24." 
On the 27th Davis got to Berwick and Jones to Saco, but 
both Frye and Farwell died on the way home. Davis reported, 
on his arrival at Berwick, that Frye was certainly dead #* — he 
had been forced to leave him in articulo mortis; but hope of 
Frye’s return had not been abandoned in Boston on the 31st.” 
When the details of Davis’s story became known,™ however, 
there could be no question that the chaplain had perished. Un- 
less the balladist had written soon after the Fight, he would 
hardly have left the matter doubtful. 

(7) In stanza 15 the balladist states that “Sixteen of our 
English did safely home return,” which accords with the Cou- 
rant of the 24th: “Sixteen of our men are return‘d.” This fig- 
ure — sixteen — 1s almost if not quite enough by itself to fix 
the date of the Farmer ballad as somewhere between May 20 
and May 31, and it certainly indicates a date before the 31st. 
On the 20th the News-Letter was still putting the number of 
survivors at ¢welve ?> (in an item which was a mere reprint of 
that in the Gazette of the 17th); on the 24th, as we have seen, 
the Courant raised the figure to sixteen; on the 31st the Courant 
reported the return of Eleazer Davis on the 27th, making 
seventeen, but knew nothing of the return of the eighteenth man, 
Josiah Jones, who arrived at Saco on the 27th, and whose safety 
was chronicled by the News-Letter of June 3. In Symmes’s 
book, published on July 1, the safety of the whole eighteen is 
duly registered.”° 


102 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


There are, it is true, a few details in the ballad that are lack- 
ing in the Courant item of May 24. None of these, however, 
is of any consequence, except the statement (in the conclud- 
ing stanza) that Wyman “shot the old chief Paugus.”’ For this 
the ballad is our sole authority. Both Symmes and Penhallow 
inform us that Paugus was killed, but they do not tell who shot 
him. 

“ Since the Action,” writes Symmes, “Col. yng with a Company, have 

been on the spot, and found and Buried Twelve of our Men. They also 
found where the Indians had Buried Three of their Men, and when they 
were dug up, One of them was known to be the Bold Paugus, who has been 
such a Scourge to Dunstable; but if he be gone to his own place, He’ll cease 
from Troubling.” 2” 
Penhallow’s account is to the same effect. The inference seems 
to be that Wyman, on whose narrative the Courant report of 
May 24 is based, did not claim the credit of killing the old 
chief, and, indeed, that nobody except the Indians was certain 
that Paugus had been shot until Tyng dug up his body about a 
fortnight after the battle.** One significant thing, however, 
which must have been a feature of the story that Wyman told 
‘n Boston on his arrival there just before May 24, was ignored 
in the Courant item of that date. It is thus recorded by 
Symmes on Wyman’s own authority: 


“ At one time, Captain Wyman is Confident, they [the Indians] were got 
to Powawing, by their striking on the Ground, and other odd Motions, but 
at length Wyman crept up toward ’em and Firing among ’em, shot the 
Chief Powaw and brake up their Meeting.” *° 
Perhaps the town talk, or the balladist himself, confused “‘the 
Chief Powaw” with Chief Paugus; perhaps the minstrel was 
indulging in a little poetic licence. It is even possible that 
“Paugus” for “Powaw”’ is an editorial improvement on the 
authentic text.*° Anyhow, the statement, be it true or false, in 
no wise affects the validity of the evidence already given that 
the Courant item of May 24 was the minstrel’s chief source of 
information, and that he had finished his song before the 
Courant of May 31 was published.*! The proof that the 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 103 


Farmer ballad is the Franklin ballad (“The Voluntier’s 
March’’) remains unshaken. , 

Let us recapitulate: One limit for the Farmer ballad is fixed — 
by the fact that the author follows so closely, both in facts and 
in phrases, the report in the Courant of May 24, 1725: he can- 
not have written before that date. The other limit is fixed 
more and more narrowly by a series of considerations. If he 
had written after September 11, 1725 (when the Courant re- 
ported Wyman’s death on the 5th), he would not have spoken 
as 1f Wyman were still alive and had just been promoted. Ifhe 
had written after seeing Symmes’s book, which was published 
on July 1, he would have told a different story of the Fight. If 
he had written after June 3, he would have known from the 
News-Letter that there were eighteen survivors, not sixteen. If 
he had written after May 31, he would have known from the 
Courant that at least seventeen men had returned. If he had 
written after the News-Letter of May 27 came out, he would 
have known that the Indian who shot Lovewell had one gun, 
not two. It follows, then, that the earliest possible date of 
composition is May 24, and the latest May 27 or (if the detail 
about the guns be waived) May 31, 1725. These limits accord 
with those of the Franklin ballad, which was clearly not in ex- 
istence on May 24 and was advertised on May 31 as just pub- 
lished. The Farmer ballad and the Franklin ballad are one and 
the same. 

Finally, I hazard the conjecture that the author of “The 
Voluntier’s March” was James Franklin himself. That he was 
a fluent versifier is shown by the poems which he contributed 
to the early numbers of the Courant and the authorship of 
which has been proved by Mr. Ford in an extraordinarily in- 
teresting paper in the Massachusetts Historical Proceedings 
for April, 1924 (LV11, 336-353). But there is another Richmond 
in the field — Joseph Jewett of Groton. The main facts in this 
regard, for a knowledge of which I am indebted to the kindness 


104 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


and antiquarian learning of Mr. S. Harrison Lovewell, may be 


briefly summarized.” 
In 1736 John Lovell (Lovewell) of Dunstable gave a note to 


Joseph Jewett of Groton: 


Dunstable Septemb' 8" 1736: 

Whereas Joseph Jewett of groton hath Deliuer’d to me the Subscriber 
the Verses he made of Capt John Lovells killing the ten Indians & them he 
made when Capt Louell was kil’d: 

I the Subscriber promise to pay to the S¢ Joseph Jewett Five pounds 
passible mony or deliver to s¢ Joseph Jewett or Leaue at his house in 
groton twenty ballads of each Sort of s¢ Verses in print at or before De- 
cember next as witness my hand 

his 

John L Louell 

mark 
Jewett sued Lovewell in the Inferiour Court of Common Pleas 
held at Concord, Massachusetts, August 29, 1738, for £10 
damages, alleging that Lovewell had neither paid the money 
nor delivered the verses. The jury found for the plaintiff — 
£5 damages and cost of court (£4, 19 shillings). Lovewell 
appealed to the next session of the Superiour Court of Judica- 
ture, held at Charlestown on the last Tuesday of January, 
1739, but he lost his case and had to pay costs taxed at £17, 
14 shillings. 

At this time there were living in Groton two Joseph Jewetts, 
father and son. The father was born on September 14, 1685, 
the son on October 9, 1708.* The Jewett ballads were prob- 
ably written in 1725, immediately after the events, when the 
younger Joseph was less than seventeen years old. Perhaps, 
therefore, the elder Joseph is the better candidate for such 
poetical honors as attach to their composition. In support of 
his claim we might also urge the fact that the author is styled 
“Joseph Jewett” in all the documents and not “Joseph 
Junior,” though this is by no means conclusive. Mr. S. Har- 
rison Lovewell decides in favor of the son. 

Anyhow, it is certain that one of the two Joseph Jewetts of 
Groton composed a pair of ballads on Captain Lovewell. One 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 105 


related to the exploit of February 21, 1725, when Lovewell’s 
Company surprised and killed ten Indians, receiving £1000 as 
scalp money. This has perished. The other, described in the 
promissory note as the verses ““made when Capt Louell was 
kil’d,” may or may not have been “The Voluntier’s March.” 


II 


The literary history of the old song of “‘Lovewell’s Fight,” 
to which we have now confidently restored its original title of 
“The Voluntier’s March,” has been intimately associated for 
a hundred years with another ballad, also called “‘Lovewell’s 
Fight,” which begins — 

“What time the noble Lovewell came, 
With fifty men from Dunstable, 
The cruel Pequa’tt tribe to tame, 
With arms and bloodshed terrible.”’ 
This was published for the first time in Farmer and Moore’s 
Collections for March, 1824, the next monthly number to 
that which contains the old song; and it is there expressly 
designated as a contribution to that periodical: “For the 
Monthly Literary Journal. Lovewell’s Fight. A Ballad.” 
“The Monthly Literary Journal” was a special department of 
the Collections. The receipt of the poem is mentioned by 
Farmer in the same letter to Joshua Coffin (February 4, 1824) 
in which he announces that the old song “‘is inserted in the 
February Number of the Collections.” Farmer writes: “I 
have just received an Excellent Ballad on Lovewell’s Fight 
written in the style and manner of Chevy Chase, which will 
probably appear in our next ”’ (Coffin MSS, 11, 4). He does not 
name the contributor. 

The author had certainly read Symmes’s ‘Historical Mem- 
oirs,’ for he based his poem on the text of Symmes reprinted in 
the first volume of these same Col//ections (1822). Here he had 
found a narrative at variance with the old ballad in several 
particulars, and he retold the story accordingly. Now that 


106 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


text of Symmes was reprinted, not from either of the two origi- 
nal issues (1725), but from the Fryeburg edition of 1799. This 
was prepared and printed by Elijah Russell, who modified the 
language to suit his fancy and made a number of interpolations 
without notice. One of these is important. Symmes, in an- 
nouncing the safe return of Josiah Jones, states the bare fact 
that “Yosiah Fones another of the Four, came in at Saco.” *8 
Russell continues with an account of Jones’s sufferings in the 
woods and his subsequent recovery *” and adds a long passage, 
quite unknown to Symmes — the story (often repeated since) 
of the conversation between Chamberlain and Paugus at the 
pond, of their firing at almost the same moment, and of the 
fall of the Indian.*® To this he appends the apocryphal tale 
of the attempt made by a son of Paugus to kill Chamberlain 
“after it had become a time of peace,” *? and another anecdote 
about a night encounter between Chamberlain and a prowling 
savage at a sawmill. This last item includes the remark that 
Chamberlain “used to say that he was not to be killed by an 
Indian.’ We now perceive that it was from Russell’s inter- 
polation that the poet derived the material for his eighteenth 


stanza: 
“But Chamberlain, of Dunstable, 
(One whom a savage ne’er shall slay,) 
Met Paugus by the water side, 
And shot him dead upon that day.” 


Stanza 8 refers to the Indian who was first spied by the Eng- 
lish and was supposed by them to be a decoy: | 


“The Savage had been seeking game, 
Two guns and eke a knife he bore, 
And two black ducks were in his hand, 
He shrieked, and fell, to rise no more.” 


The direct source of this stanza is an extract from Belknap’s 
‘History of New Hampshire’ (1791) “ given by Farmer and 


Moore in a footnote to their reprint of Russell’s edition of 
Symmes.” 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 107 


The only statements, indeed, which our modern balladist 
did not get from Russell’s edition of Symmes concern John 
Harwood and his wife. Symmes says that Harwood was killed 
on the spot. The tender parting between him and his wife 
when he left home, and the death of Mary Harwood soon after 
she heard of the disaster, are additions made by the poet. 

The date of the modern ballad we have fixed as early in 
1824. Its author is commonly supposed to be the Rev. 
Thomas Coggswell Upham. Though he never publicly ac- 
knowledged the poem, the circumstantial evidence is strong, 
and, as we shall see presently, he did acknowledge it in a 
private letter. 

Upham was born at Deerfield, Massachusetts, on January 
30, 1799, but his parents removed to Rochester, New Hamp- 
shire, in his infancy. He grew up, therefore, in a region where, 
as he himself tells us, traditions about Lovewell’s expedition 
were rife. In noticing the first volume of the Collections in 
the North American Review for January, 1824, he refers espe- 
cially to the reprint of Symmes: “Among the accounts, which 
have appeared in the Historical Collections, the narration of 
the contest with the savages, commonly called ‘Lovewell’s 
Fight,’ is particularly interesting. The story of Lovewell’s 
Fight is one of the nursery tales of New Hampshire; there is 
hardly a person that lives in the eastern and northern part of 
the state, but has heard incidents of that fearful encounter re- 
peated from infancy.” #4 An extract from this notice was prob- 
ably included along with the poem in the author’s manuscript 
as sent to the editors of the Collections; at any rate, it is printed 
as a footnote to the ballad. 

At the moment of publication (March, 1824) Upham (who 
eraduated at Dartmouth College in 1818 and at the Andover 
Seminary in 1821) was minister of the church at Rochester, 
and the same volume which contains the poem twice records 
the date of his ordination there, July 16, 1823. On May 29, 


108 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


1825,*° his Rochester pastorate terminated, for he had accepted 
a call to a Professorship of Mental and Moral Philosophy at 
Bowdoin College —a position which he occupied until his 
resignation in 1867. He died in 1872. 

From December 27, 1817, to December 4, 1819, the Colum- 
bian Centinel prints many poems contributed by Upham, 
all but one (“‘Dark-Rolling Connecticut”) labelled “For the 
Columbian Fount” (the Poet’s Corner on the fourth page of 
that journal), and all but two (“Susan and Jack” and “The 
Green Mountain Lad’) signed “A. K.”’ The two last men- 
tioned are signed “Oscar.” In 1819 Upham publicly acknowl- 
edged these A. K. poems as his own by including several of 
them in a little volume of verses entitled ‘American Sketches,’ 
issued in February at New York with his name on the title- 
page.” 

Afterwards he used the same title, ‘American Sketches,’ in 
the Centinel as a general heading for other poems that he con- 
tributed during 1819. Most of the latter he did not include in 
any of his subsequent volumes of verse, and they have never 
been collected, so far as I know. I find nothing by Upham in 
the Centinel after that year. Two of the poems in Upham’s 
volume of ‘American Sketches’ (1819) deal with Lovewell’s 
Fight — “Tovellspond”’ (a lyric) and “The Birchen Canoe.” ® 

The former was first printed in the Centinel of January 31, 
1818, with the usual signature “A.K.”, and was introduced 
by an editorial compliment: “We recognize in the following 
another of the emanations of a rural muse, which have been 
copied from The Fount into most of the respectable papers in 
the Union. We think our correspondent sounds the shell of 
Clio as fitly as he breathes the strains of the Shepherd’s reed.” 
The poem was reprinted by Farmer and Moore in the first vol- 
ume of their Collections, immediately after Symmes’s narra- 
tive.® “The following stanzas,” the editors remark, “are from 


the pen of Thomas C. Upham, a New-Hampshire poet. They 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 10g 


were written on visiting the scene of Lovewell’s fate, and are 
worthy the fine taste and genius of the author.” Longfellow’s 
earliest known poem, “The Battle of Lovell’s Pond,” which 
appeared in the Portland Gazette of November 17, 1820, was 
certainly inspired by Upham’s lyric, to which it bears a strik- 
ing resemblance both in ideas and in phraseology. The Har- 
vard College Library has Longfellow’s own copy of Upham’s 
“American Sketches’ of 1819.58 

“The Birchen Canoe” is accompanied in Upham’s volume 
by a significant note: “It is related as a tradition, that one of 
the soldiers who fought at Lovellspond in 1725, on being des- 
perately wounded, crept into a birchen canoe, and in that con- 
dition was wafted to the other side beyond the reach of the 
conflict; and the probability is, considering how few escaped to 
tell the issue of that day’s sanguinary encounter, that his life 
and sufferings were ended beneath the wave.” ** This note not 
only brings Upham into connection with local traditions about 
Lovewell’s Fight, but also proves that when he printed it 
(1819) he had not yet seen either Symmes’s or Penhallow’s nar- 
rative, for Symmes expressly records the safe arrival of Solo- 
mon Kies (Keyes) at Dunstable on the thirteenth of May,” 
1725. The interpolated text of Symmes, which our balladist 
uses in “Lovewell’s Fight,” was made accessible to Upham, as 
we have seen, in 1822, in Farmer and Moore’s Collections. 

The oftener Upham and the Collections can be brought to- 
gether in some way, the stronger the probability that the 
ballad is his. The Co//ections was a periodical. Volume I was 
made up of five numbers that came out at intervals in 1822 
(April,®® June, August, October, December). Volumes II and 
III were issued in monthly parts throughout 1823 and 1824. 
Now Mr. Upham is present, in one way or another, in every 
volume. He may fairly be styled a regular contributor. The 
first number of all, as we have just noted, reprints his lyric on 
Lovewell’s Pond “Ah! where are the soldiers that fought here 


110 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


of yore?” with a well-deserved editorial compliment. To No. 3 
of volume I he contributed, under the general heading of 
“American Sketches,” a long poem called “The Farmer's 
Fireside,” modelled on “The Cotter’s Saturday Night,” with 
a rather skilful application to New England country life as he 
knew it in his boyhood at Rochester. This was printed anony- 
mously in the Collections, and (also anonymously) in a little 
pamphlet: ‘American Sketches. Farmer’s Fireside. A Poem. 
Concord, N. H. Printed by Hill and Moore. 1822.’ Hill and 
Moore were the publishers of the Collections — the Moore of 
the firm being Jacob B. Moore, co-editor with John Farmer of 
that periodical. In the pamphlet “The Farmer’s Fireside” is 
printed, page for page and line for line, from the type already 
set for the Collections.*" 

“The Farmer’s Fireside” furnishes direct evidence of Up- 
ham’s interest in the Indian wars in general, and mentions 
Paugus particularly. Upham represents himself and other 
young people as “teazing” a “orandam” of eighty for stories: 


“She told of Mog,*® Madockawando,® all 
From Hopehood © down to Paugus’ frantick yell, 
And, as her lips the bloody deeds recall, 
And, as with upturned gaze we heard her tell, 
Unconsciously the chrystal tear-drops fell, 
For, from our infancy, we'd heard and read 
Of chiefs from Canada, and knew full well 
Of Sachem’s wrath, that feasted on the dead, 
And shook the haughty plume and arm with life-blood ted.) = 


With “Paugus’ frantick yell” it is proper to compare stanza I 
g y prop p v 


of the ballad which we are trying to prove is Upham’s: 


“°'T was Paugus led the Pequ’att tribe; — 
As runs the Fox would Paugus run; 
As howls the wild wolf, would he howl, 
A large bear skin had Paugus on.” ® 
In volume II (1823) of the Collections Upham cuts a con- 
siderable figure. In the February number the editors prefix to 
“ An account of the voyage of the Plymouth Pilgrims” a poeti- 


cal motto from “Upham” (page 33),° and they reprint (page 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT III 


58) his poem of “Susan and Jack,” ascribing it to “‘“Oscar,’ 
a New-Hampshire bard.”’ Oscar was the signature under which 
it had appeared in the Columbian Centinel of February 25, 
1818. Again, in the same February number of the Collections, 
the editors acknowledge the receipt of “a poem, entitled ‘THE 
WInTER EVENING,’ from the author of the ‘Farmer’s Fireside,’ 
which originally appeared in these Collections,’ and they 
promise to print it in the next number.® The March number, 
accordingly, contains “American Sketches. The Winter Even- 
ing,” labelled (like “Lovewell’s Fight” in volume III) “For 
the Literary Journal.” °° No author’s name is given, but the 
poem is known to be Upham’s.®” It has much about the telling 
of Indian stories,® relates the famous incident of Waldron’s 
murder,’ and embodies the following significant stanza: 
“Nor, Lovewell, was thy memory forgot! 

Who through the trackless wild thy heroes led, 

Death, and the dreadful torture heeding not, 

Mightst thou thy heart-blood for thy country shed, 

And serve her living, honor her, when dead. 

Oh, Lovewell, Lovewell, nature’s self shall die, 

And o’er her ashes be her requiem said, 

Before New-Hampshire pass thy story by, 

Without a note of praise, without a pitying eye.” 
This stanza, one notes with interest, Upham omitted in the re- 
vised form of “The Farmer’s Fireside ” which he published in 
1843 and again in 1850-51.” Was this omission due, perhaps, 
to the fact (for it zs a fact) that he was determined not to ac- 
knowledge the authorship of ‘“‘Lovewell’s Fight”? To reprint 
the stanza under his own name would certainly have tended to 
foster the belief that the ballad, too, was from his pen. 

Returning to the Collections for 1823, we find, in the May 

number,” a commendatory review of Upham’s translation of 
Jahn’s ‘ Biblical Archaeology,’ which had just come out.” He is 
named and is described as “Assistant Teacher of Hebrew and 
Greek in the Theol. Sem. Andover.” 


112 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


Thus we arrive at the Collections for 1824 — the last volume. 
Here Upham’s ordination as minister at Rochester on July 16, 
1823, is twice recorded: in the March number, and again in the 
April number.” Between the records appears, in the March 
number, the modern ballad of “Lovewell’s Fight,” * marked as 
a special contribution to the periodical, and accompanied by a 
quotation from Upham’s commendatory notice of volume I — 
which appeared in the North American Keniew forJanuary.”” 

A minute but significant detail is the mention of Agio[co]- 
chook in stanza 2 of the ballad: 


“Then did the crimson streams, that flowed, 
Seem like the waters of the brook, 
That brightly shine, that loudly dash 
Far down the cliffs of Agiochook.”’ 
Mr. Upham was fond of this Indian name for the White Moun- 


tains. In “Passaconaway” he writes: 
“And oft the sprites who deck Agiocochook, 
With nightly lamps and carbuncles, repair, 
When churchyard gleams illume thy grassy nook, 
To trim their fires and pay their worship there.” "* 

To the Centinel of August 11, 1819, he contributed a poem 
called “Sprite of Ajocochook.” 7 The name recurs ine ihe 
Winter Evening.” * 

Upham’s habit of composing verses about the Indians makes 
a sound argument a priori for his authorship of the modern 
“Lovewell’s Fight.” His addiction to such subjects comes out 
strikingly, not only in “The Farmer’s Fireside” and “The 
Winter Evening,” but in a score of other poems, some of which 
have already been mentioned. The list is rather impressive: — 
“Lovewell’s Pond” (“Lovellspond”’);* ““Tychou Mingo: or, 
The Voluntary Sacrifice”; * “Lucinda” (on the murder of Miss 
McCrea); “The Indian Scholar”; * “Philip's Dream”; ® 
“Passaconaway ”; °° “The Indian on Pegasus”; *” “Sprite of 
Ajocochook”; 8° “Obookiah”; *° “Her Cherub’s arms are 
round her breast”; “Wohawa”; * “Madockawando”; ” 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 113 


“The Iroquois”; ° ““Onontague”’; * “The Birchen Canoe”’; % 


“Isle of Wococon”’; °° “The Three Mounds’’; 9%” “‘The Soldier 
of Hadley”; °§ “The Algonquins’”’; °° “The Daughters of the 
Sun,” 1 

In this regard it is notable that a warm admirer of A.K. 
looked upon him as especially the poet of the Indian. This 
admirer is “Orolio,” who addressed some verses “To A.K.” 
in the Centinel for July 7, 1821. These begin: 


“T know that lyre whose thrilling sound 
In magic spell my heart has bound.” 


Then, after celebrating several of A.K.’s poems by name or in 
some easily recognizable allusion, Orolio continues: 


“But strongest, wildest sound its strings, 
And deepest are the notes it flings, 
When in its native forests wild, 

It echoes to the Forest Child. 
Oh! then it rolls such minstrelsy 
As none can wake — save only Thee.” 


Finally I may quote Upham’s own words in his notice of 
volume I of the Collections —a notice which appeared (un- 
signed, of course) in the North American Review for January, 
1824. Here, under the veil of anonymity, he feels free to allude 
to several of his own poems on Indian subjects. 


“We do not know that poetry has found many votaries among the sons 
of New Hampshire, but we have at times seen specimens of their efforts, 
which show that her mountains and lakes are beheld by some, who can in- 
hale the breath of their inspiration, and rejoice in the surrounding sublim- 
ities of nature. There are few portions of the Union, which can furnish 
more to gratify and to excite the powers of an imagination truly poetic, 
one that is fond of the marvellous in incident, and of the wild and enraptur- 
ing in scenery. The wonderful stories, which were told in the primitive 
times, of Passaconaway the Penacook, of Paugus the chief of the Pequack- 
etts, of Wohawa, who, though a Frenchman by birth, invaded the frontier 
settlements with more than the cruelty of a savage, are yet remembered 
and repeated with interest. Even Jocelyn and Darby Fields are not for- 
gotten, and many an untutored lad has been more than half persuaded to 
leave the unpoetic roof of his forefathers, and emulate the marvellous wan- 
derings of those early adventurers, by going to search for carbuncles on the 
Chrystal Hills.”’ 1% 


114 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


All the circumstances make it easy to believe that Upham is 
indeed the author of the modern ballad of “Lovewell’s Fight.” 
We should note, too, that in style and manner that piece re- 
sembles four ballads which he acknowledged: “Destruction of 
the Willey Family,” ” “Death of Colonel Hayne,’’? “Yanko, 
the Noble Negro,” and “The Frozen Family of Illinois.” ® 

Frederic Kidder, in quoting the first stanza of the ballad in 
1865, remarks that it was “written by a gentleman that has ob- 
tained some celebrity as a poet, who is still living, but has never 
allowed his name to accompany it.” %® Mr. George W. Cham- 
berlain, in editing his reprint of Kidder’s monograph in 1909, 
inserts (in brackets) “Prof. Thomas C. Upham of Bowdoin 
College, Brunswick, Maine,” after “poet,” 1” and Williamson 
ascribes the ballad to Upham without qualification. The 
authorship must have been known to Farmer and Moore in 
1824, and it seems to have been suspected by Willey in 1855.1° 
Probably it was an open secret among Upham’s friends, He 
was a very modest man, and somewhat addicted, withal, to in- 
nocent mystification. One of his warmest admirers describes 
him, in a memorial address, as “reticent about himself even to 
colleagues of forty years close companionship.” 

Ten years after Upham’s death the following memorandum 
was drawn up. It is now in the possession of Mr. C. W. Lewis, 
whose investigations in the matter of Lovewell’s Fight are 
gratefully acknowledged by Parkman in his chapter on the 
subject in ‘A Half-Century of Conflict.’ I am indebted to Mr. 
Lewis for my knowledge of this memorandum and for his kind- 
ness in furnishing me with a copy.™ 


18 Somerset Street, Boston, Mass. 


August 8, 1882. 

This is to certify that in a letter (now destroyed) which I received from 
Thomas C. Upham he stated that the poem commencing with the line 
What time the noble Lovewell came and referred to by me on page 119 of 
my History of The Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell, was written by 
him. He also stated in the same letter that he was the author of the poem 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 115 


which commences with the words, Ah! where are the soldiers, etc., and 
which I give on pages 122-123 of my history referred to above. 
Frederic Kidder. 


This certifies that the above-named letter was shown me by Mr. Kidder 

and that his statement of the contents is correct. 
John Ward Dean. 

Upham’s reluctance to acknowledge the ballad may have 
had something to do with the sentiments expressed in one of 
its liveliest stanzas— sentiments which perhaps seemed to him 
a little indecorous in his maturer-years, when he had become 
well known as a Christian philosopher and as the author of 
many religious sonnets and devotional poems: — 


“Good heavens! Is this a time for pray’r? 
Is this a time to worship God? 
When Lovewell’s men are dying fast, 

And Paugus’ tribe hath felt the rod?” 
Some years after the publication of the ballad, Upham became 
a convert to the extreme doctrine of non-resistance. He wrote 
“The Manual of Peace’ (New York, 1836), widely circulated by 
the American Peace Society in an edition issued at Boston in 
1842. In this treatise he maintained that every kind of war is 
wrong, even war in defence of one’s country, and he devoted a 
whole chapter to proving “that ministers of the Gospel cannot 
innocently and lawfully exercise the office of military chap- 
lain.” 4 Such views accorded ill with the meed of praise be- 
stowed by the ballad upon Chaplain Jonathan Frye, who cer- 
tainly belonged to the church militant. “Chaplain though he 
was,” writes Parkman, “he carried a gun, knife, and hatchet 
like the others, and not one of the party was more prompt to 
use them.” 1% 


116 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


NOTES 


1. Vol.111, 64-66. A strange error, which has more than once emerged in print, 
may be corrected here—not because it is likely to pervert anybody whois at all versed 
in the works of our early historians, but because it affords an amusing (if somewhat 
disconcerting) instance of the pitfalls that beset the path of the literary investigator. 
Tyler, in A History of American Literature, 1879, 11, 52, note I, remarks that the 
ballad of Lovewell’s Fight is printed “in Samuel Penhallow, Indian Wars, 129-1 ee 
In G. C. Eggleston’s American War Ballads and Lyrics, 1, 14, the editor avers that 
it “has been preserved in Penhallow’s History of the Wars of New England with the 
Eastern Indians, 1726” (no page reference). In Burton E. Stevenson's Poems of 
American History, p. 684, we read: “This ballad . . . has been preserved in The | 
History | of the | Wars of New England with the Eastern Indians, | or a| Narra- 
tive | of their continued perfidy and cruelty, | from the roth of August, 1703, | to 
the Peace renewed 13th of July, 1713, | and from the 25th of July, 1722, | to their 
Submission 15th December, 1725,| which was Ratified August 5th, 1726.| By 
Samuel Penhallow, Esqr. Boston, 1726. This was reprinted at Cincinnati, Ohio, 
in 1859, and the ballad occurs on page 129.” The fact is that Penhallow neither 
preserves nor mentions the ballad, which is, however, appended to the text of his 
History, with a careful reference to Farmer and Moore’s Collections, 111, 64-66, on 
pages 129-131 of the Cincinnati reprint of 1859. See a note by Mr. C. W. Lewis 
(signed “Observer”’) in the Boston Evening Transcript, July 25, 1914, Part 3, 
p. 10. 

2. S. G. Drake, Church’s Indian Wars, 2d edition (Boston, 1827), Appendix, 
Pp: 330-334 (and later editions; not in st edition, 1825); Samuel L. Knapp, Lec- 
tures on American Literature (New York, 1829), pp. 157-159 (four stanzas omitted); 
S. G. Drake, The Book of the Indians, 5th edition (Boston, 1837), book 111, pp. 
132-133 (and later editions); R. W. Griswold, Curiosities of American Literature 
(preface dated 1843), appended to D’Israeli’s Curiosities of Literature (New York, 
1846), pp. 27-28; C. J. Fox, History of the Old Town of Dunstable (Nashua, 1846), 
pp. 124-127; E. A. and G. L. Duyckinck, Cyclopedia of American Literature 
(New York, 1855), 1, 427-428 (Simons’s edition, Philadelphia, 1875, 1, 444-446); 
Cincinnati reprint, 1859, of Penhallow, The Wars of New England with the East- 
ern Indians, pp. 129-131; N. Bouton, The Original Account of Capt. John Love- 
well’s “Great Fight” (Concord, New Hampshire, 1861), pp. 38-41; F. Kidder, 
The Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell (Boston, 1865), pp. 116-119, cf. p. 105 
(reprint, 1909, in Extra Number 5 of The Magazine of History, 11, 95-97, revised 
by G. W. Chamberlain); Elias Nason, History of Dunstable (Boston, 1877), pp. 
51-54; E. C. Stedman and Ellen M. Hutchinson, A Library of American Literature 
(New York), 11 (1888, 1892), 294-296; G. C. Eggleston, American War Ballads and 
Lyrics (New York [1889]), 1, 14-18; Henry M. Perkins, Dunstable, in Hurd’s His- 
tory of Middlesex County (Philadelphia, 1890), 1, 745; E. E. Hale, New England 
History in Ballads (Boston, 1903), pp. 69-75; Burton E. Stevenson, Poems of 
American History (Boston, copyright 1908, 1922), pp. 106-108; the Same, The 
Home Book of Verse (New York), vi (1915), 2345-2348 (1918, 1, 2412-241 5)3 
Boston Evening Transcript, July 18, 1914, Part 3, p. 103 R. P. Gray, Songs and 
Ballads of the Maine Lumberjacks, with Other Songs from Maine (Cambridge, 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 117 


1924), pp. 127-133. Professor Gray alone reproduces the text exactly as printed in 
the Collections, letter for letter and point for point. 

3. “I have found a letter addressed by Mr. Farmer to my brother, Rev. Joseph 
B. Hill, dated Concord, Sept. 2, 1823. ‘Have you ever met with the song written 
soon after Lovewell’s defeat in 1725? We... should much like to obtain and publish 
it.’ Mr. Farmer subsequently obtained a copy of the song, as he informed me, from 
Mr. Coffin, the Principal of the Tyngsborough Grammar School, after an inquiry for 
it of more than eight years. He published it in the N. H. Historical Collections 
and I published it, with introductory remarks, in the Constellation and Nashua 
Gazette.” So testifies John B. Hill in a letter to E. H. Spalding, September 24, 
1877; see Bi-Centennial of Old Dunstable (Nashua, 1878), p. 51. For this reference 
I am indebted to Mr. C. W. Lewis. For a notice of Coffin see New England His- 
torical and Genealogical Register, xx, 267-270. A Brief Memoir of Rev. Joseph 
Bancroft Hill by the Rev. Edwin R. Hodgman was published at Boston in 1868. 

4. On February 4, 1824, Farmer wrote to Coffin acknowledging the receipt of a 
letter of January 22, and adding “The Song of Lovewell is inserted in the February 
number of the Collections, with a few preliminary observations” (Coffin MSS, 
1, 4). This letter of January 22 is preserved among the Coffin MSS (idid.), but 
it does not contain the ballad. 

5. The only writer who has impugned the ballad’s claims to antiquity, so far as 
I know, 1s Mr. George W. Chamberlain, in his essay on “‘ John Chamberlain, the In- 
dian Fighter at Pigwacket” (Maine Historical Society, Collections and Proceedings, 
1898, 2d Series, 1x, 1-14). He is concerned to vindicate the tradition which ascribes 
the killing of Paugus to Chamberlain, and it is a part of his case to discredit the testi- 
mony of the song that it was Wyman who “‘shot the old chief Paugus.”’ Mr. Cham- 
berlain styles the piece “an anonymous ballad of uncertain age and veracity” (p. 5) 
and ‘“‘an anonymous ballad first published ninety-nine years after the battle it 
describes occurred” (p.11). In reprinting his essay in Extra Number 5 of the Maga- 
zine of History (1909), he is careful to remark that John Chamberlain is not an 
ancestor of his. The antiquity of the ballad is accepted (with or without qualify- 
ing phrases) by most of those who have reprinted it and also (among others) by 
Palfrey, History of New England, 1v (1872), 442, note; T. W. Higginson, Winsor’s 
Memorial History of Boston, 11 (1881), 110; Parkman, A Half-Century of Conflict, 
1892, 1, 258, note I, 260, note 1; J. L. Onderdonk, History of American Verse (Chi- 
cago, 1g01), p. 61. 

6. In Gray’s Songs and Ballads of the Maine Lumberjacks with Other Songs 
from Maine (Cambridge, 1924), p. 128. 

7. Before the twelve arrived, the first news of the Fight had been brought to 
Dunstable by Corporal Benjamin Hassell, who had decamped as soon as the Indians 
made their attack and was therefore unable to tell who were dead and who were 
alive. He seems to have reached Dunstable on May 11, on which day he wrote a 
brief report to Lieutenant Governor Dummer, preserved in the Massachusetts 
Archives, 111, 168 (Kidder, p. 75; Baxter, p. 268), which was sent by Col. Eleazar 
Tyng in a letter in which he gave a fuller report derived orally from Hassell (Tyng 
to Dummer, May 12, Archives, 11, 169; Kidder, pp. 75-76; Baxter, pp. 268-269). 
Dummer received Tyng’s communication on May 13 in the morning (Dummer to 
Tyng, May 13, first draught, Archives, L11, 173; second draught, Archives, Lu, 171- 


118 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


172; only the second printed by Kidder, p. 77, and Baxter, pp. 270-271: see also 
Dummer to Col. John Wentworth, May 13: Archives, 111, 170; Kidder, p. 76; 
Baxter, p. 270). This was the first news to reach Boston. For convenience I attach 
to the citations from the Archives references to Kidder (The Expeditions of Capt. 
John Lovewell, 1865) and Baxter (Documentary History of the State of Maine, 
Vol. x, 1907), but I must add that neither affords accurate transcripts of the doc- 
uments. 

8. Symmes, Lovewell Lamented (Boston, 1725), p. ix (Kidder, p. 35). 

g. Dummer to Tyng, May 14, 1725: “‘I have this moment reted your Express of 
this Day with Blanchards acct of the action between Lovells men & the Indians, 
taken from Melvin” (draught, Archives, 11, 175; Kidder, p. 78; Baxter, p. 272). 
There were two Melvins of Concord, Massachusetts (David and Eleazar) among 
Lovewell’s men and neither received any “considerable Wound” (Symmes, pp. iv, 
viii; Kidder, pp. 30, 34). On the 14th Tyng sent another of the twelve to Dummer 
as the bearer of a letter in which Tyng acknowledges the receipt of orders contained 
in Dummer’s letter of the 13th cited in note 7, above: “I have also sent one of Cap* 
Lovewells men the Bearer hereof who was in the whole Engagement a man who by 
the account the rest gave of him behaved himself couragiously to the last”’ (Tyng 
to Dummer, May 14, 1725, Archives, 111, 174a; Kidder, p. 78; Baxter, p. 272). I 
assume that this messenger got to Boston on the 15th. 

10. Reprinted by Kidder, p. 85. This same account, James Franklin tells us, 
was to have been printed in the Courant of May 17, but was “omitted by Mistake”’! 
(Courant, May 24.) 

11. Autobiography, Writings, ed. Smyth, 1, 239-240. 

12. The same item was very likely published in The Boston Gazette of May 24, 
but no copy of that issue has been found. The next number of the Gazette after 
No. 286 (May 17) that is known is No. 294 (July 19). See Colonial Society of Mass- 
achusetts, Publications, 1x, 115, 172. 

13. That Farmer and Moore printed from a manuscript copy, not from one of the 
original Franklin broadsides, is clear. Otherwise they would in all probability have 
noted the imprint, — unless, to be sure, the original broadside had no imprint, — 
and, in any case, they would have kept the original title, “The Voluntier’s March.” 
Farmer and Moore say nothing of the advertisement in the Courant of May 31, 
1725, 

14. It is advertised in the News-Letter of July 1, 1725, as published “this Day.” 
On July 15 the News-Letter announced that “‘a Second Impression is now just out of 
the Press.” See Green, 2 Massachusetts Historical Proceedings, x1, 181-182. My 
_ quotations are from the first edition. For convenience, references are appended to 
Kidder’s reprint of the second edition (Historical Memorial) in his monograph, The 
Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell (Boston, 1865). 

15. Cf. Paul Coffin, Ride to Piggwacket, 1786 (Collections of the Maine Histori- 
cal Society, 1v [1856], 290). 

16. Page x. Contrast the tense form used in the Courant of Saturday, Septem- 
ber 11, 1725 (No. 215) in recording Wyman’s death: “On Sunday Night last dy’d 
at Woburn Capt. Seth Wyman, very much lamented. He was a Man of Religion, 
Probity, Courage and Conduct, and hearty in the Service of his Country against the 
Indian Enemy. He was an Ensign under Capt. Lovewell in his several Marches to 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 119 


the Eastward; and for his uncommon Bravery at the late memorable Fight at Pig- 
wacket, his Hon. the Lieut Governour granted him a Captain’s Commission.” Cf. 
Penhallow, 1726, p. 117: “Mr. Wyman, who distinguish’d himself in such a signal 
manner, was at his return presented with a Silver hilted Sword and a Captains Com- 
mission.” 

17. For “Wyman’s captain made” most of the reprints since Farmer and Moore 
read erroneously “Wyman captain made.” Parkman has this wrong reading and 
therefore remarks that “the popular ballad, written at the time and very faithful to 
the facts, says that, the other officers being killed, the English made Wyman their 
captain.” (A Half-Century of Conflict, 1892, 1, 259, note.) Our forefathers knew 
well enough that Wyman, who was an ensign, was ranking officer on the retreat and 
needed no further commission to lead the survivors. They knew also that captain- 
cies were not conferred by popular election. 

18. With the last two lines of this stanza compare the following passage from 
The Mournful Elegy of Mr. Jonathan Frye: 


“He listed out with courage bold, 
And fought the Indians uncontroled; 
And many of the rebels slew 
While bullets thick around him flew. 
At last a fatal bullet came, 
And wounded this young son of fame.” 


The Elegy was certainly composed soon after Frye’s death, and it is believed (with 
good reason) to be from the pen of Susannah Rogers of Andover, the very young 
lady to whom he was engaged to be married. The printed Franklin ballad may well 
have circulated in Andover, where Frye’s parents were living. Anyhow, the coinci- 
dence in phraseology is worth noting, though “‘slew” and “‘bullets flew” make a 
sufficiently obvious rhyme. The contents of the Elegy show that it was written at 
least some days later than the ballad — after the details of Frye’s death had become 
known from Eleazer Davis (see p. 101). The Elegy was first printed by T. C. Frye 
in The New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 1861, xv, 91. It is 
reprinted (not quite exactly) by Bouton in his edition of Symmes, pp. 35-37; by 
Kidder, pp. 120-122 (ed. 1909, pp. 99-101), and (very imperfectly) by Bailey, His- 
torical Sketches of Andover, pp. 191-193. See also S. L. Knapp, Lectures on Ameri- 
can Literature (New York, 1829), p. 157; Williamson, Bibliography of Maine, 11, 
375; Parkman, A Half-Century of Conflict, 1892, 1, 261. 

19. There was a rumor in Boston on the morning of May 24 that Lovewell and 
Frye were “‘got to some of our Frontier Towns, tho‘ very much wounded” (Courant, 
May 24, see above). This was in part corrected in the Courant of May 31: “The Re- 
port of Capt. Lovewell’s being alive, proves groundless; but we have certain Advice, 
that Eleazer Davis, one of the 4 wounded Men who were brought off several Miles 
by the English, is arriv’d at Berwick. The other three, who were not able to travel as 
fast as himself, he left in the Woods, of whose Return we are not yet out of Hopes.” 
Meanwhile the Captain’s father (John Lovewell, Senior) in his petition of May 20 
speaks of “‘the Death of his Son in the Service of his Country” (Archives, xx, 
236), and on May 27 Dummer, in a speech to the General Court, referred to Love- 
well as certainly dead: — ‘“‘I Recommend to your Compassion the Widow of Capt. 
Lovewell and those of his Men who dyed bravely in the late Action at Piggwackett, in 


120 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


the Service of their Country” (Journal of the House of Representatives, Boston, 
1725, p- 7) 

20. The arrival of Eleazer Davis at Berwick on May 27 was reported to Dummer 
by Wentworth (who calls him Ezekiel) in a letter written from Portsmouth on the 
next day (Archives, LI, 194-195; Kidder, p. 99; Baxter, pp. 28 3-284): “I have him 
at Portsmouth... I have sent you what was taken from his mouth Yesterday.” 
The following document (not heretofore printed) is in the Archives, LxxI1, 2395 it 
was apparently enclosed: — 

Portsmouth May y 2728/1725 An Account of the Mens Names that were kill’d 
in Capt Lovewell’s Late fight with the Indians, at Pigwocket, as taken from 
the mouth of Eliaz™ Davis, who came in to Berwick this Day — 


Imprim®: Capt: Lovewell 
Leiut: Farewell 
ME Fry y Chaplain 
Daniel Woods of Groten 
Thomas Woods of De 
John Jeffs of D? 
Josiah Davis of Concord 
Jacob Farrer of D? 
Solomon Kies of Bilrica 
& one Kitteridge of D? 
Jacob Fullum of Westown 
Jonathan Robbins of Dunstable 
Robt Usher of D? 
Ichabod Johnson of Woburn 
Josiah Jones of Concord; Lost in y Woods, much wounded, y Next 
day after the fight, being the Sabbath; & y 9th Instant. 


Eleaz! Davis Gott in at Lovewells fort on friday y2 sth Instant & at Keys 
Garrison y 27 D9 att Berwick 

[Docketed:] List of Men Kill’d w[ith] Capt Lovewell May 27. 1725. 

a1. News-Letter, June 3; Courant, June 7; cf. Symmes, p. x (Kidder, p. 37) 
Kidder, p. 104, erroneously credits the News-Letter item to Wentworth’s letter to 
Dummer, May 28 (see note 20, above). 

22. See note 20. 

23. See note Ig. 

24. Symmes, p. ix (Kidder, p. 36); cf. Kidder, p. 99. 

2s. That is, the twelve who reached Dunstable on May 13 (note 8) plus the four 
(including Ensign Seth Wyman) who got there on Saturday, May 15 (Symmes, p- 
ix; Kidder, pp. 35-36). Wyman came to Boston during the week of May 16-22 
(Courant, May 24) — perhaps not before the 19th, since the News-Letter of the 20th 
merely repeats the Gazette item of the 17th and makes no mention of the safety of 
Wyman and his three companions. 

26. Pages ix, x (Kidder, pp. 35-37)- 

27. Page x (Kidder, p. 37). Cf. Penhallow, The History of the Wars of New- 
England with the Eastern Indians (Boston, 1726), p. 116. 

28. Tyng left Amoskeag on his march to Pigwacket on May 19 (Tyng to Dum- 
mer, May 19, Archives, Li1, 182a; Kidder, p. 80; Baxter, p. 277). On June 4 the 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 121 


House Journal (p. 21) records that “Penn Townsend Esq; brought down a Letter 
from Col. Eleazer Tyng, Dated at Dunstable, June 3d. 1725. Giving an Account of 
his late March to Piggwackets, which His Honour thought proper to Communicate.” 
The Courant of June 7 contains the following item: ‘“‘We have Advice from Dun- 
stable, that a Company of Men under the Command of Coll. Tyng have been upon 
the Spot at Pigwacket, where the late Fight happen’d, and found three of the In- 
dians buried; and by the Blood they saw on the Ground, and other Circumstances, 
judge the Loss of the Indians to be very great, and that the rest of their Dead were 
carry’d off in Canoes.”’ This does not mention Paugus. On June 10, however, the 
News-Letter records the discovery of his body: “‘We have Advice here, That a 
Company of Men under the Command of Col. Tyng have been upon the Spot at 
Pigwocket, where the late Fight happen’d, and found Three of the Indians buried; 
One of which was known by several particular Marks to be Paugus; and by the 
Blood they saw on the Ground, and other Circumstances, judge the Loss of the 
Enemy very great, and that the rest of their Dead were carry’d off in Canoes.”’ The 
Courant of July 10 prints a Vote of the House of Representatives, June 17, 1725: 
“That there be allowed and paid out of the publick Treasury the Sum of Three 
Hundred Pounds for the Three Indians found kill’d by Capt. Lovewell and Com- 
pany, to them or their lawful Representatives, although their Scalps were not pro- 
duced.” See the printed Journal of the House (Boston, 1725), p. 48. Cf. West- 
brook’s letter to Dummer, June 22, 1725 (Archives, L11, 205; Baxter, p. 289; W. B. 
Trask, Letters of Colonel Thomas Westbrook, Boston, 1go1, p. 118). It must be 
permitted me to doubt whether the body in question was that of Paugus after all. 
If the Indians carried off any of their dead, would they have left their chief’s corpse 
to be disinterred and perhaps scalped by the next band of white men that might 
come to Pigwacket? That Paugus was killed seems certain, for he was never again 
heard of in the land of the living. But is it not likely that the body was that of some 
less important warrior tricked out with the dead chief’s insignia to deceive the 
enemy? . 

29. Page vii (Kidder, p. 33); not in Penhallow. We remember that Wyman was 
one of the three who signed the “‘ Attestation” printed at the end of Symmes’s nar- 
rative (p. xii). 

30. In writing to Farmer on January 22, 1824, Coffin remarks: “In my last 
letter you probably noticed an error, ‘Pawwaw’ for ‘Paugus’”’ (Coffin MSS, 111, 
123, Essex Institute). By “my last letter’ Coffin means the letter (now lost) in 
which he had communicated the ballad. It is an easy conjecture that the text as 
received by Farmer read “‘shot the old Chief Pawwaw,” that Coffin afterwards 
decided that “‘ Paugus”’ ought to be substituted, and that this erroneous emendation 
was adopted by Farmer. 

31. The other statements that the ballad adds to the Courant item of the 24*# 
are (1) that the fight began about ten o’clock; (2) that the sixteen survivors ‘‘safe 
arriv’d at Dunstable the thirteenth day of May”’; (3) that there were ‘“‘two logs” 
which “‘close together lay” behind the Indians; and (4) that “young Fullam” 
fought well, and “‘fell a sacrifice” while ‘endeavouring to save a man.” None of 
these need disturb us. (1) Teno’clock is mentioned in the Gazette report of May 17, 
1725. (2) Twelve of the sixteen did arrive at Dunstable on the 13th; four more came 
in on the 15th. (3) (4) The matter of the logs and the attempt of Fullam to save a 


122 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


comrade were probably a part of Wyman’s story and therefore well known in Boston 
when the balladist wrote, though the Courant ignored them, just as it did the inci- 
dent of the powowing, which certainly was reported by Wyman. That Fullam was 
killed on the field was of course known to all of the sixteen survivors who had re- 
turned when the ballad was written. Symmes mentions the death of Fullam early 
in the fight but says nothing of his endeavoring to save a man (p. vi; Kidder, p. 33). 
Penhallow remarks: “Mr. ¥acob Fullam, who was was an Officer and an only Son, 
distinguish’d himself with much bravery. One of the first that was kill’d was by his 
hand; and when ready to encounter a second, it’s said, that he and his Adversary fell 
at the very instant by each others shot” (pp. 114-11 5). The “logs,” by the way, are 
a trifle puzzling. Dr. E. E. Hale (New England History in Ballads, p. 75) silently 
emends to “bogs,” which may, however, be a misprint (like his “flew” for “slew” 
in stanza 16); but there was a bog (see Belknap, 5 Massachusetts Historical Collec- 
tions, 11, 398). 

32. Mr. S. Harrison Lovewell called attention to this singular case in a note 
(signed “‘S. H. L.”’) in the Boston Evening Transcript, September 15, 1917, Part 3, 
p. 4, identifying the defendant with Captain Lovewell’s father and the plaintiff with 
Joseph Jewett, son of Joseph. The defendant’s mark in his signature to the note 
resembles the initial L in the signature “John Lovewell” affixed to a petition of the 
Selectmen and inhabitants of Dunstable, May 20, 1725 (Archives, LXXII, 235), 
which, by the way, in no wise resembles the signature “John Lovewell” attached to 
another petition of the same date which is certainly from the Captain’s father 
(Archives, Lxxt1, 236). This latter signature bears a strong family likeness to the 
Captain’s own signature (Archives, L11, 141). The case is entered as No. 109 in the 
records of the Inferiour Court (Middlesex), Book of August, 1738-December, 1739, 
in the Clerk’s Office at East Cambridge. The documents are partly in this office, 
partly in the Suffolk Files at the Court House in Boston. In the Suffolk Files are 
(1) the original writ, August 9, 1738, containing the plaintiff’s declaration and the 
defendant’s answer (Vol. cccit, No. 54821); (2) an attested copy of the judgment 
with a statement of the appeal (Vol. cccx, No. 47208); (3) the final bill of costs 
(Vol. cecxv, No. 48163). In the Clerk’s Office at East Cambridge are (1) the original 
note; (2) the original verdict in the Inferiour Court; (3) the first bill of costs; 
(4) an attested copy of the appeal. The records of the Superiour Court of January, 
1739, seem to be missing, but the result of the appeal is shown by the fact that the 
final bill of costs (including 16 shillings for the “appeles trauel 80 miles out & 
Back” and one pound for “‘his attendance 10 days’’) is docketed “Jewett Bill Coast 
against louell P4.”. As to “Capt John Louells killing the ten Indians” (Febru- 
ary 21, 1725), see the Captain’s journal (Kidder, p. 17); Archives, Lxxi1, 284 (cf. 
Kidder, p. 84), 325-328, 368-369 (cf. Kidder, p. 18); New-England Courant, 
March 1, 8, and 15, 1725; Penhallow, p. 110. 

33. Frederic C. Jewett, History and Genealogy of the Jewetts of America, 
Boston, 1908, 1, 53-54 99- 

34. Vol. m1, 94-97. Reprinted: S. G. Drake, Indian Biography (Boston, 1832), 
pp. 237-243 (only in part; also only in part in 2d-4th editions, 1833-35); same, 5th 
edition, 1837 (Book of the Indians), book 111, pp. 129-132 (complete; also in later 
editions); C. J. Fox, History of the Old Town of Dunstable (Nashua, 1846), pp. 128- 
131; Benjamin G. Willey, Incidents in White Mountain History (Boston, 1856, 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 123 


1858), p . 218-221; Francis Chase, Gathered Sketches from the Early History of 
New Hampshire and Vermont (Claremont, New Hampshire, 1856), pp. 33-38; the 
Cincinnati edition of Penhallow, 1859, pp. 132-136; N. Bouton, The Original Narra- 
tive of Capt. John Lovewell’s “Great Fight” (Concord, New Hampshire, 1861), 
pp. 42-46; B. E. Stevenson, Poems of American History (Boston, copyright 1908, 
1922), pp. 108-109; Boston Evening Transcript, September 12, 1914, Part 3, p. 11; 
R. P. Gray, Songs and Ballads of the Maine Lumberjacks (Cambridge, 1924), pp. 
134-139. Professor Gray alone reprints the poem exactly as it stands in the Collec- 
tions. Cf. S. G. Drake, New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Jan- 
uary, 1853, vil, 61, 64; Kidder, The Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell (Boston, 
1865), p. 119 (reprint, 1909, p. 97); Nason, A History of the Town of Dunstable 
(Boston, 1877), p. 54; R. B. Caverly, History of the Indian Wars of New England 
(Boston, 1882), pp. 294-295; the Same, Battle of the Bush (Boston, 1884-85), pp. 
274-275; Williamson, Bibliography of the State of Maine, 11, 545. 

35. See Williamson, A Bibliography of the State of Maine, 11, 495; G. W. Cham- 
berlain, Collections and Proceedings of the Maine Historical Society, 2d Series, 1x, 
5,9. Others besides the balladist have been misled by Russell’s interpolated text of 
Symmes: for example, Wilkes Allen, The History of Chelmsford (Haverhill, 1820), 
Pp: 37; Folsom, History of Saco and Biddeford (Saco, 1830), p. 220; S. G. Drake, in 
his reprint of Church’s Indian Wars, 2d edition (Boston, 1827), p. 334, note; the 
Same, Indian Biography (Boston, 1832), pp. 240-242; C. J. Fox, History of the Old 
Township of Dunstable (Nashua, 1846), p. 127; N. Bouton, whose edition of Symmes 
(Concord, New Hampshire, 1861) adopts Russell’s text as genuine; Stedman and 
Hutchinson, A Library of American Literature (New York), 1 (1888, 1892), 293- 
295, whose extract from Symmes takes in the interpolation. 

36. That is, of the four badly wounded men who were left behind by the main 
party on the way back (see above). Symmes, p. x (Kidder, p. 39). 

37. Page 23 (Collections, 1, 33). 

38. Pages 23-24 (Collections, 1, 33). Cf. William Lincoln, The Worcester Maga- 
zine, October, 1825, 1, 23. See Green, Groton during the Indian Wars, pp. 140-141; 
notes by C. W. Lewis (signed “‘Observer”) in the Boston Evening Transcript, 
August 15, 1914, Part 2, p. 4; August 29, 1914, Part 2, p. 4; April 7, 1917, Part 3, 
p- 15. 

39. Page 24 (Collections, 1, 34). See S. G. Drake, Indian Biography (Boston, 
1832), pp. 240-241; Caleb Butler, History of the Town of Groton (Boston, 1848), 
pp- 107-110; G. W. Chamberlain, as above, 1x, 12. 

40. Page 24 (Collections, 1, 34). 

41. Vol. 11, 65, note (not in Russell). Belknap seems to have got his informa- 
tion on this point from Captain John Evans, and he, in turn, “from one of the 
Indians that was in the fight” (Belknap’s Tour to the White Mountains, 1784; 5 
Massachusetts Historical Collections, 11, 397, 398). 

42. Collections, 1, 29, note. 

43. Page vi (Kidder, p. 33). 

44. North American Review, xvul, 35. 

45. Collections, 111, 82, 119. © 

46. See McDuffee, History of the Town of Rochester (Manchester, 1892), 1, 240, 
243; 11, 606. 


124 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


47. The first A. K. poem printed in the Centinel (“A New-Year’s Present”’) 
appeared on December 27, 1817, with an editorial preface indicating that it was the 
author’s earliest contribution: ‘‘The following has been sent to the Fount from 
New-Hampshire, as an original composition: — If it be such, it is one of the finest 
effusions of the pastoral muse we have met with in our country. — It would not de- 
tract from the merits of SHENSTONE, CUNNINGHAM, Go.psmitu or CowPEr. We 
bid a cordial welcome.” 

48. Oscar = A. K. = Upham is an equation proved by the letter communicating 
“The New-Hampshire Hunters” along with “Susan and Jack.” This letter was 
printed in the Centinel of February 21, 1818, along with A. K.’s ‘“‘ New-Hampshire 
Hunters” (a poem which Upham later included in his American Sketches, New York, 
1819, pp. 31-32). “Susan and Jack” was printed, as by the same author as ‘‘The 
New-Hampshire Hunters,” in the next number of the Centinel (February 25, 1818), 
though it is signed “Oscar.” The following poems that had been published in the 
Centinel under the signature of A. K. are included in Upham’s 1819 volume: “ Dark- 
Rolling Connecticut” (pp. 21-22; Centinel, April 1, 1818; also in Fireside Poetical 
Readings, Boston, 1843, pp- 143-144, and American Cottage Life, Brunswick, 
Maine, 1850-51, pp. 65-66); ““The New-Hampshire Hunters” (pp. 31-32; Febru- 
ary 21, 1818); “‘So Recall not the Soul” (p. 50; revised, “* When the Wings of the 
Soul,” March 14, 1818; further revised, “The Departing Christian,” The Religious 
Offering, for MDCCCXXXYV, pp. 111-112, and Fireside Poetical Readings, p. 296); 
“Montgomery’s Return” (p. 53, completely rewritten; July 29, 1818); “Lucinda” 
(pp. 60-61; October 17, 1818); “A New-Year’s Present” (pp. 70-72; December 27, 
1817); “The Voluntary Sacrifice” (pp. 80-825 August 12, 1818); “Lovellspond” 
(pp. 110-111; January 31, 181 8). All but one of these (“Dark-Rolling Connecti- 
cut”) are labelled ‘‘For the Centinel Fount.” This appeared in the Centinel on 
April 1, 1818, without this label, but with the following editorial comment: “‘The 
following beautiful little ballad has been copied into several papers from the Port 
Folio without the signature which it ought to bear of a New-Hampshire Correspond- 
ent, to whom the Fount of the CeNnTINEL has been indebted for numerous rich 
effusions.” The poem was, in fact, first published in the Port Folio (Philadelphia) 
for February, 1818 (4th Series, v, 161). It is marked ‘‘For the Port Folio” and is 
signed ‘‘A. K.” 

49. The Centinel of March 17, 1819, remarks: ‘“‘We have received a copy of a 
beautiful little work entitled ‘American Sketches,’ published in New-York, by 
Tuomas C. Upnam. Several of them originally appeared in the Centinel Fount, and 
were copied with high commendation in various papers.” In a footnote to “several 
of them” the notice specifies ‘‘Camilla”’ (2. e.,“‘A New-Year’s Present”’), ‘‘Lovell’s 
Pond,” and “Montgomery’s Return.” The Centinel extracts three poems from this 
volume, with due credit: “The Indian Scholar” (March 20, 1819); ‘Oh, it is sweet 
to run with thee” (March 24); ‘‘How sweet the scene” (April 10). 

50. Pages 110-111, 57-58. 

1. “Lovell’s Pond. The scene of [sic] 1725 of a desperate encounter with the 
savages.” It begins, “Ah! where are the soldiers that fought here of yore?”’ As 
published in Upham’s volume of American Sketches (1819), pp. 110-111, the 
poem has been to some extent rewritten: it begins “In earth’s verdant bosom, still, 
crumbling, and cold.” 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 125 


52. Collections, 1, 35-36. 

53- Another poem on the same subject — styled by the correspondent who sent 
it to the newspaper a “ poetic effusion from a young gentleman of Maine, occasioned 
by a visit to the ever memorable battle ground near Lovell’s Pond, .. . a fine speci- 
men of mature genius” — was printed in the Centinel of November Io, 1819. It is 
modelled on Gray’s Elegy and begins — 

Saw ye that spirit move along the wave 
And tread in silence through the hallow’d air? 
*T was the dim spectre of the warrior brave 
Who comes to brood him o’er his ashes there. 


On Longfellow and Upham see C. W. L[ewis]., Boston Evening Transcript, May 5, 
1886, p. 6. 

54. Upham, American Sketches, 1819, p. 116. 

55. Page ix (Kidder, p. 35). Cf. Penhallow, 1726, pp. 115-116. 

56. See J. B. Moore, Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, v1, 
40. 

57. Pages 169-177 of Collections, vol. 1; pp. 3-11 of the pamphlet. The poem, 
revised, is included in two of Upham’s later publications: Fireside Poetical Readings 
(Boston, 1843), pp. 53-62 (issued anonymously), and American Cottage Life 
(Brunswick, Maine, 1850-51), pp. 13-30. The latter volume was afterwards repub- 
lished (with an excellent portrait of the author) at Boston (no date) by the Ameri- 
can Tract Society, to which Upham assigned the copyright. In this edition the title 
runs: A Book for the Home. American Cottage Life. 

58. Whittier’s ‘Mogg Megone,” begun in 1830, was published in The New Eng- 
land Magazine for March and April, 1835, vi11, 161-170, 266-273, and appeared as 
a volume in 1836. 

59. Upham had already contributed a poem called “‘Madockawando”’ to the 
Columbian Centinel of November 13, 1819. 

60. Upham’s poem beginning ‘‘Her Cherub’s arms are round her breast” (Cen- 
tinel, September 11, 1819) concerns a tragic incident of the expedition of ‘‘two 
French partizans, Artell and Hopehood, alias Wohawa” against Salmon Falls in 
1690. Another poem of his, ‘ Wohawa,” is in the Centinel of October 30, 1819. 

61. Stanza 12. 

62. Collections, 111, 96. 

63. It consists of two thirds of his poem called “The Pilgrims” (American 
Sketches, pp. 22-23). 

64. See p. 108, above. 

65. Collections, 11, 64. 

66. Ibid., 11, 83—-go. 

67. See notes 71, 72. 

68. Stanza 9. 

69. Stanzas 11-14. A part of this passage is quoted as from ‘‘Upham’s 
Sketches” in the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society for 1827, 
11, 46, note. 

70. Stanza 15. Collections, 11, 86. 

71. Fireside Readings, pp. 71-80. 

72. American Cottage Life, pp. 31-40. 


126 GEORGE LYMAN KITTREDGE 


73. Collections, 11, 159-160. 

74. It ran through several editions. 

75. Collections, 111, 82, 119. 

76. Ibid., 94-97- 

77. The review was of course unsigned, but it is known to be Upham’s (Cushing, 
Index to the North American Review, p. 149). 

78. Columbian Centinel, May 29, 1819. He appends an explanatory footnote 
with a reference to Belknap’s History of New-Hampshire, 1, 121. 

79. The poem is accompanied by an interesting note about the famous carbuncle 
and “Darby Fields” and the many attempts made to find the treasure (see 
peti): : 

80. See stanza 33, p- III. 

81. Columbian Centinel, January 31, 1818; American Sketches, 1819, pp. 110- 
111; Farmer and Moore’s Collections, 1 (1822), 35-36; Drake’s reprint of Church’s 
Indian Wars, 2d edition, Boston, 1827, Appendix, pp. 33 5-336 (and later editions); 
Cincinnati reprint of Penhallow, 1859, p. 1 36; N. Bouton, The Original Account of 
Capt. John Lovewell’s “Great Fight,” Concord, New Hampshire, 1861, Appendix, 
pp. 47-48; Kidder, The Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell, Boston, 1865, pp. 122- 
123 (reprint, in Extra Number 5 of The Magazine of History, 1909, 11, IOI-102); 
Edwin D. Sanborn, History of New Hampshire, Manchester, 1875, pp- 106-1073 
Nason, A History of the Town of Dunstable, Boston, 1877, pp- 54-55; The Illus- 
trated Webster Fryeburg Memorial, Fryeburg, 1882, pp. 30-31. 

82. Centinel, August 12, 1818; American Sketches, pp. 80-82. 

83. Centinel, October 17, 1818; American Sketches, pp. 60-61. Upham’s poem is 
not included among the poems on Miss McCrea collected by W. L. Stone in his 
Ballads and Poems relating to the Burgoyne Campaign (Albany, 1893), pp. 134- 
207. Similarly Stone ignores Upham’s poem “The Burial of Fraser” (Centinel, 
July 17, 1819) in his collection of “Ballads on the Death of General Fraser” in the 
same volume, pp. 114-127. ; 

84. American Sketches, pp. 89-90 (91-90 by error); reprinted, Centinel, March 
20, 1819 (“From Upham’s American Sketches”). Suggested, apparently, by 
Freneau’s poem, “The Indian Student; or, Force of Nature.” 

85. Centinel, April 21, 1819. 

86. Ibid., May 29, 1819. 

87. Ibid., June 5, 1819. 

88. Ibid., August 11, 1819. 

89. Ibid., September 4, 1819. 

go. Ibid., September 11, 1819. See note 60. 

gt. Ibid., October 30, 1819. 

g2. Ibid., November 13, 1819. 

93. American Sketches, pp. 54-55- 

94. Ibid., p. 67. This poem may have been inspired by Mrs. John (Anne 
Home) Hunter’s famous lyric, “The Death Song of an Indian Chief,” which 
Upham could have found in Ritson’s English Songs, 1783, 1, ii, note § (also in Park’s 
edition, 1813, 1, ill, note); The American Museum for January, 1787, 1, 90; the 
Salem Mercury, March 3, 1787; The American Musical Miscellany (Northampton, 
Massachusetts, [ca. 1798]), pp. 114-115; Mrs. Hunter’s Poems (London, 1802), 


THE BALLAD OF LOVEWELL’S FIGHT 127 


pp: 79-80; The Warbler (Augusta, Maine, 1805), p. 19; The Nightingale or Ladies’ 
Vocal Companion (Albany, 1807), p. 38; The Songster’s Companion (Brattle- 
borough, Vermont, 1815), pp. 90-91 — and elsewhere. The ascription of the poem 
to “‘P. Freneau” in the third edition of vol. 1 of The American Museum (1790, 1, 77) 
has misled several scholars (it is anonymous in the first and second editions of that 
periodical, both 1787); but the blunder was corrected long ago: see Duyckinck’s 
Cyclopedia of American Literature, 1855, 1, 341, note; T. P. Cross, Modern Phi- 
lology, Xv11, 235. 

g5. American Sketches, pp. 57-58. 

96. Ibid., pp. 91-92. 

q7. Ibid., pp. 95-98. 

98. Ibid., pp. 101-103. 

99. Ibid., pp. 104-105. 

100. Fireside Poetical Readings, Boston, 1843, p. 153. 

Iol. xvii, 39. Cf. Upham’s note to his “‘Sprite of Ajocochook” in the Centi- 
nel, August 11, 1819 ( note 79, above). 

102. The Religious Offering, for MDCCCXXXV (New York, 1835), pp. 167- 
176; Fireside Poetical Readings (Boston, 1843), pp. 122-130. Upham contributed 
to the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society for 1832, 111, 266-280, a 
long account of “the destruction of the Willey Family, in the Notch of the White 
Mountains” in the form of a letter to John Farmer dated September, 1828. Cf. 
J. B. Moore’s account in the same volume, pp. 224-232. 

103. Fireside Poetical Readings, pp. 114-121; American Cottage Life (Bruns- 
wick, Maine, 1850-51), pp. 51-58. 

104. Fireside Poetical Readings, pp. 131-136; American Cottage Life, pp. 59-64. 

105. Fireside Poetical Readings, pp. 137-142. 

106. The Expeditions of Capt. John Lovewell, p. 119. 

107, Extra Number 5 of The Magazine of History, 11, 97. 

108. Bibliography of the State of Maine, 11, 545. 

109. “The following ballad stanzas were published originally in the work enti- 
tled ‘Collections’ [etc.]. The author’s name is not given; but it is conjectured that 
they were written by a personal friend of the learned and excellent editors, who was 
then young and not much practised in writing, and who is said to be still living 
somewhere in the State of Maine.”’ Benjamin G. Willey, Incidents in White Moun- 
tain History (Boston, 1856, copyright 1855), p. 218. 

110. Alpheus S. Packard, Address on the Life and Character of Thomas C, 
Upham (Brunswick, Maine, 1873), p. 9. 

111. Cf. Mr. Lewis’s notes (signed “‘Observer”) in the Boston Evening Tran- 
script, July 25, 1914, Part 3, p. 10; November 7, 1914, Part 3, p. 14. 

112. Edition of 1842, chapter 15, pp. 167-171. 

113. A Half-Century of Conflict, 1892, 1, 251. 


HE PRINTERS beg leave to acquaint theit 

Sub{cribers and the Puvlic, that the Types with 
which tis Paper is printed are of AMERICAN manu- 
fagture, and fhould it by this means fail of giving fuch 
entire fatisfaétion to the judicious and accurate eye, 
they hope every patriotic allowance will be made in 
its favour, and thet an attempt to introduce fo valuable 
an art into thcfe colonics, will meet with an indulgent 
eountenance from every lover of his colintry.--------We 
are fenfible, that in point of elegance, they are fomc- 
what inferior to thofe imiported from England, but we 
flatter ourfelves that the ruftic manufactures of Ameri- 
ca will prove more grateful to the patriot cyc; than the 
more finifhed produétions of Europe, efpecially when 
we confider that whilft you tolerate the unpolifhed fi- 
gure of the firft attempt, the work will be growing to 
perfeation by the experience of the Ingcnious artift, 
who has furnithed us with-this fpacimen of his fkill, and 
w+ hope the paper will not prove lefs acceptable to our 
readers, for giving him this encouragement. 

We beg leave further to o -ferve, that as one of the 
eaftern mails is now di:patchcd from Bofton, in fuch 
tim? as to arrive here on Thurfday (initead of Saturday 
zs formerly) we nave j dgd it exp~dicnt to change our 
day of puslication to Friday, by which alteration we 
expeét to have an opportunity of furaifhing the moft 
early intelligence from that interefting quarter. We 
truft this will be a Sufficient apology for making that 
only deviation from the affurances given the: public in: 
our propofals, ner will any other altcration be admit- 
ted unlefs manifeftly tending to the advantage and en: 
tertainment of our Subfcribers.----We return thanks to 
thofe gentlemen in this and the neighbouring provinces, 
who have kindly countenanced our intentions, and 0- 
bligingly affifted us by taking in fuisl riptions, &c. for 
the PawNsyivania Mercury and UniversaL Aps- 
VERTISER, and would bes them ftill to continue fuch 
their friendly offices,:and thofe who have not yet feat 
us their lifts of fubfcribers names will pleafe to tranfmit 
them and the Papers Jnall be immediately forwarded. 
=H =K—d =) , 


Philadelphia, -April 3, 1775. 
Meffrs. Story and Humpuerys, 

IF you think the inclofed juvenile Produ€tion has merit 
eftough to fill a corner of your entertaining Paper, by 
inferting it you will oblige your conftant Reader and 
Well-wihher. B------. 


Tuovcnrnts nm FRLENDSHIP. 


THE FIRST WORK WITH AMERICAN 
iPr day 


By LAWRENCE C. WROTH 
Librarian of the Ffohn Carter Brown Library 


N April 7, 1775, there appeared in Philadelphia the initial 

issue of Story & Humphreys’s Pennsylvania Mercury. 
This newspaper was referred to by a contemporary diarist as 
“The first Work with Amer. Types” and with certain qualifi- 
cations, later to be made, it seems to be entitled to the distinc- 
tion of priority implied in this descriptive phrase. Type found- 
ing in the colonies went through those phases of tentative 
effort, complete failure, and partial achievement which are 
normal to the beginnings of great industries, and before going 
on with the story of the font of type from which the Pennsy/- 
vania Mercury was printed, it is proposed to give briefly an 
account of earlier attempts at the establishment of letter 
founding in English America. By doing this it will be possible 
to secure correctness of sequence and of relationship among the 
several elements of this study in origins. 

The first font of types cast in English America was that 
which resulted from the painful efforts of Abel Buell, a silver- 
smith and lapidary of Killingworth, Connecticut. As early as 
April 1, 1769, Buell cast a small font of letters, crude in de- 
sign and in execution, from which proofs were taken for the 
examination and the criticism of his friends. In October of the 

1. Type founding in Spanish America began earlier than in the English colonies. 
The Indian converts of the Jesuits in Paraguay cast type, probably of tin, as early 
as 1705. In 1770 occurred the first known use in a commercial publication of a 
letter cast in the Western Hemisphere. The book was the Descripcion del Barreno 
Inglés, by Joseph Antonio de Alzates y Ramirez. Mexico, Joseph de Jauregui, 
1770. Its title-page asserts that the letters employed in the book had been manu- 
factured in Mexico City at the expense of the publisher by Francisco Xavier de 


Ocampo. A copy of this rare volume, Medina 5322, is in the John Carter Brown 
Library. 


130 LAWRENCE COUNSELMAN WROTH 


same year, using a different and much better type of his own 
making, he presented to the Connecticut Assembly a printed 
petition in which he asked that body for financial assistance in 
his proposed establishment of a letter foundry. In reply to this 
memorial he received a loan from the colony for the purposes 
of his venture, and soon afterwards he removed to New Haven 
and prepared to manufacture type for the printers of a con- 
tinent.2 The story of his failure at this time, and of his success 
on a much smaller scale twelve years later, is a part of the 
present study only in the sense which has been indicated in the 
introductory sentences. 

Buell was not without a rival in his ambitious plans. David 
Mitchelson of Boston, possibly acting under the direction of 
John Mein, a printer of that city, is reported by a contempo-. 
rary newspaper writer to have attained as great a degree of suc- 
cess as the Connecticut silversmith in the difficult art of letter 
casting. In the Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News- 
Letter for September 7, 1769, there appeared among the local 
news items a report on recent developments in American manu- 
facturing activities in which are certain sentences of interest in 
the story of colonial type founding. “We are assured by a Gen- 
tleman from the Westward,” said the writer, “that Mr. Able 
Buell, of Killingworth in Connecticut, Jeweller and Lapi- 
dary, has lately, his own Genius, made himself Master of the 
Art of Founding Types for Printing. Printing Types are also 
made by Mr. Mitchelson of this Town [Boston] equal to any 
imported from Great-Britain; and might, by proper Encour- 
agement soon be able to furnish all the Printers in America at 
the same price they are sold in England.” The absence of a 
known specimen of Mitchelson’s letters or of any specific infor- 


2. The story of Abel Buell’s type-founding venture exists in manuscript in the 
Connecticut State Archives, from which source certain documents have been pub- 
lished in the Colonial Records of Connecticut. Further information is found in 
Extracts from the Itineraries and other Miscellanies of Ezra Stiles, 1755-1794. 
Ed. by F. B. Dexter, New Haven. 1916. 


THE FIRST AMERICAN TYPES 131 


mation as to his operations is enough, however, to require a 
verdict of “not proved”’ on any claim to priority in American 
type casting that has yet been made on his behalf. 

Because of the unfruitful nature of the enterprises which 
have been spoken of, the year 1770 found the American printer 
still dependent upon European importation for his printing 
type, and at the moment there existed little prospect of relief 
from a situation which in the years of the Revolution was to 
become a hardship rather than the simple inconvenience of the 
earlier period. The policy of non-importation, however, was 
stirring the colonies to the establishment of local manufac- 
tures, and under the whip of necessity, type founding, among 
other essential industries, was to take its rise in the United 
States. The carrying to success of this manufacture in Penn- 
sylvania in the year 1775 was undoubtedly assured by the 
political and economic situation of the country, but its begin- 
ning, which must first be described, had its cause in a set of 
circumstances of a more general character. 

“The secular history of the Holy Scriptures,” wrote Henry 
Stevens, “is the sacred history of printing.” In these words 
the Vermonter gave sententious expression to the truth that 
the printing of the Bible has been in all ages an appreciable 
factor in the development of typography. The successful be- 
ginnings of type founding in English America, it is believed, 
may be traced to the desire of Christopher Sower, Jr., of Ger- 
mantown, Pennsylvania, to issue a third edition of that Ger- 
man Bible which first had made its appearance at the pains 
and expense of his father in the year 1743. It is said that the 
younger Sower’s dissatisfaction with the conditions of type 
importation from Germany led him to conceive the idea of im- 
porting thence matrices and moulds instead of finished type, 
and with these placed in the cunning hands of Justus Fox, his 
journeyman, of casting his own letters for use in the proposed 
edition of ‘Die Heilige Schrift.’ An enterprising man, a rel- 


132 LAWRENCE COUNSELMAN WROTH 


gious zealot and the proprietor of one of the most extensive 
printing offices in America, he was able, partly at least, to 
carry out his intention.* 

The exact date of the first use by Sower of locally cast Ger- 
man letters evades determination. Sometime in the year 1770, 
he began the publication of the “second part” of a periodical 
known as Ein Geistliches Magazien. The title-page of No. 1, 
Part u1, of this early religious magazine tells us that it was 
printed by Christopher Sower at Germantown in the year 
1770, and the undated colophon of No. x1 of the series con- 
tains a piece of information of singular interest in the words, 
“Gedruckt mit der ersten Schrift die jemals in America gegos- 
sen worden.” With this statement of the publisher before us, 
the problem of the date of No. x11 becomes one for which a 
solution should be sought, even though the foreign type-face 
employed in its printing and the fact that its letters were cast 
from imported matrices and moulds render it a document of 
secondary importance in an inquiry devoted to the origins of 
native type founding. The evidence supplied by certain dated 
numbers of the periodical enables us to fix with moderate assur- 
ance the time of publication of the important number in ques- 
tion. Hildeburn says that Part 1 of Ein Geistliches Magazien, 
begun in 1764, came to an end with its fiftieth number some- 
time in the year 1770, a rate of issue which means that the 
separate parts must have appeared at intervals of six weeks 
throughout the period. That this frequency of issue prevailed 
also in the publication of Part m is attested by the circum- 
stance that the colophon of No. x of the second series bears as 
its date the year 1771. In the normal course of things, there- 


3. The account of Sower by Isaiah Thomas in his first edition of the History of 
Printing in America includes a reference to his type-founding operations, while in 
the second edition a very full story of his activities in this field is given on the basis 
of the material communicated to the author from 1812 to 1814 by William McCul- 
loch, a Philadelphia printer who was acquainted with Sower’s sons. One of Sower’s 
descendants, W. K. Sowers, made up the type of this volume of essays into pages. 


THE FIRST AMERICAN TYPES 133 


fore, No. x11, with its American-cast letters, would have been 
published late in 1771 or early in the following year.‘ 

It is sometimes said that, from this beginning, Sower went 
on with letter founding until he had cast type in such quantity 
as to enable him to maintain standing an entire edition of the 
Bible, as well as to supply with German type other printers 
who made use of that character in their publications. Dr. 
Julius Friedrich Sachse, the historian of the Pennsylvania 
Germans, thought that this tradition had no basis in fact. In 
his refusal to accept it he went to the other extreme and 
asserted positively that at no time in his career had Sower en- 
gaged either directly or indirectly in letter founding.» The evi- 
dence has never been studied by any one skilled in the discrimi- 
nation of typographical printing surfaces, but for the sake of 
the record such an investigation should be undertaken. It is 
enough for our present purpose to know that in a publication 
owned and printed by Sower in the year 1771 or 1772 eight 
pages of German text were printed in a locally cast letter; that 
a persistent tradition credits him with having continued for 
several years his activities in letter casting; and that when his 
estate was sold in 1778 there were found among his effects 
letter moulds, crucibles, and a large quantity of antimony.® 
The actual amount of fraktur which he cast is a matter of 
secondary importance in this investigation; for when in the 
year 1776 there appeared the Bible for which the new type is 


said to have been made, Roman letter of local design and man- 


4. Hildeburn 1998, Seidensticker, p. 66, Evans 9676. Of the second part there 
are known to exist only a few scattered numbers in the Typographic Library and 
Museum of the American Type Founders Co., Jersey City, including the only known 
copy of No. xu, a collection formerly in the library of Dr. Julius Friedrich Sachse. 
A small number of issues of Part 11 has recently been secured by the American 
Antiquarian Society, including No. x, with its dated colophon. 

5. The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania, 2 vols., Philadelphia. 1899-1900. 
2:45. It should be said that Dr. Sachse leaves his statement without the support of 
evidence or of argument. 

6. Pennsylvania Archives, 6th Series, 12:887-919. 


134: LAWRENCE COUNSELMAN WROTH 


ufacture already had become an article of commerce in Phila- 
delphia. 

The initiatory efforts of Sower, however, have a particular 
significance in the story of American type founding; for the 
tradition is that while engaged in the casting process of type 
making in the Germantown foundry, Justus Fox and Jacob 
Bay learned the more difficult mysteries of an art in which 
later they attained proficiency. Because of the link of con- 
tinuous effort thus formed between Sower’s initiation of the 
business in 1770 and the later cutting and casting of Roman 
letter by these artisans, there must be conceded to him the dis- 
tinction of having begun in English America the industry of 
type manufacturing, regardless of whether or not his casting of 
German letter from imported matrices was as extensive as has 
been supposed. 

Our knowledge of Fox and of Bay is derived largely from the 
‘Additions to Thomas’s History of Printing,’ a body of tra- 
dition of uneven reliability transmitted to Isaiah Thomas by 
William McCulloch, a Philadelphia printer active in the early 
years of the century.” It is not a difficult matter occasionally 
to find McCulloch tripping over the line which divides hearsay 
from fact, but it is much to the purposes of this study to find 
that he possessed and made use of unusual opportunities to 
obtain correct information as to the craftsmen who are the 
subject of our interest. The facts which he records of Justus 
Fox ® he obtained from Emmanuel, the son and partner in type 
founding of that artisan. He was indebted to various relatives 


4. Parts of the six communications that McCulloch wrote in the years 1812 to 
1814 were incorporated by Thomas in the manuscript from which the second edition 
of the History of Printing in America was printed in 1874. The whole series of 
letters was published in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society for 
April, 1921, pp. 89-247, under the title, William McCulloch’s Additions to Thomas’s 
History of Printing. 

8. Dr. Charles L. Nichols has brought together from McCulloch and from other 
sources the available information concerning Fox in Justus Fox, a German Printer 
of the Eighteenth Century, reprinted from the Proceedings of the American Anti- 
quarian Society for April, 1915. 


THE FIRST AMERICAN TYPES 135 


of Bay, among them a sister, “a plump lady of 68,” for the ac- 
count of him which is found in the pages of the ‘Additions.’ 
It is possible to compare various items in McCulloch’s sketches 
of these men with records unknown to him, but available to us, 
with results so little at variance that one is inclined to accord a 
high degree of credence to all that he wrote concerning their 
activities. | 

According to McCulloch, at the time of Sower’s importation 
of German equipment, he had among his journeymen an in- 
genious general mechanic, Justus Fox, whom he charged with 
the responsibility for casting the letters to be used in the great 
Bible. In April, 1772, he employed a newly arrived Swiss silk 
weaver, Jacob Bay,° vo assist Fox. Two years later Bay left 
Sower’s service and set up a foundry on his own account in a 
near-by house in Germantown. Fox remained in Sower’s estab- 
lishment, presumably engaged in casting the large font of type 
required to keep standing an edition of the Bible. In addition 
to this routine work he is said to have cut and cast an unspeci- 
fied amount of Roman letter before 1774, the year of Bay’s 
separation from the Sower establishment. Working in his 
separate foundry, it is recorded that Bay “cast a number of 
fonts, cutting all the punches, and making all the apparatus 
pertaining thereto, himself, for Roman Bourgeois, Long 
Primer, etc.” 

That this reported activity in type casting in Germantown 
about the year 1774 was not a play of the imagination on the 
part of its historian is made certain by the definite statement 
that occurs in one of the non-importation resolutions of the 
Pennsylvania Convention. On January 23, 1775, the Conven- 


g. McCulloch, p. 181, gives the middle of December, 1771, as the date of Bay’s 
arrival in Philadelphia. In Rupp’s Collection of Thirty Thousand Names of Ger- 
man, Swiss, Dutch, French, and other Immigrants in Pennsylvania from 1727 to 
1776, p. 398, Jacob Bay is among the arrivals on the Brig Betsey on December 1, 
1771. The name is spelled Bey by McCulloch, Bay by Rupp, and Bay in various 
lists and documents in the Pennsylvania Archives. The last-named spelling is used 
in the present study on this authority. 


136 LAWRENCE COUNSELMAN WROTH 


tion “Resolved unanimously, That as printing types are now 
made to a considerable degree of perfection by an ingenious 
artist in Germantown; it is recommended to the printers to use 
such types in preference to any which may be hereafter im- 
ported.” Referring somewhat vaguely to this resolution, 
both as to content and as to origin, McCulloch tells us that 
even at the time of its passage Fox and Bay each claimed the 
honor implied in its terms, and to this day the identity of the 
“ingenious artist’ remains uncertain. 

It is not clear by what evidence it was known to the Con- 
vention that “‘a considerable degree of perfection”’ had been 
attained in the making of type in Germantown. The only 
known specimen of letters cast there before the meeting of the 
Convention in January, 1775, 1s the fraktur employed in Sower’s 
periodical, Ein Geistliches Magazien, and it is not likely that 
this or any other specimen of German type would have led the 
Convention to a recommendation as sweeping as that which 
has been quoted from its journal. It could only have been a 
Roman letter that the delegates had in mind for a usage so 
general as was indicated in their resolution, and we must re- 
main in doubt as to what specimen or specimens they had seen 
of locally cast type in this character. It is certain, however, 
that at the time of their action a font of Roman letter had been 
completed, or at any rate, that it was then in the process of 
casting. It is quite possible that a trial specimen of this font 
had been submitted to the Convention for its examination and 
approval. 

It is a satisfaction to be able to introduce the new font 
through the medium of a contemporary reference to its use. 
We are indebted to the correspondence and to the diary of the 
Rev. Ezra Stiles of Newport, later President of Yale College, for 
some important information on early American type founding. 


10. Journal of the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsyl- 
vania ... (1776-1781). Volume the First. Philadelphia, 1782, p. 33. 


THE FIRST AMERICAN TYPES 137 


Excited by Buell’s efforts to make type in the year 1769, his 
interest in the manufacture seems to have remained in being, 
for on May 9g, 1775, he appended the following comment to an 
entry in his Diary: “Extracted from the Pennsylv* Mercury, 
whose first Ne was pub. the 7th of April last: printed with 
types of American Manufacture. The first Work with Amer. 
Types: tho’ Types were made at N. Haven years ago.” " The 
fact that Ezra Stiles was one of the earliest patrons of Abel 
Buell’s venture in letter casting, supported as this fact is by his 
interest in American manufactures generally, lends a certain 
amount of weight to any observation that he might make on 
the subject of American type founding, although it is probable 
that he was ignorant of Sower’s partial achievement of the art, 
just as Sower some years earlier in his claim to priority had 
seemed to be unaware of Buell’s technically successful effort. 
If we may interpret Dr. Stiles’s words as meaning that Storey 
& Humphreys’s Pennsylvania Mercury of April 7, 1775, 
Vol. 1, No. 1, was the first published work printed in Roman 
letter which had been cut and cast in English America, we may 
unhesitatingly repeat his description of it as “The first Work 
with Amer. Types.” 

The Philadelphia newspaper which has been referred to is 
one of the rarest of American journals of the period. The only 
complete file, covering its brief existence from April 7 to De- 
cember 27, 1775, is that which is found in the Library of Con- 
gress. From the first page of its first issue the publisher’s 
announcement is reproduced on page 128. 

A glance at the pages of the newspaper in which the new 
Roman letter was first used makes us feel that in his commend- 
able willingness to admit imperfection the publisher paid small 
tribute to the skill of his “ingenious artist.” The letters of 

11. Stiles, Ezra: Literary Diaty. Ed. by F. B. Dexter. 3 vols. New York, 1gor, 


13549. 
12. Story & Humphreys’s Pennsylvania Mercury, and Universal Advertiser. 


Evans 14477. No copy seen by Hildeburn. 


138 LAWRENCE COUNSELMAN WROTH 


“rustic manufacture” were far from perfect, it is true, and in 
later issues of the newspaper it is observable that they had not 
worn especially well, but none the less they composed agree- 
ably and they were sufficiently well executed to entitle them 
to something more than the half apology with which they were 
offered to the public. Their interest, however, as the first 
American-made Roman type to be used in a publication in- 
tended for circulation transcends considerations of worth and 
of appearance. One would like to know whether it was from 
this font or from another that the book was printed which was 
advertised in the Mercury for June 23, 1775, as “Just Pub- 
lished and Printed with Types, Paper and Ink, Manufactured 
in this Province.”’ Its title was “The Impenetrable Secret,’ 
and no copy of it has been recorded. The possibility of finding 
some day the “hitherto unknown” and “probably unique” 
copy of the first book printed in the United States with type 
of native manufacture is one of the dreams which brighten the 
coming years. 

Isaiah Thomas says that the Pennsylvania Mercury was 
established with the backing of Joseph Galloway as a substi- 
tute for the Pennsylvania Chronicle, that disastrous earlier ven- 
ture in journalism in which the Quaker politician had engaged 
with William Goddard. If this was the case, certain features 
of the new publication must have been displeasing to the silent 
partner, for Galloway the Tory could hardly have rejoiced with 
the publishers in their virtuous encouragement of native type 
founding, with all its patriotic implications. Furthermore, 
from an advertisement of John Willis and Henry Vogt in the 
first issue of the paper one learns that the publishers were mak- 
ing use of other articles of printing equipment made by these 
general craftsmen, who here announced their ability to make 
presses and any and all of the mechanical appurtenances re- 
quired in a printing shop. This well-advertised Americanism 
of the publishers, however, seems not to have availed them in 


THE FIRST AMERICAN TYPES 139 


the attainment of success, and after their establishment had 
been destroyed by fire in the closing days of the year the busi- 
ness was never resumed. 

It is not certainly known who was the maker of the signifi- 
cant Mercury types. Benjamin Franklin Bache brought his 
type-founding equipment from. France to Philadelphia some- 
time in the year 1775, but of course the letters used in the 
Mercury were in process of manufacture many months before 
their appearance in the issue of April 7th of that year. Assum- 
ing that Sower’s foundry was in full operation at this time, we 
must assume also, in the absence of knowledge to the contrary, 
that its principal activity was in the manufacture of German 
letters for the great Bible, and that Sower would not have been 
likely to engage in the making of Roman type on a large scale 
until this work had been completed. Because of our ignorance 
of other possibilities there remain to be considered only the 
two craftsmen, Fox and Bay, as the probable makers of this 
first successful American letter. According to McCulloch, Fox 
had cut and cast Roman letter at some period before the year 
1774 while still working for Sower. This statement contains all 
that is known of his efforts at making Roman type during the 
years that he remained with Sower, but there is the chance to 
be taken into account that the Mercury font was the result of 
his experimentation during this period in an art which later he 
pursued with no small degree of local success. On the same 
authority it is said, it will be remembered, that Jacob Bay had 
left Sower in 1774, and in a near-by house in Germantown had 
set up a type foundry on his own account. In this separate 
establishment, it is likely that he was able to devote to the 
business such time and energy as would be required in making 
a font of sufficient size to accommodate the needs of such a 
newspaper as the Pennsylvania Mercury. The fact of his sepa- 
rate foundry having been established sometime in 1774, the 
reference in the Convention resolution of January, 1775, to the 


140 LAWRENCE COUNSELMAN WROTH 


“ingenious artist” at Germantown and the appearance in 
April, 1775, of the new font of type acclaimed by the publishers 
as ‘‘an attempt to introduce so valuable an art into these col- 
onies”’ are considerations which, taken in their order, seem to 
give ground for an assumption that it was Jacob Bay who cut 
and cast the letters for “The first Work with Amer. Types.” 
Until proof is forthcoming, however, this must remain an as- 
sumption and nothing more. 

It is certain that both Fox and Bay maintained their interest 
in letter casting for many years. At the sale of Sower’s confis- 
cated property in the year 1778 both of these artisans were 
present as purchasers of type-making tools and material.” 
Bay especially seems to have taken advantage of the oppor- 
tunity to secure equipment at this dispersal of his old master’s 
goods. Among other purchases which he made at the sale of 
what was probably at the time the largest typographical estab- 
lishment in the country were “‘a lot of letter moles” at £3, “a 
Box with g Crusibles” at £5 155., a quantity of worn type at 
8d. a pound and antimony worth £8 18s. 3d. He was living at 
the time in a house rented from Sower," and at the sale of the 
printer’s real property in September, 1779, he purchased an- 
other house belonging to the estate for £4200, a sum which he 
paid in two installments before October 28, 1779."° In record- 
ing from tradition the fact that Bay secured at this time one of 
the Sower houses, McCulloch asserts that he purchased it from 
John Dunlap, the printer, whom he paid in type of his own 
making. It is possible that he borrowed the purchase price 
from Dunlap on this or a similar basis of repayment, a transac- 
tion that would explain McCulloch’s version of the story. It is 
said that he conducted his foundry until the year 1789, and 


13. Pennsylvania Archives, 6th Series, 12:887-919. 

14. McCulloch’s statement is borne out by the inventory of Sower’s real estate 
in Pennsylvania Archives, 6th Series, 12:872-873. 

15. Pennsylvania Archives, 6th Series, 12:918-919. 


THE FIRST AMERICAN TYPES I4I 


that between this year and 1792 he sold the business to Francis 
Bailey. Fox continued the making of type until his death in 
the year 1805, when his son and partner Emmanuel Fox sold 
the equipment to Samuel Sower of Baltimore, the son of Chris- 
topher Sower, the Second, of Germantown, whose enterprise 
was the determining cause of its existence. 

The type-founding operations of Fox and of Bay have 
greater importance in the history of the art in America than is 
usually conceded them. When they are referred to at all by 
general writers, their activities are mentioned briefly or in such 
a manner as to give one the impression that their efforts were 
sporadic or tentative. It is with the work of the Scotch founder 
Baine, using imported equipment, that the story of American 
type founding is usually begun, but with the Mercury font be- 
fore us, cut and cast thirteen years before Baine’s first opera- 
tions, and with assurances by McCulloch that Fox cut and 
cast the letters used in the McKean edition of the ‘Acts of the 
Pennsylvania Assembly,’ printed by Francis Bailey in 1782,1¢ 
and with references by McCulloch to other fonts produced by 
Bay, it seems certain that there exists material which will require 
a revision of the story of American type-founding origins. 
Beginning with the incontestable fact of the successful Mer- 
cury font of 1775 and accepting McCulloch’s relation of later 
events as a working hypothesis, there is seen to exist a field for 
research which should prove productive of discoveries, inas- 
much as the fact and the tradition indicate a continuous activ- 
ity on the part of one or the other of these early Pennsylvania 
founders, Fox and Bay, from 1775 to 1805. In the course of 
these years other founders, better known to us, began their 
work, and between the years 1796 and 1801, more than one 
hundred American printers, from Massachusetts to Georgia, 


16. McCulloch gives the date indefinitely as about the year 1784. His father, 
John McCulloch, from whom he received much information embodied in the Addi- 
tions, was at one time foreman in Bailey’s shop. 


142 THE FIRST AMERICAN TYPES 


purchased type from the foundry of Binney & Ronaldson of 
Philadelphia.” 

The identification of the various fonts of locally made type 
used in Pennsylvania in the quarter century following “The 
first Work with Amer. Types” would form an interesting 
chapter in the story of early American type founding. 

17. One Hundred Years. MacKellar, Smiths and Jordan Foundry, Philadelphia, 
Pennsylvania (1896), p. 12, where is given a list of printers found in Binney & 


Ronaldson’s ledgers from 1796 to 1801. The original books are now in the Typo- 
graphic Library and Museum, Jersey City, N. J. 


A MARYLAND TRACT OF 1646 


By LATHROP COLGATE HARPER 
Of New York 


NE of the earliest books relating to Maryland, and one 

that seems to have escaped the notice of bibliographers, 

is a small quarto tract of sixteen pages, with the following title, 

unpromising enough as far as American interest is concerned: 

A | Moderate | and | Safe Expedient | To remove Yealousies and Feares, 

of any | danger, or prejudice to this State, by the | Roman Catholicks | of 

this Kingdome, | And to mitigate the censure of too | much severity towards 

them. | With a great advantage of Honour | and Profit to this State and 

Nation. | [6 small ornaments.] Printed in the Year of our Lord, | 1646. 
Collation: A-B‘. Title, 1 leaf, verso blank; pp. 3-16. 

Even a casual glance through the pages of this publication, 
however, shows that it contains matter of exceptional impor- 
tance on the early history of Maryland. It seems to be the only 
work relating to Maryland, printed in English, between the 
two ‘Relations’ of 1634 and 1635, and the ‘Lord Baltemore’s 
Case’ issued in 1653. 

In brief, it is a tract setting forth a plea for enacting suitable 
laws that will allow the Roman Catholics to sell their estates 
in England, remove to Maryland and settle there. It is di- 
vided into two parts. The first, with the heading “A Moderate 
and Safe Expedient,” occupies the six pages following the title. 
The second, with the heading “‘Objections Answered touching 
Mariland,” fills its remaining eight pages. 

The author opens with a plea for granting the Catholics 
liberty of conscience, or as much toleration as is given them in 
Holland, but in case Parliament shall not see fit to do this, to 
give them free leave to transplant themselves to Maryland. 
He strengthens this suggestion with the argument that the 
Catholics are considered dangerous persons to the State, ac- 
cording to the policy and religion of the present Government; 


144 LATHROP COLGATE HARPER 


that they should either be given the rights and liberties of free- 
born subjects, or allowed to emigrate to another country; that 
the planting of the Roman Catholics in Maryland will add 
much honor and profit to the Nation; that as they cannot sub- 
sist without yearly supplies, it will mean much to the trade of 
England. | 

The second part consists of a discussion of the plan in the 
form of five “Objections,” with an “Answer” to each, as 
follows: 

First. That the Laws against the Roman Catholics were 
made to free England from Popery, and that to allow them to 
depart to Maryland would take away all hope of their con- 
forming to the Church of England. Answer. That these Laws 
were passed more for reasons of state than for conformity 
of religion. That there are numerous other dissenting sects 
against which there are no such laws, which differ as much as 
the Roman Catholics from the doctrines of the established 
church. 

Second. That it would seem to be a kind of toleration of 
Popery. Answer. Banishment to Maryland, even if voluntary, 
would be in a way a persecution. That divers malefactors have 
chosen rather to be hanged than to go to Virginia. 

Third and Fourth. That the King’s revenue would be im- 
paired and that the wealth of the Kingdom would be reduced. 
Answer. That the number of Catholics is not so great that it 
would take much wealth out of England, and that the future 
increase of trade would be a great advantage. 

Fifth. That a large Catholic settlement in Maryland might 
be dangerous to New England and Virginia. That they might 
unite with Spain to suppress the Protestants in those colonies. 
Answer, This is refuted at length. The writer gives interesting 
particulars of the other American colonies, closing with the 
argument, that all ships going to Maryland must enter by way 
of the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, which is a part of Virginia. 


A MARYLAND TRACT 145 


The reasons for writing this tract open up an interesting field 
for conjecture. The author shows an intimate acquaintance 
with American affairs, not only in Maryland, but also in Vir- 
ginia and New England. The tract bears evidence of that 
duality of motive which animated the early Lords Baltimore 
in their colonization venture; that is, the desire to provide a 
refuge for their co-religionists and to establish for themselves 
a durable and prosperous domain. The year 1646 was a critical 
time in the affairs of Maryland. The so-called “pirate” 
Richard Ingle, claiming to act for the Parliament, had over- 
turned the Proprietary government and had driven Governor 
Leonard Calvert into exile. In England, on the other hand, 
there seemed a chance that the Roman Catholics and the In- 
dependents would come together in an agreement which would 
secure toleration for the recusant body. Ifin addition to toler- 
ation of the Papists, or in lieu of it, the Parliament should pass 
an ordinance permitting them to sell their property and emi- 
grate to Maryland, thus giving official recognition to the 
colony as a place of refuge, the Ingle rebellion would lose its 
strength and its significance. Furthermore the colony by this 
action would gain immediately in numbers and in wealth. The 
time seemed well chosen for the publication of such a pam- 
phlet as has been described. 

We find the second part of the tract in question, the ““Objec- 
tions Answered” quoted in full both by Bradley T. Johnson in 
his “Foundations of Maryland’ and by the Reverend Thomas 
J. Hughes, S. J., in his ‘History of the Society of Jesus in 
North America,’ cited in each case from the Stonyhurst Col- 
lege MSS. Johnson supposes it to have been in manuscript, 
but Father Hughes states that it is a printed pamphlet, pages 
g to 16. Father Hughes, however, never having seen the com- 
plete work, was unaware that it had been published as late 
as the year 1646. From the sense of it he assumed, as John- 
son had done, that it was written about the year 1633 as a 


146 LATHROP COLGATE HARPER 


defense of the Maryland charter, not yet passed by the Privy 
Council. 

A close reading of the “Objections Answered”’ convinces one 
of two things with regard to its matter: first, that it was of 
Jesuit authorship, and second, that its composition was earlier 
in date than that of the “Moderate and Safe Expedient”’ with 
which it was published in 1646. The latter tract was a plea to 
the victorious Parliament for toleration of the Roman Catho- 
lics in England, or, lacking this, for the enactment of an or- 
dinance which would permit them to emigrate to Maryland, 
and more particularly to sell rather than to forfeit their prop- 
erty in England before removing thence. The “‘Objections 
Answered,” it is true, constitute an extension and an enforce- 
ment of its argument, but while the “Moderate and Safe Ex- 
pedient” assumes that the colony of Maryland is a place and 
government in being, the “Objections Answered”’ speak of it, 
particularly in the last paragraph, as a colony not yet estab- 
lished. The first is a plea addressed to the Parliament; the 
second is an argument addressed, as its phraseology shows, to 
the old Royal government. The form of the second, with its 
anticipated questions given in full with answers conditional 
upon them, seems to mean that it had been intended originally 
for the private instruction of Lord Baltimore in defending his 
charter in its passage of the Great Seal. In that form it would 
hardly have been presented to the EaNa Council as a docu- 
ment in the case. 

Both Bradley Johnson and Father Hughes attribute the 
“Objections Answered”’ to a Jesuit source, and both, in ignor- 
ance of its date of publication, assume that it was written in 
1633 in defense of Lord Baltimore’s plan to establish a Roman 
Catholic colony. Even with the date of publication before us, 
the sense of the document persuades us that they were not far 
out in their guess, certainly in so far as it is a question of its 
original intention. One concludes that in this troubled year of 


A MARYLAND TRACT 147 


1646, when the Catholics stood in need as always of alleviation 
of their disabilities, and Maryland stood in need of colonists of 
that belief, the pamphlet was published by Lord Baltimore or 
in his interest, with this double purpose to be served. Remem- 
bering the shrewd presentation of the case for emigration pre- 
sented in the “Objections Answered,” it was probably decided 
to make it the basis of the plea to Parliament. Accordingly the 
old manuscript, for it is as such that we must think of it, was 
brought out and put into type as part of the pamphlet issued 
in this crisis. It is understood that these are assumptions 
made in an effort to account for the appearance in print at 
this time of a document, clearly of a private nature, which 
must have been composed to meet an emergency twelve years 
before. 

The authorship of the “Objections Answered” is not known. 
It has every mark of the Jesuit method and of the Jesuit logic. 
Father Hughes accepted it as a Jesuit document, and its 
printed pages, 9-16, detached from the first part of the pam- 
phlet, were found among the Stonyhurst papers. It has been 
attributed to the pen of Father White, but it is not the sort of 
writing that we associate with what is known of this man of 
action, this devout and zealous missionary. Its cool clear logic 
speaks rather of some member of the order accustomed to 
political thought and writing, and it is likely that it was the 
work of Father Richard Blount, the Provincial of the English 
Society, a priest who is known to have acted as adviser to Lord 
Baltimore in the furthering of his venture in its early stages. 

The tract seems to be very rare. It is not in the Thomason 
collection of Civil War tracts in the British Museum, or in the 
Gay collection at Harvard College. There is no copy in the 
Lenox or Huntington Libraries, and it is not mentioned by 
Rich, Sabin, Winsor or Mathews. Aside from the copy here 
described, and the imperfect one at Stonyhurst College, the 
only other that I have been able to locate is in the John Carter 


148 A MARYLAND TRACT 


Brown Library at Providence, a copy purchased in London in 
1889. 

The subject of the tract, its publisher’s anonymity and the 
absence of a copy from the Thomason collection are facts 
which indicate a surreptitious printing. It may have been 
issued from some obscure country press, but it is more than 
likely that it was the product of an unprivileged London estab- 
lishment. There were plenty of these in existence, so many 1n 
fact that in 1643 the Parliament had found it necessary to re- 
impose the Restriction Act of the Star Chamber in all save its 
most severe features, and within a few years the most rigorous 
of the old regulations were embodied in a new act. Such emi- 
nent publishers as George Thomason occasionally had dealings 
with the brotherhood of the secret press. On the other hand, 
the tract may have come from the shop of a licensed printer. 
Even the boldest of these would not have been anxious to put 
his name to a publication so pregnant with unpleasant poten- 
tialities. In typographical appearance it is as good as the 
average of the metropolitan product of the day. 

I hope that the printing of this paper will bring out some in- 
formation as to the purposes, authorship, and publication of 
this pamphlet of a more definite nature than these brief specu- 
lative deductions from the book itself. 


THE SURREPTITIOUS PRINTING OF ONE OF 
COTTON MATHER’S MANUSCRIPTS 


By THOMAS J. HOLMES 
Librarian of William G. Mather’s Library, Cleveland, Ohio 


N annotated bibliography of surreptitious editions might 

be more than a curiosity, if it could trace the uncertain 

steps of the errant manuscript from the parental domicile by 

devious path of transcription to the portal of unauthorized 

publicity; especially if it recorded the author’s emotion when 

the wanderer, unwashed of his errors, unkempt, his native 1m- 

perfections not hidden but magnified in a suit of orderly print 

naively walks up the front steps and in sight of an astonished 
world extends, unabashed, his filial greetings. 

John Cotton’s ‘Way of the Churches of Christ in New Eng- 
land,’ because some brethren disagreed with it, had long been 
suppressed, while still in manuscript, and a later work along 
similar lines had been more satisfactorily set forth in his since 
famous ‘Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven,’ which he pub- 
lished in London in 1644. _ 

A copy of his earlier manuscript of ‘The Way’ had been 
taken by a “brother going for England” and had been read 
and discussed there; but some years had elapsed since John 
Cotton had heard anything of it; and since the work was now 
superseded he hoped that it was suppressed. The copy that 
had thus gone for England, however, was by no means sup- 
pressed. “Abrupt in the entrance and imperfect otherwise”’ 
though it turned out to be; when least needed, this doubly de- 
fective offspring brazenly appeared in print in London the year 
after the publication of the ‘Keyes.’ 

“Which when I saw” says its embarrassed author, “it 
troubled me not a little as knowing that the discrepant Expres- 
sions in the one, and in the other, might trouble Friends, and 


150 THOMAS J. HOLMES 


give Advantage to Adversaries. I suffered both to stand... 
seeing I could not help it, the Book of the way being published 
without my Consent, and both the Way and the Keys past my 
revoking.” 

Many a good story might such a bibliography bring to light; 
and it might show how some surreptitious editions were such 
only in seeming; that many manuscripts considered to have 
been lost or stolen, then published as foundlings, really re- 
ceived parental secret aid and guidance to carry them to their 
journey’s end in the print shop. 

There have been enough of such, especially in the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries, to justify Dr. Samuel Johnson’s 
pungent averment that 


there is surely some reason to doubt the truth of the complaints so fre- 
quently made of surreptitious editions . .. . It is easy to convey an imper- 
fect book, by a distant hand to the press, and plead the circumstance of a 
false copy as an excuse for publishing the true, or to correct what is found 
faulty or offensive, and charge the errors on the transcriber’s depravations. 
This is a stratagem, by which an author panting for fame and yet afraid of 
seeming to challenge it, may at once gratify his vanity, and preserve the 
appearance of modesty. 

However frequently this may have been true it is well 
known that it did not happen to apply to the work that called 
it forth, the ‘Religio Medici’ — the most celebrated instance 
of an aberrant manuscript intended only for private circula- 
tion, having stolen into print. : 

But even Dr. Johnson, had he been interested, would have 
found no difficulty in absolving another author, Cotton 
Mather, from responsibility in the design to publish the confi- 
dently and hopefully written and willingly though privately 
circulated manuscript of his observations on the “witchcraft” 
case of Margaret Rule; at least in the form and frame in which 
it finally appeared. And our bibliography of surreptitious edi- 
tions might record a note, inadequate though it would be, of 
the agonies with which this author came later to contemplate 
the public forthcoming of his work. 


SURREPTITIOUS PRINTING 151 


' The manuscript was copied by Robert Calef or by some one 


under his name and then pilloried in Calef’s bitter scathing 
criticism of Mather and others. This miscellaneous compila- 
tion of excerpts, letters, and criticisms, as if in ironical derision 
of Mather’s ‘Wonders of the Invisible World,’ he entitled 
“More Wonders of the Invisible World,’ taking the title from 
the second clause of the heading of Mather’s manuscript. 

_ The incident that brought about the writing of this manu- 
script was in itself of trifling moment, but it has given more 
advantage to Mather’s adversaries and for that reason more 
trouble to his friends than any other event of his career. On 
September 10, 1693, Margaret Rule fell into convulsions and 
began to see spectres, which in those days of primitive diag- 
nosis were easily defined as the work of witchcraft, though the 
evil spirits of rum seem to have played some part in the witch- 
ery. Samuel P. Fowler in 1861 thought it a case of delirium 
tremens. | 
_ The young woman appears to have been an attendant at 
Mather’s church. He pleaded “that as she belonged to his 
flock and charge, he had so far a right unto her as that he was 
to do the part of a minister of our Lord for the bringing of her 
home unto God.” (Mather’s MS ‘Another Brand .. .,’ Sect. 
x.) At any rate on the evening of September 13, after sun- 
down, he and his father Increase with their party first visited 
Margaret Rule. Others drawn by curiosity also came. “In 
the whole there were about thirty or forty persons” present. 
Among them was Robert Calef, a cloth merchant of Boston, 
who afterward wrote down his impressions of the meeting. 
These notes reflected discredit on Increase and especially on 
Cotton Mather. Again on the 1gth, Calef visited the afflicted 
girl. Cctton Mather, who had been there earlier on the same 
day, had already left. Calef reports some of the gossip he 
heard there, again working in insinuations discreditable to 


Mather. 


152 THOMAS J. HOLMES 


This paper of reports Calef showed around. News of it came 
to Cotton Mather, who threatened Calef with arrest for slan- 
der. Calef thereupon wrote Mather a note dated September 
29, in which he proposed a meeting “at Mr. Wilkins’s or at 
Ben Harris’s”; where for the professed purpose of verifying or 
correcting his reports, he offered to read his paper to Mather in 
the presence of one witness on either side. 

In reply to this, Mather seems to have written a letter to 
which Calef briefly refers as, “that long letter only once read 
to me.” This letter so far as I know has not yet been found. 
However, Mather sent word agreeing to meet Calef at Mr. 
Wilkins’s, but later changed his mind and with his father be- 
gan the threatened suit in court charging Calef with “scandal- 
ous libels.”’ Calef was bound over for trial at the sessions. 
Before the trial Mather again changed his mind, dropped the 
suit, and invited Calef to consult books in his library, a priv- 
ilege that Calef scornfully spurned. 

Meantime Margaret Rule was, from September Io, “in 
those torments,” “too hellish to be sufficiently described,” 
“confining her to her bed for just six weeks together,” that is, 
until about October 22, says the MS, Sect. 1v. It was after 
this date, then, that Mather wrote his manuscript of observa- 
tions of the case and entitled it, ‘Another Brand Pluckt out of 
the Burning, Or more Wonders of the Invisible World.’ It 
probably was not written until after the receipt of Calef’s 
second letter, that of November 24; for that writer does not 
mention it therein, though he does make reply to it in his next 
letter, of January 11. 

The manuscript, it is clear, was Mather’s method of replying 
to his adversary’s letters and report of the meetings at Mar- 
garet Rule’s house. The text of the work itself corroborates 
this view. Sections x1 and x11, and some other parts of the 
document are certainly aimed indirectly at Calef, though 
without name; and Calef in his letter of January 11 accepted 


SURREPTITIOUS PRINTING 153 


the references, even repeating Mather’s epithets with which he 
characterized Calef’s group as “Saducees,” and as “our 
learned witlings of the coffee-house.” The work has the ap- 
pearance and tone of an attempt by its author to defend him- 
self against insistent goads and stings of criticism. He says: 


. . must I be driven to the necessity of an apology? Truly the hard 
representations wherewith some ill men have reviled my conduct, and the 
countenance which other men have given to these representations, oblige 
me to give mankind some account of my behaviour. (Sect. x11.) 

This description of the sufferings and hallucinations of Mar- 
garet Rule, observed by or told to Cotton Mather and written 
down by him in his hyperbolical style, supported, as it was 
later in Mather’s letter of January 15 to Calef, with whatever 
proofs that Mather’s six witnesses could adduce to Margaret 
Rule’s spiritualistic levitation, could well satisfy Mather and 
his friends whose beliefs about witchcraft were similar to his 
own. But it cannot be denied that it was a poor defense for 
him to make against such an antagonist as the obtuse, unimag- 
inative, sceptical, cynical Calef. 

That it was a defense, its form indicates, and the chronology 
of Calef’s documents, I think, proves. The manuscript there- 
fore we may conclude was as much a result of Calef’s critical 
activities as of Mather’s wish to vindicate his views. It was 
merely one, probably the fifth, written in the series of Calef- 
Mather papers. Mather handed it out to his friends, as Calef 
had exhibited his own insinuating notes. 

A desire for some form of exposure of the witchcraft fallacies 
as he saw them probably burned in Calef’s brain anterior to 
the Margaret Rule case. The cases of 1692 still fresh in every 
one’s memory kindled a resolution in Calef’s consciousness. It 
is likely his mind flamed with purpose when he attended the 
meeting at Margaret Rule’s house; and he doubtless planned 
to use his observations there to further the project already in 
hand, though it was as yet probably without definite form. 
Cotton Mather’s impulsive nature, unguarded actions, confi- 


154 THOMAS J. HOLMES 


dent manner and too ample speech, readily tripped him into 
Calef’s trap. The Margaret Rule incident was Robert Calef’s 
good opportunity; and he thoroughly utilized it. 

Calef’s report does not read, at least to my view, like an un- 
biased, spontaneous impression of the meeting. The repeated 
suggestion of indecency seems forced, proceeding as much 
from the recorder’s own made-up mind as from Mather’s 
actions before the eyes of thirty to forty witnesses. Mather 
calls the report ‘“‘an indecent Traversty.” It has a malicious 
twist that makes truth a lie, and betrays an intense hatred not 
specifically for Mather’s witchcraft ideas but for Mather him- 
self and for all that he represented. Increase Mather prays 
too long to suit the critic. Nothing the Mathers could have 
done would have pleased Calef. 7 

Down to the writing of his second letter to Mather, Novem 
ber 24, Calef had nothing tangible to show for his labor except 
his own two letters and his notes of the Margaret Rule meet- 
ing. But sometime between November 24 and January 11 
there came into his hands, possibly by Thomas Brattle, a copy 
of Mather’s manuscript. This probably determined the shape 
Calef’s efforts would take. 

Calef’s book originated in a great emotion, but no one will 
hold it to be great literature; and few will regard it, except 
Parts 11 and v, scarcely as history. It is as a whole a literary. 
gallows. The author apparently aimed to show that the folly, 
passion, superstition, malice, injustice, futility and blindness 
of the witch trials and executions of 1692 were the indirect re- 
sult of the erroneous doctrines taught by the ministers. These 
doctrinal errors it was his purpose to expose, and to show 


whether the witches .. . have been the cause of our miseries. Or whether a 
Zeal governed by blindness and passion, and led by president [precedent], 
has not herein precipitated us into far greater wickedness (if not Witch- 
crafts) than any have been yet proved against those that suffered. To be 
able to distinguish aright in this matter, to which of these two to refer our 
Miseries is the [purpose of the] present Work. (Calef’s ‘Epistle to the 
Reader.’) 


SURREPTITIOUS PRINTING 156 


In the execution of this fair-seeming design, impervious to 
the thought of any error in his own position, he burned with 
an unquenchable zeal intense as that which a little earlier had 
fired the devil hunters and witch baiters themselves. If the 
advantage of his position enabled him in turn on his own part 
to do a little harmless baiting he was not averse to doing it. 
Gathering strength and boldness as he went along doubtless he 
enjoyed the prospect of crucifying in his book those he held 
responsible for the more material damages of 1692. 

So contagious is human feeling and so inflaming are words 
that the animus which pointed Calef’s “quill under a special 
energy” to write his letters and compile this work, has ever 
since then animated some of the readers who have shared his 
views as to the origins of the witchcraft of 1692, to feel as he 
felt, to burn inwardly and to hate, as he sometimes did, and 
vicariously to enjoy the grillings he gave the ministers, while 
his manner has moved to impatience those readers who see 
his deficiencies even though they might sympathize with his 
larger aims, and admire him in some of his attitudes. If his 
purpose were as he said, “to prevent, as far as in my power, 
any more such bloody victims or sacrifices,” no witches have 
been hung in New England since. But any one can close the 
stable door. 

His labor in the direction of prevention, as is common with 
noble intentions, completely failed by being too late — eight 
years too late. He did not extinguish the smallest flame, not to 
say any conflagration of the witchcraft frenzy, that is traceable 
now. Circumstances so fell that the fire was all out, the error 
of the proceedings realized, before the date of Calef’s earliest 
recorded public effort. His book published in London by 
Nathaniel Hillar arrived in Boston about November 15, 1700. 
His activities, before that time, were merely those of a 
then obscure private letter-writer and compiler, which could 
scarcely have exercised any far-reaching public influence. 


156 THOMAS J. HOLMES 


What effect the letters might have had if written during the 
trials and before the witches were hung, in the summer and 
early autumn of 1692, it is idle to speculate. Calef was silent 
then. It will be only charity to suppose that he was not lack- 
ing in valor to protest. Possibly, like most of his neighbors, he 
may have learned some of his wisdom after the occurrences, 
and through them. It is fairly certain, however, that he did not 
begin to write until almost a year after the last witch was hung, 
and four months after the last of the trials. He has much feel- 
ing and many opinions, but apparently no first-hand knowl- 
edge of any of the witchcraft incidents on which he writes ex- 
cept his first visit to Margaret Rule. 

Cotton Mather’s praying with Margaret Rule, or in the 
earlier case with Mercy Short, might be regarded as reason- 
able, charitable acts designed to aid mentally and physically 
distressed individuals, and his writings of their babblings as an 
attempt to record the curious phenomena connected with the 
devil’s operations in the material world, as Mather himself 
viewed his work; or his efforts might be regarded as pitiably 
credulous, fatuous performances, as his opponents have held. 
But in either case he was not engaged in commencing any new 
furor of witch persecution; for he permitted no accusations to 
be made upon which any possible public punitive action could 
be begun. It required little effort, indeed, on Calef’s part to 
stop a new persecution that was never started. 

This is not a suitable occasion nor have I any desire to disin- 
ter the remains of the Upham-Poole controversy, yet it may 
be said that Mather’s own defense on this point still stands: 


that the Name of No one good Person in the World ever came under any 
blemish by means of any Afflicted Person that fell under my particular cog- 
nisance, yea no one Man, Woman or Child ever came into any trouble for 
the sake of any that were Afflicted after I had once begun to look after ’em. 
(‘Another Brand ...,’ Sect. x11.) 


Even Calef never contradicted this statement. Calef was 
orthodox enough to say, “That there are witches is not the 


SURREPTITIOUS PRINTING 157 


doubt,” but he was heterodox in that he denied, “that a witch 
can commissionate devils to afflict mortals,” because, says he 
(pp. 17, 26), ““The devil’s bounds are set, which he cannot 
pass.”” So wicked and “full of malice” was the devil that no 
witch could make him any worse, believed Calef; and hanging 
witches could not lessen his power. On the other hand the 
magistrates and ministers and most of the general public seem 
to have held the ancient belief that witches actually made com- 
pacts with the devil to injure human beings. 

If Cotton Mather was an enthusiast in his purpose to rout 
the devil and his agents, conversely, Calef was no less so in his 
design to further the acceptance of his views. In his letter to 
Mather of November 24, in opposition to the ministers he set 
up his own “doctrinals.” Of these he goes so far as to say, 
“These last Sir, are such Foundations of Truth, in my esteem, 
that I cannot but own it to be my duty to ascert them, when 
call’d, tho’ with the hazard of my All.” (‘More Wonders,’ 
1700, pp. 17-18.) 

The martyr spirit here shown and his antipathy to the min-. 
isters, his bitter tongue, his attitude toward capital punish- 
ment, his estimation of education in classical literature as be- 
ing a source of poison (see Preface and elsewhere), his incessant: 
demand for Scripture authority for doctrines of witchcraft, 
seem strongly suggestive of Quaker influence in the back- 
ground, a Quaker too, probably living in Salem, who doubtless 
provided Calef with that portion of his Salem and Salem 
Village material that he did not owe to Cotton Mather. Was. 
the Quaker Thomas Maule? It is known that Calef had aid 
and it seems certain that there were others than Thomas 
Brattle with him. | 

Though Thomas Brattle was not a Quaker but an Episco- 
palian, nevertheless when all the facts behind the authorship of 
this work become known, considering the main work and not. 
the postscript, it is possible that the book may yet be seen to 


158 THOMAS J. HOLMES 


owe some of its inspiration to the long-drawn-out conflict be- 
tween the Quakers and the Puritans, even if parts of it do not 
eventually take their place in one of the side skirmishes of that 
struggle. Mr. John H. Edmonds, State Archivist of Massachu- 
setts, states that he is inclined to think that some identity of 
authorship may lie behind ‘Truth held forth’ and ‘More 
Wonders.’ Might not Calef himself have held Quaker leanings! 

“Tf Lerr, let me see it by Scripture,” Calef repeatedly flung 
at the ministers. None answered him, he said. Cotton Mather 
was the only minister who attempted to argue with him; with 
what result the book bears witness. 

Calef addressed seven letters to Cotton Mather, one to Ben- 
jamin Wadsworth, one to Samuel Willard, one ‘To the Minis- 
ters in and near Boston,’ and one even “To the Ministers 
whether English French or Dutch,’ and asked them to inform 
him what Scripture authority they had for their doctrine that 
witches could “commissionate devils.” In these letters he 
made extracts from or references to works that dealt with 
witchcraft such as Cotton Mather’s ‘Wonders’ and his “Mem- 
orable Providences’; Increase Mather’s ‘Cases of Conscience’ 
and his ‘Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences’; 
and Richard Baxter’s ‘Certainty of the World of Spirits’; 
which quotations seemed to have allowed the devil greater 
power than he ought to have according to Calef’s views. In 
derision he asks interpretations of these passages. 

Calef scraped together this correspondence, somewhat one- 
sided though it was, containing his “doctrinals,” his gibes, his 
quotations from Scripture and from the works of the Mathers 
and Richard Baxter. With these letters he included his report 
of the Margaret Rule meeting. To these he added a selection 
from, but not the whole of the documents concerning the differ- 
ences between some members of the church of Salem Village 
and their pastor, the Reverend Samuel Parris, in whose house 
the witchcraft accusations of 1692 began. These differences 


SURREPTITIOUS PRINTING 159 


arose over the charges made by four members bereaved by the 
trials; they concerned the responsibilities of the minister in 
aiding to bring out the accusations in the early stages of the 
troubles. After five years of agitation, these differences termi- 
nated in the dismissal of Mr. Parris. 

To this accumulating material, Calef brought his most im- 
portant addition, “An impartial account of the most memor- 
able matters of fact touching the supposed witchcraft in New- 
England’; which contained an outline history of the beginnings 
and development of the frenzy in the household of the Rever- 
end Samuel Parris; with notes on some of the Salem trials, and 
with illustrative letters, confessions and indictments of some 
of the accused, with signed letters and attestations of some 
of their friends. To these he added extracts from Mather’s 
“Wonders of the Invisible World’ containing in full his sum- 
mary of five of the trials. 

To this collection is appended a Postscript — almost cer- 
tainly from a different writer than he of the letters, though 
written in collaboration with him or with his material in hand. 
The postscript contains a piquant review of Mather’s ‘Life of 
Sir William Phips’ (Pietas in Patriam) published at London in 
1697. The review is written in an unreserved, acrimonious, 
querulous, almost scurrilous vein, with an apparent purpose 
less of reviewing the book than of driving at Increase and 
Cotton Mather — condemning the new charter, the work of 
the one; and “the kindling those flames” of witch persecution, 
as much the indirect work of the other. (‘More Wonders,’ 
pp- 150-152.) 

Though there is truth in the reviewer’s charge that Mather 
used the occasion of the book to extol himself over the witch 
trials and his father over the agency, still it should be stated 
that the defense fits in the story and it is likely would offend 
few at the time other than the hypersensitive reviewer and the 
charter opponents. If Dr. Elisha Cooke, the disgruntled agent 


160 SURREPTITIOUS PRINTING 


and the opposer of Phips for the governorship, did not write 
this review, he had indeed a great deal to do with it. (“More 
Wonders,’ pp. 146-150.) 

This whole bag of collected heterogeneous materials Calef 
hung high in his published work, to invite the mingled admira- 
tion, pity, sorrow, hate, and scorn of the ages. Not because of 
its preéminent importance among the other documents, but 
because it was regarded as an example of the erroneous witch- 
craft doctrines of an eminent Puritan minister, calculated to 
bring obloquy and ridicule upon its author, Cotton Mather’s 
manuscript on Margaret Rule is exhibit A in this gibbetry. 

Perhaps the reputation of no character in history has suf- 
fered so much and so unjustly through a surreptitious printing 
as has the author of the manuscript of ‘Another Brand Pluckt 
out of the Burning, Or more Wonders of the Invisible World.’ 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 


By GEORGE WATSON COLE, L.H.D. 
Librarian of the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Gabriel, California 


SCAR WILDE, in a letter written in June, 1897, says: “I 

am going to write a Political Economy in my heavier mo- 
ments. The first law I lay down is: ‘Wherever there exists a 
demand there is no supply.’”” The book-collector chooses his 
field and starts out bravely to cover it. He soon learns that of 
certain works, the possession of which seems necessary to his 
happiness, “there is no supply.” 

Rarity in books is due to several causes. Some are merely 
ghosts that have crept into bibliographies. Many such, we are 
inclined to believe, have found their way there through print- 
ers’ errors arising from illegible copy. Of these there is, of 
course, absolutely “no supply.” 

Then, there are /ost d00ks known only by allusions to them or 
from quotations in the writings of contemporaneous authors. 
These lost books sometimes come to light as did the First Edi- 
tion of Shakespeare’s “Titus Andronicus’ a few years since; or 
the copy of the earliest edition of “The First and Second Partes 
of King Edward the Fourth,’ by Thomas Heywood, now in the 
library of Charles W. Clark, of San Mateo, California. This 
latter volume doubtless owes its preservation, as have many 
others, to its having been included in a bound volume of tracts. 

There are also unrecorded books or editions. These occasion- 
ally turn up in the most unexpected places, as did a consider- 
able number in the Isham find of 1867, when a collection of 
Elizabethan books was found by Charles Edmonds at Lam- 
port Hall, Northamptonshire, in an old lumber-room. Among 
the books there found were several the very existence of which 
had never even been suspected and editions of others previ- 
ously unknown or supposed to be hopelessly lost. 


162 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


Books, heretofore unknown, occasionally appear in sales as 
did the 1595 edition of Robert Greene’s ‘Pandosto’ at the 
sale of the Newdigate Library in 1920. This unique volume 
now graces the shelves of the Henry E. Huntington Library. 
Examples similar to this show that though there may always 
be a demand there is “no supply.” 

Many books, especially those of small bulk usually termed 
pamphlets, have completely disappeared beyond all possibility 
of recovery. Of the perishable nature of these waifs of the 
printing-press every book-collector is but too painfully cog- 
nizant. Many such copies owe their preservation to the fact 
that they were bound in volumes with works of a similar na- 
ture. Examples of some of these are to be found in the works 
named below. 

A book may be termed excessively rare if but a single copy 
of it is known, or at most two or three copies. The rarity of 
such a book is, of course, liable to be affected by the discovery 
of other copies. The late Dr. William Frederick Poole was 
accustomed to say he did not care to purchase a book until the 
fact of its rarity had been made public and such publicity had 
caused the owners of other copies to search their shelves and on 
finding copies to place them in the market. 


In explanation of our title it should be said that we have ex- 
tended the term Elizabethan to include works printed from 
about 1520 to 1641. 

Of these early books relating to America a score or so have 
been selected of which no other, or at most only an extremely 
limited number of other, copies are known; or, of those which 
from their importance demand more than ordinary attention. 
Of these nearly one half deal with the discoveries and explora- 
tions of the Western Hemisphere. The remaining moiety were 
written to encourage emigration thither or to give accounts of 
the experiences and privations of the early colonists. Of those 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 163 


herein named all are to be found in the Henry E. Huntington 
Library. For convenience of reference a chronological arrange- 
ment has been followed. 

I. ca. 1520. The earliest work in our language relating to 
America appeared at Antwerp about 1520. It is entitled: ‘Of 
the newe la[n]des and of y° people founde by the messengers 
of the kynge of Porty[n]gale named Emanuel.’ 


A single leaf only [A ii] describes a voyage to America (therein called 
““Armenica’’) made “in the yere of our Lord God. M.ccc.c.xcvi.”” This 
leaf in the Huntington Library copy is, fortunately, original and genuine. 
The rest of the volume, of which several leaves are in facsimile, describes 
various parts of Africa, Asia, and the East Indies. The entire work is 
decorated throughout with quaint woodcuts. This copy formerly belonged 
to the late E. Dwight Church, but was acquired by him too late to be in- 
serted in his Catalogue of Americana. 

The only complete copy is in the British Museum. The Bodleian Li- 
brary possesses only a fragment, consisting of but two leaves, the 17th 
and 22d. It was reprinted by Edward Arber in 1885 in his ‘First Three 
English Books on America’ (pp. xxvii-xxxvi). Ten photostatic copies, 
from the British Museum copy, have been made and distributed in this 
country to that number of subscribing libraries and collectors. 


II. 1569. The earliest book written and printed in the 
English language that relates the adventures and explorations 
of any Englishman in any part of America was written by Sir 
John Hawkins. It gives an account of his third voyage and 
was published under the title, ‘A true declaration of the 
troublesome voyadge of M. John Haukins to the parties of 
Guynea and the west Indies, in the yeares of our Lord 1567. 
and 1568.’ It was published in London in 1569. 

All earlier books in English relating to America are translations from 
other languages. Hawkins was the first Englishman to engage in the slave 
trade. His book is a vigorous and direct narrative of his experiences and is 
full of shrewd observations. 

The only other copy we are able to trace is in the British Museum. 
Arber reprinted it in his ‘English Garner,’ 5 (1882), 213-225. It also 
appears in the 1903 edition of that work (Voyages and Travels, 1: 91-103). 


Sabin (8: no. 30954) says he never saw a copy and was sceptical of its 
existence, believing that “it is only to be found in Hakluyt’s Collection.” 


164 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


Knowledge of the extent of the North American continent 
from east to west was, during the sixteenth century, very 
vague. The Verrazano map (1529) represents the shore of the 
Pacific Ocean as extending inland in a vast indentation or bay 
almost to the eastern shore of the continent. The deep bays 
and large tidal rivers of the Atlantic coast, accentuated by 
this idea of Verrazano’s, naturally stimulated exploration with 
a view of finding a navigable passage through the continent by 
which the English could extend their trade to the East Indies; 
the routes by Cape Good Hope, and Magellan’s Straits and 
Cape Horn having already been monopolized by the Portu- 


guese and Spaniards. Various expeditions were therefore un- — 


dertaken by the English for the purpose of discovering such 
a passage. 

The idea that the continent of North America was compar- 
atively narrow from east to west prevailed among a few geog- 
raphers even as late as 1612, when Sir Dudley Digges in his 
little work “Of the Circumference of The Earth’ (p. 23) com- 
putes the breadth of the American continent to be “about 6. 
Degrees, or 300. English Miles betweene Virginia and Noua 
Albion,” “where Sir Francis Drake his Noua Albion should 
bec. i 


One of the most notable series of voyages to discover a 


navigable passage through the North American continent was - 


undertaken by Sir Martin Frobisher. His first voyage, made 
in 1577, was promoted by the Earl of Warwick and other ad- 
venturers. Needless to say the expedition failed of its object. 
One of the sailors carried home a piece of black pyrite, which, 
in defiance of the London goldsmiths, an Italian alchemist 
declared to contain gold. A gold craze ensued; another expe- 
dition, and still a third, was sent out to follow up this supposed 
discovery. Hence followed Frobisher’s second and third voy- 
ages, made in 1477 and 1578. Accounts of both these voyages 
are among the rarest of works relating to America. 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 165 


III. 1577. An account of Frobisher’s Second Voyage, en- 
titled, “A true reporte of the laste voyage into the West and 
Northwest regions, &c. 1577. . . . by Capteine Frobisher’ 
(London, 1577), was written by Dionysius Settle. 


Of this work two editions appeared the same year. The first has sur- 
vived in only two other copies besides that in the Huntington Library. 
They are in the British Museum and John Carter Brown Library. 

During his second voyage Frobisher was specially directed to search for 
more of the gold ore. As a result persistent efforts for the discovery of the 
Northwest Passage became a subordinate consideration. Settle’s narra- 
tive was reprinted in 1868 for private distribution by John Carter Brown 
in an edition limited to fifty copies. 


IV. 1578. Works describing Frobisher’s Third Voyage 
(1578) are of even greater rarity than the volume just de- 
scribed. Thomas Ellis wrote an account of it which he en- 
titled, ‘A true report of the third and last voyage into Meta 
incognita: atchieued by the worthie Capteine, M. Martine 
Frobisher, Esquire. Anno. 1578.’ 


This, though undated, appeared the same year that Frobisher returned. 
Of this work only the Church-Huntington copy can be traced. Hazlitt in 
1876 (p. 482) described a copy which he may have seen, perhaps the identi- 
cal one later acquired by Mr. Church. The Third Voyage was primarily 
fitted out to secure more gold ore as that procured during the second voy- 
age had proved to be poor. The mineral gathered during this last voyage 
also turned out to be worthless. As a result public opinion turned against 
Frobisher, and his voyages in search of gold and of the Northwest Passage 
came to an ignominious end. 


V. 1578. The first book in Spanish relating to America, 
Enciso’s ‘Suma de geographia,’ became known to English 
readers through John Frampton’s translation, entitled ‘A 
Briefe Description of the Portes, Creekes, Bayes, and Hauens, 
of the Weast India.’ This appeared at London in 1578. 


Frampton in his dedication says the original was “vvritten by Martin 
Fernandes Denciso, aboute Anno. 1518 . . ., and after called in aboute 
tvventie yeares past, for that it reuealed secretes that the Spanish natid 
vvas loth to haue knovven to the vvorld.”’ This goes far to prove what had 
long been surmised, that it was the policy of Spain to maintain the strictest 
secrecy regarding her possessions in the New World. 

Copies of Frampton’s translation are of even greater rarity than those 
of the original; for, of the First Spanish Edition (1519; Church, Americana, 


166 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


no. 42) seven copies are known and of the two editions of 1530 at least four 
can be traced, one of them, the Second Edition, being in the Huntington 
Library (Church, Americana, no. 61). The copy of Frampton’s transla- 
tion now in the Huntington Library was offered for sale in 1916 by Christie- 
Miller, in the catalogue of the Americana portion of his magnificent library. 
There is also another copy (the Lenox) in the New York Public Library. 


VI. ca. 1579. Mention has already been made of the rarity 
of works relating to Frobisher’s voyages. Thomas Church- 
yard, in 1579, published ‘A Discovrse of The Queenes Mates- 
ties entertainement in Suffolk and Norffolk’ (autumn of 1578). 


The American interest of this little work consists of the “adioyned”’ 
twenty-page poem written, as stated on the title-page, in “commendation 
of Sir Humfrey Gilberts ventrous iourney” of discovery and colonization. 
At the last moment Churchyard appended four leaves more, in verse, con- 
taining “A welcome home to Master Martin Frobusher.” Frobisher, who 
had set out on his third voyage in May, 1578, returned in October of that 
year while this work was passing through the press. Churchyard, to cele- 
brate the event, added this long poem, “written,” as he says in its caption, 
“since this Booke was put to the Printing, and ioyned to the same Booke, 
for a true testimony of Churchyardes good will, for the furtherance of 
Mayster Frobushers fame.” The poem occupies a single sheet of four 
leaves and follows a blank leaf at the end of the Gilbert poem. It is said 
to be lacking in more than one of the existing copies. There are other 
copies in the British Museum and the Bodleian Library. The Church and 
Devonshire copies are in the Huntington Library. The Epistle Dedica- 
torie varies but little in different copies. In the Church and Devonshire 
copies it is addressed to “‘Maister Gilbert Gerard, the Queenes Maiesties 
Attourney General.” In others it is addressed to William Jarret. The 
British Museum possesses copies of each. Richard Heber also possessed 
copies containing these variations. 


VII. 1582. Allusion has just been made to Churchyard’s 
poem on the “‘ventrous iourney” of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. In 
1682 there appeared, from the pen of Stephanus Parmenius, a 
Latin poem entitled, ‘De Navigatione Illvstris Et Magnanimi 
Equitis Aurati Humfredi Gilberti.’ 


Parmenius was a learned Hungarian and a writer of elegant Latin verses. 
He accompanied Gilbert on his last voyage and was drowned near New- 
foundland, August 29, 1583, when the Delight, one of Gilbert’s fleet, ran 
aground and was lost with nearly one hundred men. 

The only other copy of his work we can trace is that in the British 
Museum. It was reprinted by Hakluyt in his ‘Principal Navigations,’ 3 
(1600): 137-143, with other works relating to Gilbert’s “Traffiques and 


Discoueries.’ 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 167 


VIII. 1587. Exploration of the territory now known as 
New Mexico was made by Antonio Espejo in 1582 and 1583. 
The original narrative of his expedition, in Spanish, appeared 
in Madrid in 1586. During the same year editions in both 
Spanish and French appeared in Paris, the former at the ex- 
pense of the famous geographer, Richard Hakluyt. A transla- 
tion into English entitled, ‘New Mexico. Otherwise,.. The 
Voiage of Anthony of Espeio, who in the yeare 1583. with his 
company, discouered a Lande of 15. Prouinces,’ was published 
by Thomas Cadman in the following year (1587). 


The Epistle Dedicatory of this little work is dated and signed: “London 
this 13. Aprill 1587....A. F.” 

The only known copy of this translation appeared for the first time at 
the sixth Heber sale (no. 2250) in the spring of 1835, and was even then 
described as “very rare.” It was acquired by William Henry Miller, the 
founder of the Christie-Miller or Britwell Court Library, a library that is 
now being dispersed. In 1916 Mr. Sydney Richardson Christie-Miller, its 
present owner, decided to dispose of the American portion and this volume 
was included as no. 8g in the sale which was to have taken place in August 
of that year. The owner, however, reserved the right to dispose of the col- 
lection by private treaty before the date of sale and sold it to the late 
George D. Smith, the Napoleon of book-auction rooms, who in turn 
passed it over to Mr. Huntington. This copy is believed to be unique. 


Sir James Lancaster, one of the leading seamen of the reign 
of Queen Elizabeth, returned in May 1594 from a voyage to 
the East Indies. During this voyage he had broken the monop- 
oly of the East India trade of the Portuguese by passing around 
the Cape of Good Hope, plundered their vessels, and returned 
with much booty. His success led to the formation of the East 
India Company. Realizing that the Portuguese could be 
profitably plundered nearer home, the aldermen and mer- 
chants of London fitted out three ships for that purpose and 
placed Lancaster in command. He sailed the following Oc- 
tober for Pernambuco. During the voyage thither he seized 
many Spanish and Portuguese vessels, and on his arrival cap- 
tured the town. Loaded with plunder he sailed for England 
and arrived in the Downs in July, 1595. 


168 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


IX. ca. 1595. An account of this voyage by H. Roberts, 
entitled ‘Lancaster his Allarums, honorable Assaultes, and 
supprising of the Block-houses and Store-houses belonging to. 
Fernand Bucke in Brasil,’ appeared the same year. 


This work is known by only two copies. These vary. A copy of the 
first issue is in the John Carter Brown Library. That in the Huntington 
Library is of the second issue and may be distinguished by the added leaf 
between folios C2 and C3. This extra leaf contains a long commendatory 
notice of Captain Randolph Cotton who was slain at Pernambuco. It 
would seem that after the pamphlet had been printed it was considered 
that not enough credit had been given him, so an extra leaf was added to 
supply the omission. Unfortunately the binder of the Huntington copy 
mistook this leaf for a cancel and destroyed leaf C3. The text of the miss- 
ing leaf has been supplied by a photostat from the copy in the John Carter 
Brown Library. An account of Lancaster’s expedition appeared in 
Hakluyt’s ‘Voyages,’ 3 (1600): 708-715, and was reprinted by the Hakluyt 
Society, 46 (1877): 35-56. This later account is based on Roberts’s text, 
many passages, notably at the beginning, being repeated word for word. 


We now arrive at a period when the character of Americana 
changes. Thomas Harriot’s ‘A briefe and true report of the 
new found land of Virginia’ (1588) was the second original 
English production relating to America given to the English 
reading public. Though of the utmost importance, it is by no 
means as rare as many other books mentioned in this paper, 
no fewer than a dozen copies being known. 

In 1597 there appeared a volume that sprang into instant 
popularity. This book, not usually thought of as belonging 
with works relating to America, is Gerard’s ‘Herball Or Gen- 
erall Historie of Plantes.’ 


On page 752, in a description “Of Indian Swallow woort,” appears a 
contemporaneous notice of Sir Walter Raleigh’s Virginia colony of 1585. 
In speaking of the place where this plant is to be found he says: “There 
groweth in that part of Virginia, or Norembega, where our Englishmen 
dwelled (intending there to erect a Colony) a kind of Asclepias or Swallow 
woort, which the Sauages call Wisanck,” etc. Lower down on the page, 
he further says: “It groweth, as before is rehearsed, in the countries of 
Norembega, and now called Virginia by the H. Sir Walter Raleigh, who 
hath bestowed great summes of monie in the discouerie thereof, where are 
dwelling at this present [the italics are our own] English men, if neither 
vntimely death by murdering, or pestilence, corrupt aire, bloody flixes 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 169 


[sic], or some other mortall sicknes hath not destroied them.” This volume 
is perhaps the first to record American plants. In it are described 28 va- 
rieties, some of them indigenous. 

No account of Elizabethan Americana should fail to men- 
tion three important works, though not one of them is of such 
rarity as those herein enumerated. We refer to Harriot’s 
‘Virginia’ (1588), mentioned above; Brereton’s ‘A Briefe and 
true Relation of the Discouerie of the North part of Virginia; 
. .. Made this present yeere 1602, by Captaine Bartholomew 
Gosnold ’ (1602), of which there are two impressions. Copies 
of both are at San Marino; and Rosier’s ‘A Trve Relation of 
the most prosperous voyage made this present yeere 1605, by 
Captaine George Waymouth, in the Discouery of the land of 
Virginia’ (1605). The last two Henry Stevens characterized 
in 1874 as the “‘Verie two eyes of New England history.” 

X. 1610. (Gainsford.) The earliest mention of Columbus 
noticed in any work of English poetry occurs in Thomas Gains- 
ford’s ‘Vision And Discovrse Of Henry the seuenth’ (1610). 


This, his earliest work, possesses little merit as a poem. The best pas- 
sage of the whole production is perhaps that in which he relates the dis- 
couragement of Columbus in England and elsewhere in finding aid to his 
projected voyage of discovery. This work has long been considered one of 
the choice nuggets of English Literature, but not until copies of it came 
into the Huntington Library was it discovered to have an American inter- 
est. Corser, in his ‘Collectanea Anglo-Poetica’ (pt. 6: 403), failed to note 
this feature of the work. The passage in which reference is made to Colum- 
bus occurs on page 21 and reads as follows: 


“Once to Columbus we gaue little heede, 
When he made proffer to the English nation 
That if we did but furnish him with ships, 
_ All Europes glorie we might soone ecclipse. 
He said he knew there was another world, 
And to the same he would the Pilot be: 
But we esteem’d his speech an idle dreame, 
And after long delay his suite denied.” 

Of this work we are only able to trace three copies; the Huth, now in the 
Huntington Library, that in the British Museum, and the Bridgewater 
House copy, formerly in the Huntington Library, but the present location 
of which is unknown to us. 


170 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


We had no idea when selecting the present topic for this 
paper that such a considerable number of the works to be re- 
corded would relate to the Bermudas, a locality about which 
the present writer has had much to say elsewhere. This, how- 
ever, is a mere coincidence. Early works relating to Bermuda 
are of extreme rarity. Major-General J. H. Lefroy, sometime 
governor of the Bermudas and an authority on its history, 
says: “So far as the writer has been able to learn, there is no 
British colony of the seventeenth century whose social history 
can be so fully traced, or dates from so early a stage of settle- 
ment; and it presents a more faithful picture of the habits, 
manners, and morals of the mother country than might at 
first be expected.” Discovered under most disastrous circum- 
stances, and supposed from early discoveries of ambergris, 
abundance of turtle, fish, fowl, etc., to possess unusual natural 
resources, “the Somers Islands” enjoyed for a few years a 
reputation incommensurate with that which they really de- 
served. These facts naturally led the participants in the perils 
incident to their discovery, and others of imaginative minds, 
to place on record these impressive events. Several contem- 
porary writers penned their experiences and naturally found 
ready publishers. Few copies of these works, however, have 
survived the vicissitudes of time. 

XI. 1610. The earliest separate publication of this char- 
acter is Silvester Jourdain’s ‘Discovery Of The Barmvdas, 
Otherwise called the Ile of Divels’ (1610). 


Jourdain, or Jourdan as his name is sometimes spelled, was a townsman 
of Sir George Somers. In 1609 he embarked with him, and Sir Thomas 
Gates and Captain Newport, deputy governors of Virginia, on their voyage 
thither. The Sea Venture in which they sailed was wrecked on the Ber- 
muda Islands, July 28, 1609. After remaining there ten months, until 
they had constructed two small vessels, they embarked for Virginia, 
May 10, 1610, and reached there on May 23. Jourdain in his narrative 
gives a most vivid description of the shipwreck, an event which has been 
thought by some to have suggested to Shakespeare his idea of ‘The 
Tempest.’ 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 171 


The Britwell copy, now in the Huntington Library, and that in the 
British Museum are the only ones we have been able to locate. This tract 
was reprinted three years later, with additions but without due credit 
given to the author, under the title, ‘A Plaine Description Of The Ber- 
mudas, Now Called Sommer Ilands.’ The dedication to this later issue is 
signed “W. C.,” initials thought by Alexander Brown (‘Genesis of the 
United States,’ 2 :621) to be those “of the Rev. Wm. Crashaw”’; though 
Sabin (3: no. 9759), with less probability, questions whether they may not 
be those of William Castell. This latter tract is not as rare as the first 
edition, as some eight or more other copies of it can be traced. 


Incidentally, attention may here be called to the fact that 
the Bermudas were the first part of the Western Hemisphere 
to be mapped from an actual survey; that made by Richard 
Norwood in 1618 and published about 1622. Norwood made 
a later survey of the Islands in 1662-63. His map corresponds 
most surprisingly with the latest Admiralty charts, showing 
the skill and accuracy of that distinguished surveyor, who was 
among the first to undertake the measurement of the earth’s 
circumference by surveying, with a chain, the distance from 
London to York in 1639. 

XII. 1610. In 1610 also appeared another little work re- 
lating to the Bermudas. This was written by R. Rich, who 
describes himself as “one of the Voyage.” It is written in 
doggerel verse and is entitled, ‘Nevves from Virginia. The lost 
Flocke Triumphant.’ 


This pamphlet describes the shipwreck of Sir Thomas Gates, Captain 
Newport, and Sir George Somers on the Bermudas and their final escape 
to Virginia. So rare is this little poem that for a long time the copy in the 
Huth Library was supposed to be unique. Later, however, another copy 
turned up and passed into the Church Library. These two copies are the 
only ones known. 

When, by the will of Alfred Henry Huth, the British Museum was per- 
mitted to select fifty volumes from his library before it was dispersed at 
public auction, this little poem was among those selected. So important 
was the addition made by this provision that it was declared to be “the 
most important gift that has been made to the library of the British 
Museum since the bequest of the Grenville Library in 1846.” 


XIII. 1615. The Reverend Lewis Hughes was the first 
clergyman appointed by the Virginia Company to go to Ber- 


172 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


muda. He probably reached there in July 1612. He seems to 
have been of a disputatious disposition, for in 1615 he was im- 
prisoned for opposing the six governors. He was one of those 
whose opposition to some parts of the English liturgy finally 
led, in 1620, to the adoption of the liturgy of Guernsey and 
Jersey. He returned to England in 1620 to secure more clergy- 
men for the colony and to give the Bermuda Company an ac- 
count of the grievances of the people. He returned to Bermuda 
in 1621 and again, for the last time, in 1625. In 1615 he pub- 


lished ‘A Letter, Sent into England from the Svmmer Ilands.’ 

This was signed, and dated, “From the Summer Ilands this 21. of De- 
cember. 1614.”” Of this we are able to trace only three other copies, those 
in the British Museum, the Bodleian, and the New York Public Library, 


the latter being the Lenox copy. Lefroy in his ‘Memorials of Bermuda’ 
reprints much of this tract. 


XIV. 1618. Copies of works issued by William Brewster 
from the Pilgrim Press at Leyden during the years 1617-1619 
are exceedingly rare. Of the twenty titles recorded by Harris 
and Jones (‘Pilgrim Press,’ pp. 72-87) only 47 copies in all 
have thus far been located, seven of these being known by 
single copies only. The authors of ‘The Pilgrim Press’ locate 
but 37 of the 47 copies known, the other ten being located by 
George Ernest Bowman as in the possession of the Massachu- 
setts Society of Mayflower Descendants. These represent six 
different titles and four duplicates. Among these is Laurence 
Chaderton’s “A Frvitfvll Sermon Vpon the 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. and 8. 
verses of the 12. chapter of the Epistle of Paul to the Ro- 
manes’ (1618). 

The Huntington Library has a perfect copy though some leaves are 
cropped at the top. The only other copy known is that in the Yale Uni- 
versity Library, which lacks the title-page and the ten following leaves. 
This impression, as seen by resemblances in spelling and spacing, was re- 
printed by Brewster from the Waldegrave edition of 1589. Chaderton 
came of a Roman Catholic family. While in Trinity College, Cambridge, 


he became a Puritan and was disowned by his father. He attained distinc- 
tion as a preacher and died in 1640 at the extreme age of 103 or 104 years. 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 173 


XV. ca. 1618. A lost work, long known only by contempo- 
rary mention on the title-page of a work by William Euring, in 
answer to it, is IT. Draxe’s ‘Ten Covnter-Demavnds Pro- 
pounded to those of the Separation (or English Donatists), to 
be directly, and distinctly answered’ (ca. 1618). Dexter, in 
the Appendix to his “Congregationalism,’ records the work on 
the strength of the title-page to Euring’s work, entitled ‘An 
Ansvver To The Ten Covnter Demands, Propovnded By T. 
Drakes.’ 


The only copy of the ‘Ten Covnter-Demavnds’ is now in the Hunting- 
ton Library; while of Euring’s ‘Ansvver’ thereto (one of the last of the 
books printed at Leyden by the Pilgrim Press) we know of only two copies, 
those in Dr. Williams’s Library, London, and the Dexter copy in the Yale 
University Library. 

The ‘Ten Covnter-Demavnds’ was a bibliographical ghost, the very 
existence of which was questioned until 1911, when a copy came into the 
possession of Mr. Henry N. Stevens, who first identified and described it. 
It was acquired by Mr. Huntington at the sale of Colonel Charles L. F. 
Robinson’s library in April, 1917, at a price commensurate with its exces- 
sive rarity, $1050. Before leaving England it was examined and trans- 
scribed by Mr. Champlin Burrage who reprinted it in full in his ‘Early 
English Dissenters’ (2: 140-145). The work itself, as shown by Mr. Bur- 
rage, is an answer to Francis Johnson’s “Seven Questions,” appended to 
his ‘Treatise of the Ministery of the Church of England.’ Of the 20 publi- 
cations of the Pilgrim Press the Huntington Library possesses nos. 5, 6, 9, 
15, 16, 19, as well as a photostat of the Yale University copy of no. 18, 
Euring’s book mentioned above. 


XVI. 1621. The Reverend Lewis Hughes’s ‘Letter, Sent 
into England’ (1615) has already been mentioned. Six years 
later (1621) another pamphlet emanated from his pen, en- 
titled ‘A Plaine And Trve Relation Of The Goodnes Of God 


towards the Sommer Ilands.’ 


In this latter work he gives an interesting account of the first night he 
spent at Coopers Island in the Bermudas. He speaks of the abundance and 
incredible tameness of the birds. So confiding were “the silly wilde birds” 
that they came into his cabin, and went so familiarly between his feet, and 
round about his cabin, and into the fire, as if they bade him take, kill, roast, 
and eat them. This tameness he interpreted (in accordance with the pious 
custom of the time) as ‘‘a manifest token of the goodnesse of God, euen of 
his loue, his care, his mercy and power working together, to saue this 


174 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


people from staruing.” Incredible as this account seems, it has been con- 
firmed by the experiences of other naturalists in their visits to other unin- 
habited islands. The only other copies of this tract recorded are in the 
British Museum and in the Library of the Duke of Devonshire. 

XVII. 1621. Another little pamphlet of the utmost rarity 
is an English translation of the Charter of the West India 
Company. It is entitled ‘Orders And Articles Granted By 
The High And Mightie Lords The States General Of The 
Vnited Provinces, Concerning the erecting of a VVest India 
Companie.’ This appears to be a translation of the “Ordon- 
nantien Ende Articvlen,’ described in no. 51 of Asher’s ‘ Bibli- 
ographical and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and 
Pamphlets relating to New-Netherland’ (p. 98). The Church- 
Huntington copy is the only one of which we have any knowl- 
edge, except that in the British Museum. 

XVIII. 1622. The Reverend Patrick Copland was chap- 
lain of Captain Martin Pring’s ship, the Royal Fames. Sir 
Thomas Dale had interested Copland in Virginia while they 
were serving together in the East Indies. When the Royal 
James was at the Cape of Good Hope a subscription was raised 
“towards the building of a free Schoole in Virginia.” Of the 
£70 85. 6d. there subscribed Captain Pring contributed £6 135. 
4d. and his chaplain £5. The amount thus raised was in- 
creased to £100 by the generosity of an unknown contributor. 
By additional subscriptions the amount was later increased to 
a total of £192 15. tod. This was paid over to Henry, Earl of 
Southampton, for the Virginia Company at a General Court 
held November 21, 1621; the Court adding 1000 acres at 
Charles City to be called “The East India School” (Brown, 2: 
973). Of this little pamphlet by Copland, “A Declaration 
how the Monies . . . were disposed’ (1622), we know of no 
other copy than that formerly in the Church Library. 

Copland is better known by his sermon ‘Virginia’s God Be 
Thanked,’ preached at Bow-Church in Cheapside before the 
Honorable Virginia Company, April 18, 1622. This was pub- 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 175 


lished the same year; but only some nine copies can be 
traced. 

XIX. 1625. The next work to engage our attention con- 
tains an urgent plea for the peopling of the British colonies. 
It relates chiefly to the colonization of New England. It was 
written by Captain John Hagthorpe and is entitled ‘Englands- 
Exchequer. Or A Discovrse Of The Sea and Navigation with 
some things . . . concerning Plantations.’ 

This is an eloquently written tract interspersed with poetry. A sample 
of Hagthorpe’s poetry appears in the laudatory verses prefixed to Captain 
John Smith’s ‘Sea Grammar,’ published two years later. In his own work, 
to which attention is here called, he devotes much space to the attractions 
of Virginia, New England, and Newfoundland as suitable places for plan- 
tations. His preference is for the latter and he sets forth his reasons in 
detail (p. 31). These he states to be, “1. For conueniency and temprance 
of the Clime, agreeing with this of ours. 2. For the safety of the Planters, 
both from inward and outward Enemie. 3. For the goodnes of the place, 
abounding with all things necessary to mans sustenance. 4. For the facil- 
itie of transportation, and supplies of all necessaries.”” Other copies are in 
the British Museum, Bodleian, University Library, Cambridge, and the 
John Carter Brown Library. 

XX. 1630. Thomas Morton occasioned the Puritan set- 
tlers so much trouble by his dissolute ways and illegal sale of 
arms and ammunition to the Indians that Governor Endicott 
called a meeting on July 28, 1629, at which it was agreed to 
petition the King and Council to renew the Proclamation of 
King James I, of November 6, 1622, preventing the sale of 
arms and powder and shot to the savages. This petition was 
favorably received by Charles I who, on the 24th of Novem- 
ber, 1630, renewed the Proclamation of his “deare Father 
King James of blessed memorie,” with the insertion of addi- 
tional beneficial clauses. This is entitled ‘A Proclamation for- 
bidding the disorderly Trading with the Saluages in New 
England in America, especially the furnishing of the Natives 
... with Weapons, and Habiliments of Warre.’ 


Nine copies of the earlier of these proclamations can be traced, the 
only ones in this country being those in the Henry E. Huntington and 


176 GEORGE WATSON COLE 


John Carter Brown Libraries. Of the latter, beside the two copies in the 
Huntington Library, there are others in the Privy Council Office, the 
Public Record Office, the Society of Antiquaries in London, and the library 
of the Earl of Crawford, at Haigh Hall. 


XXI. 1630. Another early mention of Columbus in a book 
of English poetry occurs in Baptist Goodall’s ‘Tryall Of 
Travell.’ 


This was a rare book over a hundred years ago. In the ‘Bibliotheca 
Anglo-Poetica’ (1815) it was priced at 12 guineas. The collection there 
recorded formerly belonged to Thomas Park, the English antiquary and 
bibliographer. But three or four other copies are known to us, those in 
the British Museum, University Library of Cambridge, and the Harvard 
College Library. Another, the Jolley copy, was sold in the Huth sale. 


XXII. 1638. In August, 1638, the West India Islands were 
visited by a violent storm or hurricane, as so often happens 
during the summer months. This event was recorded, the 
same year, in a little pamphlet of extreme rarity, entitled 
“Newes and strange Newes from St. Christophers of a tem- 
pestuous Spirit, which is called by the Indians a Hurry-Cano 
or whirlewind.’ 


Following this account in prose, in which two of its ten pages give an 
account of Sir George Summers’ shipwreck on the Bermudas, is a four- 
page poem entitled “A true Relation in Verse, of the strange accident which 
hapned at Withycombe in Devon-shire.” This latter event was described 
in two other contemporary pamphlets, both in prose, entitled “A trve Re- 
lation,’ etc., and ‘A Second And Most Exact Relation,’ both printed by 
G. M. for R. Harford, 1638. Another account of the Widecombe storm, 
also in verse, by the Vicar, the Reverend George Lyde, is given in Robert 
Dymond’s ‘Widecombe in the Moor,’ pp. 104-108. A comparison of 
Lyde’s verses with those in our St. Christopher pamphlet show them to be 
different works. We pause to mention these, as, owing to the rarity of the 
poem in the St. Christopher pamphlet, they were thought to be identical. 
The entry in the Stationers’ Register for December 4, 1638 (Arber, “Tran- 
scripts,’ 4:446) ascribes the authorship of the latter to John Taylor, the 
Water Poet. Thus is added a new title and one of American interest, to 
the long list of the works written by Taylor. The copy in the Huntington 
Library (Britwell: 1916, no. 271) is believed to be unique. 


ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 177 


To summarize, it will be seen that of the 22 books above 
enumerated only 59 copies are at present known or can be 
located. Besides the 24 copies in the Huntington Library, 
five of which are unique, there are only 8 other copies in 
American libraries. All of the 59, save three or four, are in 
public libraries. Such being the case, what possible chance 
has a collector of Elizabethan Americana of adding a single 
one of these books to his collection? 

We thus see that the law laid down by Oscar Wilde applies 
most rigidly in the case of all of these books, and so can realize 
more than ever that while there is a demand for such books, 
there is “no supply.” Little wonder that when a stray book 
of known rarity happens to come into the market the compe- 
tition for its possession is of a most aggressive character and 
prices soar to unprecedented heights. Regarding “record 
prices” it should be borne in mind that in the auction room 
there are always underbidders, eager, often opulent, and it is 
really their demand that determines the high prices that at 
present prevail. The successful bidder, if he is bound to secure 
the prize, has only to go the underbidder one better. 

The question naturally arises, Where 1s all this to end? 
More and more book rarities are finding their way into public 
libraries and are thus being permanently withdrawn from the 
market, so that however strong may be the desire of a collector 
to place them on his shelves, the law as laid down by Oscar 
Wilde steps in and says, Nay. It may, therefore, in his para- 
doxical phrase be said that in innumerable instances “ Where- 
ever there exists a demand there is no supply.” 


178 


Serial 
Number 





mW DH 


OW O~yI AN 


be 


II 
12 
13 
14 
15 
16 


17 
18 


£9 


20 


21 


22 





ELIZABETHAN AMERICANA 


Author 


Hawkins 
Settle 
Ellis 


Frampton, tr. 
Churchyard 
Parmenius 
Espejo 
Roberts 
Gainsford 


Jourdain 
Rich 
Hughes 
Chaderton 
Draxe 
Hughes 
Copland 
Hagthorpe 


Charles I. 


Goodall 


Taylor 


SUMMARY 


Title 


Of the newe lades 

True declaration 

True reporte 

True Report... third... 
voyage 

Briefe Description... 

Discourse, .. . (HEH, 2) 

De Navigatione 

New Mexico 

Lancaster his Allarums 

Vision and Discourse 


Discovery of the Barmudas 
Newes from Virginia 
Letter sent into England 
Fruitful Sermon 
Ten Counter-Demaunds 
Plaine and True Relation 
Charter W. India Co. 
Declaration how the 
Monies were disposed 
Englands-Exchequer 


Proclamation (HEH, 2) 


Tryall of Travell 


Newes... from St. 
Christophers 


Photostats 


of T. p., &c. 





Be Se SH DP AH BS 


SS = SS SS aS HS eS 


26 


No. of cop- 
ies known 





WB YN HNN DD BW Nw 


Nowe bP YD 


eS 


59 


Location of 
other copies 





BM, Bod. (frag.) 
BM 
BM, JCB 


HEH (unique) 

NYP (Lenox) 

BM (a), Bodl. 

BM 

HEH (unique) 

JCB 

BM, Bridgewater 
copy 

BM 

BM 

BM, Bodl., NYP 

Yale (imperfect) 

HEH (unique) 

BM, Devonshire 

BM 


HEH (unique) 

BM, Bodl., ULC, 
JCB 

Privy Council, Soc. 
Antiq., Pub. 
Record Office, 
Crawford 


BM, ULC, Harvard, 


Jolley copy 


Worcester College, 


Oxf. (Hazlitt, 6:378) 


Other copies 
in America 


THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS 


By GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP 
Librarian of the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library 


HE eleven seventeenth-century pamphlets which are 

commonly grouped as the ‘Eliot Indian Tracts’ still 
await adequate bibliographical treatment as a series. Mr. 
Eames showed how the work should be done, in the description 
of two of them under the author entry, Thomas Shepard, in 
Sabin’s ‘Dictionary,’ nos. 80205 and 80207; and his solution of 
the confusing issues of ‘Strength out of Weakness’ of 1652 may 
be anticipated when the ‘Dictionary’ reaches the name of 
Henry Whitfield. Dr. Cole also provided descriptions of the 
first eight tracts in the Catalogue of the E. Dwight Church 
Library, 1907, in accordance with the most elaborate biblio- 
graphical canons. The present contribution does not propose 
to supply the missing details, but merely to bring together a 
few items of information, relating to the printing of certain 
of the tracts, which have come to light more recently. 

The first record book of the Corporation supplies most of the 
following notes. This book, containing entries for the years 
1656 to 1686, was sold by auction at Boston in 1871, by Henry 
Stevens. He had previously tried to induce Mr. Lenox, Mr. 
John Carter Brown, and others of his correspondents to buy it 
at what he regarded as a fair price. The result of these nego- 
tiations was that he spoiled the market for this item when it 
appeared in his public sale, and it was knocked down to a col- 
lector not widely known as interested in this field, Mr. James 
Frothingham Hunnewell. In his library, which in course of 
time passed to his son, it remained hidden until 1915, despite 
the persistent, practically uninterrupted efforts of Mr. Eames 
and of every one whom he could enlist in the search, to dis- 
cover what had become of it. It lay wrapped in a torn and sun- 


180 GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP 


dried brown paper on the topmost shelf in a vault which Mr. 
James Melville Hunnewell had built for his rarer books in his 
house on Beacon Hill, Boston, when, very late one evening in 
the autumn of that year, he asked me if there was anything 
else I would like to look at before I said good-night. My eye 
caught the dust-colored paper and mechanically I reached for 
it, conversing of other things. As mechanically I opened it, and 
noticed the words “Meeting of the Corpo: for Ppagating ye 
Gospel.”’ I closed the book and looked more carefully at the 
label on the binding, which had already reminded me of old 
“G. M. B.” Stevens. Then I said, thinking hard and wonder- 
ing whether hand or voice was betraying my excitement, — for 
I did not want to raise false hopes in the owner, — that it was 
too late to look at it carefully, but that some day I wanted to 
see it again. 

“Take it with you if you want,” said he. I did. Mr. Eames 
was far away and sound asleep, I hope, but I knew that Mr. 
Frederick Lewis Gay would still be reading in his Brookline 
study, with a telephone beside his chair. So I sought the near- 
est public telephone booth. When he and I had finished talk- 
ing, and I had answered all the test questions he put to me to 
make sure that I had the volume we had so often discussed 
longingly, it was a night-owl cabby who conveyed me home, 
who can hardly have guessed how unusual and how precious a 
fare he had that night. 

Mr. Gay soon arranged to have the volume photostated and 
then transcribed. It was printed by the Prince Society, of 
which he had been president, after his death, in 1920. This 
present paper might be considered as an appendix to the Intro- 
duction which I prepared for that volume. 

In addition to the Record Book, the Prince Society printed 
the Ledger of the New England Company for the years 1650- 
1660, from the manuscript preserved in the archives of the 
State of New Jersey. This supplies some figures giving the 


THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS 181 


cost of the Eliot tracts issued during that decade, and inciden- 
tally enables us to prove that the clerk of the Corporation made 
a mistake in one entry — the most important entry in the 
whole volume for students of the history of printing. 

Although the Ledger balances from the year 1650, and ap- 
parently includes the accounts from the beginning of the So- 
ciety’s active operations, those for the years 1650-1653 are 
summarized on a single page, from the “Book of Disburse- 
ments,’ or Day Book kept by the Treasurer’s clerk. The de- 
tailed accounting begins with the reorganization of the Cor- 
poration after it secured a large amount of money in the spring 
of 1653. The entries which may be pertinent to the subject of 
this paper, on the first or summary page, raise more questions 
than they answer. 

The very first entry under “Contra Creditor” reads “1650 
Aug: 22 By Bookes paid for to Mr. Thomas Jenner in pte 
as by the perticulers of them in ye Booke of Disbursements 
Fo 5 110030 00 o0.”” Thomas Jenner was an active book- and 
printseller in London from 1623 to 1666, but his name does 
not appear on any book with which the Corporation was con- 
cerned, and there is no reference elsewhere to the purchase of 
books to be sent to the missionaries at this time. There were 
three publications which the Corporation presumably paid for, 
or helped to pay for, at this time. The Act of Parliament in- 
corporating the Society was printed in two forms in 1649, both 
of them “‘for Edward Husband, Printer to the Parliament of 
England.” One of these was the regular official black-letter 
form, paged consecutively with other acts; but the other was 
clearly intended for distribution by the Corporation to those 
whom it engaged in the task of collecting money, and who 
would certainly not be asked to pay for this evidence of their 
public authorization. The other publication of the same year 
in which the Corporation may be supposed to have had at least 
a subsidizing interest is the ‘Glorious Progress’ tract, which 


182 GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP 


was “printed for Hannah Allen in Popes-head-Alley.” Mrs. 
Allen was the widow and the mother of London booksellers 
who issued books of interest to the Puritan public, and it is not 
easy to think of a reason why the Corporation might have 
dealt with or through Jenner rather than directly with her, if 
the payment quoted above was on account of this tract. There 
is of course a possibility that Jenner might have taken over the 
account and carried it as a favor or for a consideration, until 
funds came into the Company’s treasury; but this is purely a 
conjecture offered for lack of anything better. 

An entry dated August 23, 1651, reads “‘Paid Mr. Nicholas 
Hayward in full for Bookes” £34. The word “books” in the 
records, ten years later, ordinarily means the blank books 
which were furnished to the collectors throughout the counties, 
in which they were expected to keep account of all moneys re- 
ceived or promised. The sum seems large for books of this sort, 
unless they were got up much more elaborately than would be 
expected. On the other hand, it is not easy to connect the en- 
try with this year’s tract, ‘The Light appearing more and 
more towards the perfect Day,’ which was “Printed by T. R. 
& E. M. for John Bartlet, and are to be sold at the Gilt Cup, 
neer St. Austins gate in Pauls Church-yard.” This tract was 
entered at Stationers Hall on the preceding January 22, and 
Thomason dated his copy on February 18. These two dates 
probably tell when the letters from New England reached 
London, and about the time it took to get a §4-page pamphlet 
through the press. The amount paid Hayward may be com- 
pared with the cost of the 48-page tract of 1659, £24. Hay- 
ward’s name does not appear in Plomer’s ‘Dictionary of the 
Booksellers and Printers who were at work in England, Scot- 
land and Ireland from 1641 to 1667,’ London, Bibliographical 
Society, 1907. 

There is only one other entry for 1650-1653 which might 
cover whatever payment was made on account of the tracts 


THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS 183 


of these years, all the remaining entries specifying that they 
were for “Goods bought and sent to New England.” This is 
under date of Decemb. 27, 1653, “By Disbursments paid 
foreth att tymes As by ye Book of Disbursmts it appeares 
in, £0359:07:05.” A similar entry of £260 03s o1d balances 
the account for 1653-1654, on September 2 of the latter 
year, preceding the annual meeting for elections. Doubtless 
this included a payment on account of “Tears of Repentance 
. . . Published by the Corporation for propagating the Gospel 
there, for the Satisfaction and Comfort of such as wish well 
thereunto. London: Printed by Peter Cole in Leaden-Hall, 
and are to [be] Sold at his Shop, at the Sign of the Printing- 
Press in Cornhil, near the Royal Exchange. 1653.’ An obser- 
vation may be added here, concerning the spelling of the 
Treasurer’s clerk; his inconsistencies are explained by the fact 
that he added or omitted letters as he found helpful in making 
each line of an entry come out even — a practice that does 
not imply a lack either of education or of intelligence. 
_ There is more definite information concerning the next tract 
in the series: “A Late and Further Manifestation of the Pro- 
gress of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New-England ... 
Published by the Corporation, established by Act of Parlia- 
ment, for Propagating the Gospel there. London: Printed by 
M. S. 1655.’ The entries of the payment for this appear in the 
treasurer’s statement for 1655-1656 as the first items after 
the regular outlay for goods shipped to the colony: 


By Moneys paid Mrs. Symonds for paper and printing of Three Thou- 
sand Books Intituled. A late & further manifestation of the progresse of 
the Gospell & As appeares ye 8th of Sept 1655 in ye Book of Disbursments 
58 012 14 00 

By Moneys paid Mr. Lee for blew & Marble paper & for covering & 
stitching the 3000.Books above menconed As appeares the 15 of Sept: 1655 
in ye Booke of Disbursments 58 0007 I2 0O 


‘A Late and Further Manifestation’ is a thin tract of only 
32 pages, four quarto sheets, calling for eight 4-page forms or 


184 GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP 


runs on the press, for each copy. The figures show that the 
tract cost just over a penny a copy — 3048 pence — for type- 
setting, press-work, and paper, or a farthing a sheet, with four 
shillings for extras; and rather more than half as much — 3648 
half-pence — for binding in the original blue or marbled paper. 
Adding these two, the tract as distributed cost 4872 pence, or 
about one and three-fifths pence each. 

Mrs. Mary Simmons was presumably the widow of Matthew 
and mother of Samuel Simmons; for her activity as a printer 
from 1656 to 1667 bridges the interval between the death of the 
elder in 1654 and the earliest record found by Mr. Plomer for 
the younger in 1666. The two men are best known as the 
printers of the writings of the Puritan politician, John Milton. 
All three were frequently employed by Independent writers. 
Mr. Plomer notes that Mrs. Simmons, on the evidence of the 
hearth-tax roll for 1666, had larger premises than any other 
London printer. 

It is a significant fact that the disintegration of the Common- 
wealth did not appear to disturb those who were directing the 
affairs of this missionary society. Their next printed appeal 
was ‘A further Accompt of the Progresse of the Gospel amongst 
the Indians in New-England and of the means used effectually 
to advance the same. Set forth in certaine Letters sent from 
thence declaring a purpose of Printing the Scripture in the In- 
dian Tongue, into which they are already Translated. London, 
Printed by M. Simmons for the Corporation of New-England, 
1659.’ The entry of payment for this reads: 

May 27, 1659 By Moneys paid Mrs. Symonds for paper and printing 
3000. Bookes, Intituled A further Accompt of the progresse of the Gospell _ 
amongst the Indians in New England, and for fine blue Paper & stitching 
the said bookes ~ 0024 00 00 

‘A further Accompt’ is a 48-page pamphlet, six quarto 
sheets. The cost per copy was 1.92 pence (3000 for 5760 
pence). That of the 32-page tract of 1655 was 1.624 pence 
(3000 for 4872 pence) — proportionately considerably more. 


THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS 185 


The 1655 tract cost 8 shillings per page for composition, press- 
work, and paper. 

At the 1655 rate of a farthing a sheet for printing and paper, 
the 18,000 sheets of 1659 would have cost £18 15s, leaving 
£5 oss for the binding, as against the £7 12s paid for binding 
the smaller 1655 tract. If Mrs. Simmons bought her paper at 
the price paid by the Corporation in 1660, 3s 1od a ream, the 
24 reams needed for the 1655 tract, with no allowance for 
waste or run-over, would have cost £4 12s; and the 36 reams 
for that of 1659, £6 16s. In 16565 this left her £8 2s for com- 
position and presswork, or about five-eighths of a farthing per 
sheet. 

In general, and with a full realization that none of these 
seventeenth-century craftsmen figured their costs as accurately 
as we now would like to have them, these figures seem to show 
that paper cost rather more than half the amount charged for 
composition and press-work; that is, more than one-third of 
the usual printer’s bill, not including binding. The covers and 
sewing of a pamphlet cost about half as much again as the 
paper, these two being something over half the total cost of the 
publication. It also seems clear, more specifically, that Mrs. 
Simmons printed the 169 tract for substantially less than she 
received for that of 1655. This is the more noticeable because 
the later one was, for reasons to be explained, which will also 
show why these costs have been analysed so minutely, an un- 
usually difficult piece of composition for the typesetters. 

The Record Book adds some details concerning the history 
of the 1659 tract. At a meeting on February 5, which was pre- 
sumably as soon as the members could be notified to assemble 
after the arrival of a ship from Boston bringing letters dated 
as late as December 28, the record states: 


That ye Generall letter Mr. Endecott & Mr. Eliot of ye 11 of x[decem] 
ber 1658 together with ye Printed Shett Intituled helps for the Indians &c 
And the Epitomy of Exhortacon Delyvered by ye Indians att a fast & the 
abreviacon of Mr Mahews Manuscript bee presented unto Mr Reynold 


186 GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP 


that hee would please to Drawe up a short Epistle to the same & Methodize 
the whole for the presse And this is especially recommended to the care of 
Mr Floyd Mr Ashurst & Mr Clerke. 

Mem Mr Smyth propounded to speake with a Printer & to report. 


On February 26 Mr. Floyd reported that he had 


attended Doc. Reynolds with the letter & Papers & that the sd Dr. is 
willinge to peruse & methodize & prepare an Epistle & that his heart is in 
the work. [It was also voted] that 3000 of the bookes in Dr. Reynolds 
hands bee printed. To acquaint ye Dr yt ye Bible is printinge in the Indian 
Languige yt hee would mencon in ye Epistle &c. 

That ye New Testament bee printed in the Indian Language first before 
the Old. 

That John Hooper speake with Mrs. Symondes about ye printinge of the 
1500 bookes. 


At the meeting on March 19 the Committee previously ap- 
pointed were requested 
to attend Dr. Reynolds & let him understand that the Corporation doe not 
thinke fitt to print Mr Mahews Manuscript & to give him thankes in the 
Corporations name for his panes. 
That ye title [the word “Page” is cancelled] of the booke bee eee to 
Dr. Reynolds & that one of the last bookes bee presented unto him. 
That ye Dedecacon of the new booke bee accordinge to ye effect of the last 
booke. 
That there bee a Postscript att the End of the booke now to bee printed 
to intimate that the bible is now alsoe about to bee printed in the Indian 
Language. 
That when ye Corporacon wayte upon his Highnes with the bookes, That 
they desire him to graunt the duty of Custom & Excise for paper to bee 
free in reguard of their Charge of printinge ye Bible. 


The only vote of interest on May 7 was “That 50 bookes bee 
sent to ye Commissioners for the United Coloneys in New 
England to bee disposed as they thinke fitt.” On the 13th, 25 
copies were ordered sent to the President of the Corporation, 
this probably giving the date when the tract was delivered by 
the printer, whose bill was paid on May 27. A month later, on 
June 18, the decision to ask Mr. Cludd to carry on the collec- 
tion of funds in Nottinghamshire was accompanied by the 
provision ‘“‘that a booke bee sent unto him which was last 
printed.” 


THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS 187 


There are a few later votes ordering that “books be sent” to 
various ministers and others who were asked to look after the 
moneys collected for the missionary work; but it is not clear 
whether this means the printed tracts or the blank memoran- 
dum books provided for the recording of subscriptions and the 
payment of contributions. The other entries quoted above 
show clearly how the tracts were distributed, although there is 
no entry which would give the information most to be desired, 
specifying exactly how the rest of the edition was disposed of. 
It may be taken for granted that each member of the Corpora- 
tion not only received a copy for himself, but that he also took 
away from the meeting other copies for such of his acquaint- 
ances as were likely to be interested, and that copies also were 
promptly dispatched by the clerk to all who had made, or were 
thought likely to make, substantial contributions to the cause. 

There is no entry on the debit side of the Ledger which might 
contain receipts from the sale of any copies. If, as seems both 
possible and likely, copies could have been found in the shops 
of St. Paul’s Churchyard, whatever money was received from 
the booksellers may have been treated as petty cash, not 
amounting to enough to figure in the yearly balance-sheet. It 
may be noted, as strengthening the impression that these 
pamphlets did not appear in the shops as ordinary publica- 
tions, that none of those issued after 1652 are found in the 
Thomason Catalogue or on the Stationers’ Register. It is a 
fair inference also that those sent to Massachusetts were not 
distributed widely, for not one of them is found in the Library 
of the Rev. Thomas Prince “begun to be collected upon his 
entering Harvard College in 1703” and, what remains of it, 
now deposited in the Boston Public Library. 

The next tract of the series is presaged by the record of the 
meeting on October 17, 1659, when the Corporation acknowl- 
edged the arrival of a letter from Eliot enclosing two manu- 
scripts. On the 22d a committee of three was requested “‘to 


188 GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP 


peruse the 2 Manuscriptes sent from New Eng & see whether 
the same bee fitt to bee printed, and report.” Two months 
later, on December .20, 


The Corporacon havinge perused the Manuscripts lately sent from New 
England concer: the Indians confessions before their admittance into the 
Church, Doe think fitt that the sd Manuscripts bee printed & in order 
heerunto Mr Treasurer is desired with such other of the Members of this 
Corpor: as hee shall thinke fitt to repare unto Mr Caryll ye Minister that 
hee would please to drawe & prepare an Epistle to ye same. 

Treasurer Ashurst, who was at this period the dominating 
member of the Corporation, reported on January 21 “that hee 
hath wayted upon Mr. Caryll concerninge the drawinge of an 
Epistle to the Manuscripts &c & that hee is ready and willinge 
to doe the same.” “Ye Dedicatory Epistle Drawen & prepared 
by Mr. Caryll”’ was read at the meeting on March 17 and 
“approved & that the same bee printed with the Indians con- 
fessions, & that 1500 bee printed by Mrs. Symones, or such 
others as shall print the said bookes cheaper, & that the same 
bee referrd to Col. Puckle to take care heerof.” 

Colonel Puckle reported promptly a week later that “hee 
hath agreed with Mr. Maycoke a Printer to print ye 
Indianes Confessions at a farthinge per sheete, and that hee 
hath bought 20 reames of Paper at 3s 10d per reame.”” The 
sum of £3 16s 8d was forthwith ordered paid to Mr. John Cade 
for the paper. As the Treasurer entered the payment on the 
same day, March 24, a guess is justified that Colonel Puckle 
secured the paper at what he believed to be a low price, partly 
by promising a prompt cash payment. As will appear, there is 
an important error in the clerk’s record which is quoted above. 
Another error in what may be assumed to have been Colonel 
Puckle’s expectations when he purchased the paper for the 
Corporation, instead of leaving it to the printer to provide this, 
will be explained below. 

This tract is entitled ‘A further Account of the progress of 
the Gospel . . . being A Relation of the Confessions made by 





THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS 189 


several Indians. Sent over to the Corporation ... by Mr. 
John Elliot. London, Printed by John Macock. 1660.’ It is 
the longest of the series, 76 pages of text preceded by 8 
preliminaries and followed by one added page. A blank leaf 
presumably completed the last sheet, making 88 pages or 11 
quarto sheets. 

Macock’s charge, £8 12s 6d, was ordered paid at the meeting 
on July 27. It is entered by the Treasurer under the date Sep- 
tember 5, when he was closing the year’s accounts, so that the 
actual payment may have been made more promptly. This 
amount makes 8280 farthings, and 1500 copies of an 11-sheet 
pamphlet call for 16,500 sheets. Macock therefore charged just 
half what he should have, at the rate specified by the clerk’s 
record of what Colonel Puckle reported. As has been shown 
above, the rate of a farthing a sheet is approximately what was 
paid Mrs. Simmons for the printing and paper in 1655. The 
agreement with Macock called for composition and press-work 
only, the paper being furnished by the customer, who also at- 
tended to and paid for the binding. As these latter items easily 
figure over half the total cost, there can be little doubt that the 
agreement with Maycock was at the rate of half a farthing a 
sheet, and that the clerk made a mistake in noting the exact 
rate. It is possible that Colonel Puckle explained the transac- 
tion at length, describing with much detail how he was expect- 
ing to save the money of the Society by depriving the printer of 
his commissions on the paper and binding, and that the clerk 
lost interest before the explanation ended. 

The twenty reams of paper bought in March proved insufh- 
cient, and on April 27 the Treasurer entered ““ By more moneys 
paid Mr. John Cade for paper, 0002 17 06.” This would pay 
for fifteen reams at 3s 10d each. The thirty-five reams bought 
from Cade would be 17,500 sheets; the 1500 copies required 
16,500 sheets, without allowing for the normal wastage and for 
an ordinary over-run on each of the twenty-two times the 


190 GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP 


forms were put on the presses. On this job it may be noted 
that Macock had no incentive to see that the workmen were 
careful about the amount of paper they used, except the ex- 
pectation of acquiring whatever may have been left over of the 
two extra reams for which the Corporation paid. 

The payment for the binding is entered under the joint dates 
May 5 and June 27: “By moneys paid Mr. Richard Westbrook 
for fouldinge, pastinge & cuttinge of 1500 Bookes, £4 oss.” 
This is approximately two-thirds of a penny each; but in com- 
paring this price with that paid for binding the 1655 tract, it 
should be remembered that the latter was made up of only 
four sheets, and this of eleven, requiring nearly three times 
as much sewing. There is no mention of blue paper for the 
wrappers, so this was probably issued without covers. Paper 
and binding together cost £10 1gs 2d, as against £8 12s 6d 
for composition and press-work. 

John Macock, who got this job away from Mrs. Simmons, 
had one of the larger London establishments. Some years 
later it consisted of three presses, three apprentices, and ten 
workmen. In this same spring of 1660 he had secured the ap- 
pointment as printer to the Parliament, in company with the 
Col. John Streator who had dared to oppose Cromwell in 1653. 

A comparison between the tract printed by Macock in 1660 
and that produced by Mrs. Simmons a year earlier justifies 
some interesting reflections. Mrs. Simmons made up a full 
page with 34 lines; Macock with 32; each page measuring six 
and a half and six inches respectively. Macock’s type may be 
very slightly larger, but this is not certain, both being what was 
known as “English,” approximating 13-point according to the 
scale now in use. He used a wider “set,” supplying his com- 
positors with spaces for use between the words of nearly twice 
the thickness of those used by: Mrs. Simmons. The result of 
this was that each of his full pages contained between 320 and 
330 words, whereas hers held from 350 to 365. Macock accom- 


THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS IgI 


plished this in spite of the fact that his “copy” called for 
a much larger proportion of italic than appears in the 1659 
tract, and italic sets much more compactly than roman letters. 
But he more than made up for this by the fact that his “copy” 
consisted of short sections with one-line headings, and with his 
shorter pages this frequently made it necessary to leave a few 
lines at the foot of the page blank because there was not room 
enough to begin a new section without having it look badly. 
Macock also spread his main headings in larger type, so that 
he occupied one and three-quarters inches with 32 words, while 
Mrs. Simmons used only one and three-eighths for 45 words. 

In these various ways, Macock filled at least one full sheet 
for each tract more than his less sophisticated competitor 
would have done. Without noticeable compression, set to 
correspond with the two preceding tracts of the same series, 
this one could have been put into nine and a half sheets, 76 
pages. This would have netted a saving of four and a half 
reams of paper; of three forms, or runs, on the press; and a 
corresponding reduction in the cost of sewing for the bindings. 

In two other ways Macock was helped to make more profit 
than Mrs. Simmons had in 1659. He, or his author, omitted all 
side-notes, always a troublesome detail. She also had to 
struggle with ten and a half pages of Abraham Peirson’s ‘Some 
Helps for the Indians,’ which was in the American language 
with interlinear English text in a very small type. It would 
not be surprising if she had asked for some additional compen- 
sation, or named a higher figure when she was asked to esti- 
mate on another similar publication. 


The good people of England had many other things to think 
about, more absorbing than the conventionalized professions 
of faith of native American converts to Christianity, during the 
summer of 1660. Charles II had returned to London in May, 
and was crowned King in the following April. The “late pre- 


192 THE ELIOT INDIAN TRACTS 


? 


tended Corporation,” as it carefully and somewhat ostenta- 
tiously described itself, secured a new charter, but otherwise 
carried on its affairs without noticeable interruption. It had 
acquired during the Commonwealth a valuable property from 
a Royalist absentee, and successfully maintained its title in a 
prolonged legal proceeding. Before the withheld rents could be 
collected, the Plague and Fire of London brought a new suc- 
cession of complications. Not until September, 1669, is there 
any reference to another publication. Then the official letter 
from New England mentions “the accomptes of Mr. Eliott, 
Mr. Bourne & Mr. Mahew senior of the present State of the 
Indians.” A year later Eliot alluded to this “brief Tract of the 
present state of the Indian work” as having “fallen short of its 
end.”’ 

His next letter, dated September 20, 1670, formed the last of 
the “Eliot Indian Tracts.” This is the shortest of the series, 
having only 11 pages, and is by far the scarcest. It was 
“Printed for John Allen, 1671,” and contains nothing except 
the text of Eliot’s letter. There is no reference to it in the Cor- 
poration records, and Allen may well have undertaken to print 
it on his own account or for some individual patron. It was not 
entered on the Stationers’ Register. 


THE NEW YORK PRINTERS AND THE 
CELEBRATION OF THE FRENCH 
REVOLUTION OF 1830 


By RUTH SHEPARD GRANNISS 
Librarian of The Grolier Club 


HE so-called “Revolution” in France, of the “three 
glorious days of July,” 1830, was brought about largely 
through the influence of public opinion as expressed by the | 
press, under the fearless leadership of M. Thiers, editor of the 
National. It marks the beginning of the power of the Fourth 
Estate over modern politics. The absolute freedom of the 
press established in France by the great Revolution had been 
checked by various restrictions, until the charter of Louis 
XVIII restored its liberty, only to meet further restrictions. 
Finally, in 1830, came the Ordinances of St.-Cloud, the first of 
which dealt with the suspension of the liberty of the press, and 
was violently opposed by Thiers and his followers. The defeat 
of this and other tyrannical measures, the consequent abdica- 
tion of Charles X, and the new constitutional monarchy with 
Louis Philippe as King of the French (not King of France), 
were hailed with delight in many countries of Europe. Inter- 
est was perhaps even more keenly manifested in the United 
States, where constitutional liberty was still so new and grati- 
tude toward the French still so warm that enthusiasm for the 
one and admiration for the other were hearty and spontaneous. 
Preparations were soon set in motion by the “working men 
of the city of New York” to “express their admiration and 
esteem for the brave and magnanimous daring of their brother 
mechanics and working men of Paris,” by a great celebration. 
The affair, however, was postponed on account of approaching 
elections, which being well over, and people of all ranks having 


194 RUTH SHEPARD GRANNISS 


been invited to participate, in order to “‘render the celebra- 
tion more effective and to divest it of all party feeling,” a meet- 
ing of a committee of two hundred citizens was held at Tam- 
many Hall on November 12. James Monroe, “late President 
of the United States,” consented to preside at the meeting, 
with Albert Gallatin, Thomas Hertell, and Walter Bourne, 
vice-presidents, and November 25, the anniversary of the 
evacuation of New York in 1783, was fixed upon as the date of 
a stupendous procession. Philip Hone was made chairman 
of the Committee of Arrangements. During the remainder 
of November, the New York newspapers were filled with the 
great event. 

From the first, the printers manifested especial interest in 
the proposed celebration. On November 17 the members of | 
the New York Typographical Society held a meeting at the 
Shakespeare Hotel to consider plans, one of their resolutions 
being: 

That as this brilliant revolution originated with and was principally 
effected by the talents, patriotism, enterprise, and undaunted public spirit 
of our typographical brethren in Paris, it particularly becomes us to unite 
in the proposed celebration of the 25th instant. 

Soon followed meetings of the Benevolent Association of 
Journeymen Bookbinders, the Typefounders and Casters, the 
News Carriers, the Daily Journal Printers, and numerous 
other societies. 

The Morning Courier and New York Enquirer of the 17th an- 
nounced that the celebration bade fair to be the “greatest dis- 
play got up in this city for many years.” “It springs,” contin- 
ued the column, “from a generous and manly feeling, a feeling 
of sympathy for the revival of Liberty in France, brought 
about, in a great measure, by the firmness, moderation, and 
amor patrie of our own, our devoted Lafayette. .. . The petty 
jealousies and groans of the grunters have been drowned in the 
cry of exultation.” That there were, indeed, grunters is proved 
by the following which appeared on the same day: “A grum- 


THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 195 


bler in the American last evening, finds fault with the French 
celebration because the ‘Workies’ originated it. The ‘Work- 
ies’ of Paris effected the revolution itself; of course it cannot 
please all.” 

Then follows the notice of a ball, a “splendid pageant,” set 
for the 26th, ‘‘which is beginning to excite considerable inter- 
est among the ladies,” and where the French ladies “intend to 
make a great display of the taste for which they are famous.” 
A far different note is struck by a letter, almost side by side 
with the gay predictions of the ball, from “A Subscriber and 
Bankrupt,” begging the Committee to devise a way by which 
“poor but honest debtors, confined in prison for not perform- 
ing the impossible, can be permitted to look at the procession 
through the iron gates of their prison, or be bound hand and 
foot and set down under guard where it would pass.” 

The morning of the 25th, alas! dawned with a strong east 
wind and rain, and the postponement of the celebration as pre- 
arranged was inevitable. Friday, too, threatened to be lower- 
ing, but the newspapers announced that the parade would take 
place if the weather should possibly permit, the presence in the 
city of the many strangers who had come for the occasion, and 
the hazard to public safety through the incapacity of fire en- 
gines, which had been placed on platforms ready for the march, 
making further delay most undesirable. ‘Let no one stay at 
home,” admonishes the morning paper, “in consequence of the 
streets being wet, as Mr. Bloodgood, the Street inspector, has 
a large corps of labourers engaged, who will scrape every 
street through which the procession will pass.” 

The Morning Courier and Enquirer announced that, should 
the procession take place, no paper would be issued from its 
office on Saturday. Consequently, it is not until the issue of 
Monday, the 29th, that we have its account of what actually 
took place; but then neither space nor eloquence was spared. 
We read that Friday morning was ushered in by a roar of artil- 


196 RUTH SHEPARD GRANNISS 


lery, announcing to “at least 250,000 persons that the inhabi- 
tants of this great commercial emporium . . . would suspend 
their usual avocations and unite in testifying to their admira- 
tion for the conduct and moderation of the people of France, 
who in three days drove their oppressors from power.” 

At nine o’clock the procession began to form, in Canal 
Street, and at ten the marshal started, preceded by a squadron 
of cavalry, “elegantly uniformed and mounted upon beautiful 
chargers,” and followed by a barouche, wherein sat the vice- 
presidents of the Committee. President Monroe, who was to 
have accompanied them, was too feeble to join the company 
until it reached Washington Square. 

Then followed various officials, a group of elderly French 
patriots, who were enthusiastically and tearfully applauded, 
five hundred French citizens of New York, trustees of the vari- 
ous colleges, and a company of infantry, immediately behind 
which marched the printers and members of the Typographical 
Society, and the Typefounders. The printers were led by their 
“venerable Marshal, John Lane, one of the Proprietors of the 
Gazette, .. . connected with the press of this city for more than 
forty years.” Directly behind him marched those connected 
with the morning and evening papers, “bearing a large and 
beautiful banner, having for device a Clymer printing press, 
over which soared an American eagle holding in its talons a 
bust of Franklin, and in its beak the motto, Vérité sans peur; 
at the right, the Goddess of Liberty, at the left, the figure of a 
slave in chains, who had burst the shackles from one arm and 
laid hold on the press for emancipation; behind him a crown 
reversed, and a sceptre broken into three pieces, in allusion to 
the late Revolution.” 

The body of printers followed with various banners, and, in 
their midst, two platforms, each drawn by four horses, one of 
them carrying two printing presses, busily printing an ode 
written for the occasion by Samuel Woodworth, copies of 


THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 197 


which were thrown among the spectators by printers’ devils 
dressed in green frocks and three-cornered cocked hats. The 
other platform bore “one of the new invented printing presses, 
also in operation at intervals, throwing off various publica- 
tions.” The 4dvertiser adds that the platforms were carpeted 
and tastefully decorated with the tri-color, festooned and 
beautifully ornamented, and that the presses were made by 
Messrs. Rust and Hoe, and were gilded for the occasion. 

But what about the ode which was printed, distributed, and 

sung along the route? A badly printed broadside, lately pre- 
sented to the Grolier Club, gives the answer, and is responsible 
for this retelling of the well-nigh forgotten events of Novem- 
ber 25 and 26, 1830. The text, within a border of printers’ or- 
naments, is headed: 
Ode | for the | Celebration of the French Revolution | in the 
City of New York, November 25, 1830. | Written at the Re- 
quest of the Printers of New-York, | By Samuel Woodworth, 
Printer. | Tune — Marsellois Hymn. 

At the foot of the seven stanzas and chorus, we read: 


The foregoing ode was printed on a moveable stage, on the 25th of No- 
vember, 1830, and distributed to the citizens, during the procession in 
honour of the triumph of liberal principles in France. It was afterwards 
sung, on a platform erected for that purpose, in the centre of Washington 
Square, by all the vocalists of the Park Theatre, accompanied by the whole 
orchestra of that establishment. 

It is particularly requested by the Music Committee, that all who join in 
the Procession, will unite in the Chorus. 

Stereotyped by Fames Conner, Franklin Buildings. 


A stanza will suffice to show the character of the poem, which 
is occasionally included in collections of poems of the press: 


Thy chartered rights, with lawless daring, 
Beneath oppressors’ feet were trod, 

Till startled despots heard, despairing, 
The people’s voice, the voice of God! 
Their sovereign will was loudly spoken, 
The PRESS proclaim’d it to the world — 
Till Freedom’s ensign waved unfurled, 
And Gallia’s galling chain was broken. 


198 RUTH SHEPARD GRANNISS 


CHORUS 


Then swell the choral strain, 
To hail the blest decree; 
Rejoice! Rejoice! The PRESS shall reign, 
And all the world be free. 
That all New York of the period was not exigeant as to the 
quality of its poetry is proved by the following which appeared 
in the Courier and Enquirer a few days before the celebration: 


Mr. Woodworth has published a very beautiful small edition of his 
Poems, Songs, &c. embellished with plates and engravings. Mr. W. de- 
serves the patronage of the public. He is a genuine native poet. He is alto- 
gether free from the satanic fustian which too frequently characterizes the 
poetry of the day. His poetry is plaintive, sweet, simple and pathetic. ... 
He is not only the father of a numerous family of pretty poems, but he is 
also the author of a dozen of the finest children which ever was presented 
to a blooming and flourishing republic. . . . Let us patronize the tribe of 
married poets, and put down if possible these bachelor drabs — these 
satanic-moping, pineing-touchy-testy-blue-deviled bachelor /iterati, who 
monopolize the world of taste and fashion. 

That the author of the immortal “Old Oaken Bucket” was 
a printer may be news to many. He chose the profession at an 
early age and bound himself as apprentice to Benjamin Russell, 
of Boston, editor of the Columbian Centinel. His first independ- 
ent business venture was in New Haven, where he issued a 
weekly journal, the Belles Lettres Repository, of which he was 
“editor, publisher, printer, and more than once carrier.” It 
failed after a few weeks, and his later editorial efforts in New 
York were little more successful. He was, however, highly 
esteemed as an honourable citizen, his ““many gracious qual- 
ities of head and heart” making his home in Duane Street the 
resort of many of the literary men of the day, among them 
Cooper and Fitz Greene Halleck. It is also interesting to note 
that the various notices of meetings of the Typographical So- 
ciety, appearing in the newspapers in connection with the 
great celebration, are signed by Woodworth as secretary. 

The first collection of his poems appeared in 1826, and a 
second was published by the author in 1830. This is the little 


THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 199 


volume advertised so flatteringly, the title running, “‘ Melodies, 
Duets, Trios, Songs and Ballads, Pastoral, Amatory, Senti- 
_ mental, Patriotic, Religious and Miscellaneous.” That he was 
a popular poet for “occasions” is proved by such efforts as the 
“Ode on the Opening of the Lafayette Circus,” for which he 
was awarded “a silver cup of fifty dollars value,” and the “Ode 
for the Grand Canal Celebration.”” The latter was printed for 
the first time during the great land procession of November 4, 
1825, and was distributed among the spectators in much the 
same way as the ode on the French Revolution. It, too, is en- 
thusiastic in its praise of printing, “the art which unshackles 
the soul.’”’ Indeed, a surprising number of poems included in 
the little 1830 edition deal with the art of printing and the free- 
dom of the press — so many that in the collection edited by 
Woodworth’s son in 1861 they are grouped together as “‘Typo- 
graphical Odes,” and number nearly a dozen. The poem of our 
broadside appears, also, in the 1861 edition, where it is entitled 
“The French Revolution.” 

Returning from this digression to the order of the procession, 
we find that the typefounders, who followed the printers, wore 
badges containing likenesses of Washington and Lafayette, 
and carried a banner on which appeared a workman casting 
types. At the top of the banner were “‘likenesses of the three 
reputed fathers of the profession, Guttenberg, Faust, and 
Schaeffer.” 

Among the delegations of all conceivable trades that fol- 
lowed, one of the most impressive must have been that of the 
manufacturers of steam engines and boilers, whose “beautiful 
steamboat ploughed our streets instead of our waters without 
intermission.” The procession marched from Canal Street 
“down Broadway to the Park, around the Park,” through 
Chatham Street, the Bowery, and Broome Street, up Broad- 
way to Fourth Street, and thence to Washington Square (or 
Parade Ground) where the ceremonies of the day took place. 


200 RUTH SHEPARD GRANNISS 


“Among other scenes which attracted much curiosity,” 
wrote the Daily Advertiser, “were the several presses at work 
upon their cars in the open field, while the ceremonies were 
performing, and thousands crowding around them eager to ob- 
tain an ode.” Owing to an accident, according to another 
paper, the cars with the printing presses had not been able to 
get into line until the procession reached Broadway; but to 
make up for it, we are told, the printers, with the two plat- 
forms, paraded the length of Broadway, after the ceremonies, 
printing and distributing their ode. 

Space fails for an adequate description of the ceremonies at 
Washington Square. Countless details may be found in the 
journals of the day, as well as in a little book by Myer Moses, 
entitled “Full Annals of the Revolution in France, 1830. To 
which is added a full account of the celebration of said Revolu- 
tion in the City of New York” (New York, 1830). Of the ode, 
which he quotes in full, Moses writes: “Immediately after the 
oration, the following Ode, written by Samuel Woodworth, 
Esq.,— a production of no ordinary merit— was sung by the 
entire band of choristers attached to the Park Theatre.” The 
ceremonies were concluded at about three o’clock by the sing- 
ing of the Marseillaise hymn and a feu de joi by the troops, 
after which, Mr. Moses tells us, ‘Dinner parties, balls, routes, 
and theatres — all these had their votaries and all were liber- 
ally patronized.” _ 

The only one of these festivities which concerns us is the 
Printers’ repast at the Shakespeare Hotel, “prepared at a 
moment’s notice in the host’s usual style of profusion and ele- 
gance.” The guests of honor were the members of the delega- 
tion of Albany printers, who had early voted to take part in 
the celebration, embodying in their resolutions, “That as 
printers we regard the influence of the Press in the event we 
celebrate as a signal instance of the benign effects flowing from 
our art.” 7 


THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 201 


Charles P. Webster, Chairman of the Albany delegation, 
gave the first toast: ““The press — its liberty the pride of our 
citizens and the palladium of our rights — may it speedily be 
equally the pride and boast of every civilized country!” 

John Lang, the leader of the printers in the procession, pro- 
posed ““Worn-out types that have never been used for licen- 
tious purposes’; Samuel Woodworth gave them “The Civic 
Procession of November 26, 1830”; and another of the many 
toasts was to “Our Typographical Brethren of Paris — the 
men who quit their shooting-sticks for muskets, their bodkins 
for bayonets, their mallets for battering rams, their 4a//s for 
bullets, whose first proof was a correct impression.” 

It is further reported that the printers separated at a season- 
able hour, pleased with themselves and their guests, and “duly 
impressed with the taste, skill and accommodating spirit of 
their provider, — Mr. Stoneall.” 

The newspapers of the Monday following the procession 
predicted that all the participants and spectators would report 
it to their children’s children as the most splendid pageant ever 
witnessed in the New World; and all this while the recollection 
of the unprecedented glories of the Erie Canal celebration of 
1825 were still fresh in the minds of the citizens! Alas for the 
memories of departed splendor! The celebration of the French 
Revolution of 1830 is mentioned barely, if at all, in works on 
New York, and, besides the newspaper accounts, we have but 
Myer Moses’s little-known volume, and a worn broadside or 
two, to recall in any fullness that “splendid pageant.” 


The Typographical Library and Museum, at Jersey City, has Wood- 
worth’s Ode in an entirely different setting from that of the broadside in the 
Library of the Grolier Club. It is elaborately printed in blue and red, on 
white satin, with a cut of a printing-press at the top, the paragraph asking 
all to unite in the chorus is omitted, and the last line reads: “J. Booth & | 
Sons, Printers, New York.” After some speculation on these variations, it 
was interesting to discover, among the advertisements of the Morning Cou- 
rier for November 24, the following paragraph: “Celebration Ode. — The 
patriotic ode which has been written for this occasion, by S. Woodworth, 


202 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION OF 1830 


will be printed on a moveable stage, and several thousand copies distributed 
to the citizens, during the grand procession, on the 25th inst. It will after- 
wards be sung, on the platform, in Washington Square, by all the vocalists 
of the Park Theatre, accompanied by the whole orchestra of that establish- 
ment, which have been obtained through the politeness of Mr. Simpson. 
Those who wish a copy with the music adapted can be supplied by Messrs. 
Firth and Hall, 358 Pearl Street, on Thursday morning. It is also under- 
stood that beautiful, ¢ri-coloured copies, both on satin and paper, will be for 
sale at the office of the New York Mirror, Franklin Building, corner of 
Nassau Street and Ann Street, printed by Messrs. Booth & Sons, solely for 
the benefit of the Author.” Search has, so far, failed to reveal any of the 
tri-coloured copies on paper, as well as those with the “‘ music adapted.” 

A copy of the broadside, from the Henry Cady Sturges collection, is now 
owned by the Library of Congress, and is like the one belonging to the 
Grolier Club. The Ode, in Woodworth’s handwriting, is in a manuscript 
volume in the New York Public Library, as well as a copy of his Erie Canal 
broadside, already mentioned. The New York Historical Society possesses 
a broadside poem similarly printed during the celebration held in New 
York on July 23, 1788, in honor of the adoption of the Federal Constitu- 
tion. 

Thanks are gratefully expressed for information received from I. N. 
Phelps Stokes, from Thomas W. Hotchkiss, from Beatrice L. Becker, Act- 
ing Librarian of the Typographical Library and Museum, Jersey City, from 
H. H. B. Meyer of the Library of Congress, from Victor Hugo Paltsits of 
the New York Public Library, and from Alexander J. Wall, Librarian of 
the New York Historical Society. The kind interest of many librarians 
who have aided in the search for further copies of the broadsides is also 
acknowledged with much appreciation. 


WALL-PAPER NEWSPAPERS OF THE 
CIVIL WAR 


By CLARENCE S. BRIGHAM 


Librarian of the American Antiquarian Society 


NE of the most interesting curiosities of the American 

Civil War, so far as printed matter is concerned, is the 
newspaper printed on wall-paper. Forced by scarcity of paper 
to print his journal on ledger paper, wrapping-paper and tissue 
paper, the enterprising Southern editor finally seized upon 
wall-paper as the final and despairing solution of his problem. 
Compelled to print on one side of the paper only, and fre- 
quently shorn of his advertisements, he gave to his readers only 
the military information, the local news, and occasional quota- 
tions from other journals. But in these newspapers published 
under such adverse conditions, there was a freshness of expres- 
sion and a nearness to events quite a bit more interesting than 
the labored and prepared thought of earlier issues. And when 
the Union soldiers entered some of these Louisiana and Missis- 
sippi printing-offices, then the papers suddenly became Union 
organs for the time being, giving in their pages most graphic 
reminders of the fortunes of war. 

When the subject of Civil War newspapers printed on wall- 
paper is mentioned, one primarily thinks of the famous Vicks- 
burg Daily Citizen of July 4, 1863, which, because of its numer- 
ous facsimiles, is known rather generally. In fact most libraries, 
even those with the pretense of good newspaper collections, 
have only this one wall-paper journal, either occasionally in an 
original or, more likely, in a reproduction. Yet there were at 
least twelve other newspapers which in 1863 or 1864 were 
printed on wall-paper, and of these thirty-one different issues 
have been found. Doubtless this is but a small proportion of 


204. CLARENCE SAUNDERS BRIGHAM 


the total number of issues so printed. These papers are ex- 
ceedingly scarce. They were published in small towns, the size 
of the edition was even smaller than usual, and the unsettled 
condition of affairs, with the male members of the family ab- 
sent on the fighting line, was not conducive to the preservation 
of historical literature. The fact that nearly all of the num- 
bers located are the only known issues indicates the rarity of 
those which have survived. 

Of course it was the scarcity of print paper that forced the 
editors to use wall-paper. The South was almost entirely de- 
pendent on the North for paper. Of the 555 paper-making 
establishments in the United States in the year 1860, only 24 
were in the South, and even these were mostly incapacitated 
by the war. What print paper could be secured was held at 
high prices. Paper which at the beginning of the war was eight 
cents per pound rose in November, 1862, to seventeen cents, 
and in 1863 to twenty-five cents and over. Other substitutes 
besides wall-paper were used. The Opelousas Courier of 
August 30, 1862, was printed on brown wrapping-paper, as was 
the Port Hudson Freeman of July 14, 1863. The Natchitoches 
Union extra of April 1, 1864, was printed on tissue paper, and 
the same journal of April 4, 1864, used a blue ledger paper. All 
these papers were of Louisiana, and of the copies seen the first 
three are in the Library of the American Antiquarian Society, 
and the last in the Library of Congress. 

Why this wall-paper printing of newspapers was confined to 
Louisiana and Mississippi is not clear. Perhaps it was because 
there were no paper-makers in any of the Gulf States, what 
few factories there were in the South being located in the At- 
lantic seaboard states and in Tennessee. The newspapers of 
the North also had their difficulties with paper supply. They 
reduced the size of their sheets, imported paper from Europe, 
and even tried substitutes. The Boston Journal, for example, 
printed its entire edition of January 15, 1863, on a paper made 


WALL-PAPER NEWSPAPERS 205 


from wood pulp, — basswood, — one of the earliest instances 
of what is now the universal practice. 

Newspapers have occasionally been compelled to use substi- 
tutes for print paper even in more recent times; two examples 
of this are to be found in the Antiquarian Society collection. 
The Whiting News, of Whiting, Indiana, because of a railroad 
strike, printed its issue of July 6, 1894, on a bright-colored 
wall-paper; and the Cow/itz County Advocate, of Castle Rack, 
Washington, because of the high price of print paper, brought 
out an edition in November, 1916, on shingles, one of the 
greatest curiosities in American newspaper history. 

There has been no attempt to consult all of the libraries in 
the country in the preparation of the list which follows. Most 
of the larger libraries have been visited or written to, as well as 
a few of the Southern libraries and private collections of Civil 
War Literature. It is to be hoped that the publication of this 
tentative list may bring to light additional copies, and even 
new titles. The abbreviations for the names of libraries used 
in the list follow: 


AAS. American Antiquarian Society. 
BA. Boston Atheneum. 

BPL. Boston Public Library. 

LC. Library of Congress. 

LLL. Loyal Legion Library, Boston. 

- MHS. Massachusetts Historical Society. 
¥: Yale Library. 


CHECKLIST OF IssuUES 


Alexandria, La. The Pictorial Democrat, April 15, 1863. No publisher’s 

imprint or volume numbering. AAS, Y. 
Editorial apologizes for paper upon which the issue is printed and 
promises “regular edition” soon. Alexandria was occupied by the Union 
troops May 7, 1863. 


Alexandria, La. The Southern Sentinel, March 21, 1863, vol. 1, no. 1, 
T. G. Compton, Proprietor. 
The editorial announcement in no. 1 apologizes for the quality of the 
paper, and states that all job work will have to be executed on the 
same paper. It says: 
“Even the apology for printing paper which we are forced to use to 
print one page on, and which we will change for the better as soon as possi- 


206 CLARENCE SAUNDERS BRIGHAM 


ble, costs us four and five times as much as a full sheet of four pages would 
have done two years since, and we are assured by our neighbor of the 
Democrat that each half sheet on which he now prints his paper costs 
him here 143 cents, which is at the rate of $2.88 for paper alone, and as 
its subscription price is only $5. it is clear his expenses must be paid 
and his profits come from other sources — such as Government printing, 
advertising and job work — the first of which we do not expect, and of 
the last can do but little for want of proper paper.” 





Mar. 28, 1863, vol. I, no. 2. AAS, 
—— Apr. 4, 1863, vol. 1, no. 3. MHS. 
—— May 16, 1863, vol. 1, no. 8. Le: 


A note in no. 8 says that, the editor having seceded, the paper is in 
charge of Wilson Millor, Lieut. & Sup. Govt. Printing. The Union forces 
entered Alexandria on May 7, but departed May 15, 1863. 


—— Oct. 24, 1863, vol. 1, no. 34, T. G. Compton. MHS. 
Franklin, La. Astakapas Register, Mar. 5, 1863, Extra edition, vol. (?), 
no. 10. Upper right quarter only. BA. 
Franklin, La. The Planters’ Banner, Feb. 5, 1863, Extra. AAS. 


No imprint or volume numbering. Entirely given over to President 
Jefferson Davis’s Message of Jan. 12, 1863. The copy in the AAS has 
written upon it in pencil, “Found when Northern Troops entered 
Franklin.” 

The Boston Athenzeum has copies of this paper for Mar. 14 and Apr. 
11, 1863, published by Daniel Dennett, but neither on wall-paper. 


Franklin (Attakapas), La. The Weekly Funior Register, Feb. 12, 1863, 
vol. 2, no. 7, Jona. C. White & Son, Proprietors. AAS. 
Feb. 26, 1863, last half only. BA. 
—— Apr. 25, 1863, vol. 2, no. 16, published by White & Wing (Jona. C. 
White and Chas. G. Wing). LLL. 

This was a Union publication, as the Union troops had entered Franklin 





on April 14. 
—— May 2, 1863. BA. 
—— May g, 1863. BA. 


Montgomery, Ala. Montgomery Daily Mail, 1863-1864. 
A file complete from Feb. 2, 1863 to Dec. 31, 1864, offered for sale by the 
A. H. Clark Co. in 1916, contained five issues printed on wall-paper. 
This file cannot now be traced. 


Natchitoches, La. Natchitoches Union, Apr.2, 1864[no volume numbering]; 

Lt. Thos. Hughes, editor; Sgt. H. R. Crenshaw & Co., proprietors. LC. 
The Union troops entered Natchitoches March 31, 1864, and on April 1 
brought out an Extra of the Natchitoches Union, on a poor grade of 
paper. Although the names of the Confederate publishers — Col. J. S. 
Brisbin as editor and L. Duplex as proprietor — were given in the im- 
print, the Extra was issued by Union soldiers. A copy is in AAS. Then 
came the wall-paper issue of April 2, 1864. The issue of April 4, 1864, a 
copy of which is in LC, was printed on blue ledger paper. 


WALL-PAPER NEWSPAPERS 207, 


New Iberia, La. Unconditional S. Grant, Oct. 31, 1863, vol. 1, no. 2, publ. 

by Serg’ts Thorpe & Whitlock, of the 130th Ills. Regt. MHS. 
The Union troops occupied New Iberia in October 1863, and brought out 
their own paper. 


Opelousas, La. The Opelousas Courier, Dec. 13, 1862, vol. 11, no. 2, pub- 


lished by Joel H. Sandoz. LC. 
In English and French. 
—— Apr. 22, 1863, vol. 11, no. 22, publ. by Joel H. Sandoz. BPL. 


In English and French. The French title ‘“‘Le Courier des Opelousas”’ is 
dated Apr. 18, 1863. 

The first issue after the arrival of the Union troops. Editorial reads: 
“We print this paper just as the form was left for us when the Con- 
federate troops abandoned the town, merely adding for the benefit of 
the community such later items of news as have reached us through 
Southern sources. The picture they represent, though not cheerful, is 
of course the most favorable for their side.”’ 

April 25, 1863, vol. 11, no. 24, published by Joel H. Sandoz. 

AAS, MHS. 
This was the second issue brought out by the Union troops, after their 
occupation of Opelousas, April 20, 1863. Sandoz was one of the previous 
editors of the paper, and many of the advertisements of Southern resi- 
dents were continued. The paper was conducted by officers of the 41st 
Massachusetts regiment. 





St. Martinsville, La. The Courier of the Teche, Jan. 3, 1863, vol. 14, no. I, 
published by R. T. Eastin & A. Dore. AAS. 
Half English and half French, with the French title “Le Courier du 
Teche.” 
A Confederate issue. 


Thibodaux, La. La Sentinelle de Thibodaux, Oct. 17, 1862, vol. 2, no. 29, 


published by Francois Sancan. AAS. 
In French and English. A Confederate issue. 

— Oct. 25, 1862, vol. 2, no. 31. MHS. 

Thibodaux, La. The Stars and Stripes, Feb. 24, 1863, publ. by McCloud 

and Lewis. AAS. 


Edited by two Union soldiers during the occupation of Thibodaux. In 
their salutatory, they say ‘“‘'This is our first issue and it may be our last.” 


Vicksburg, Miss. The Daily Citizen, June 18, 1863; J. M. Swords, Pro- 

prietor. LC. 

—— June 20, 1863. . 

—— July 2, 1863. AAS. 
The original issue of July 2, 1863, before the Union troops captured 
Vicksburg, does not have the “Note” of July 4, 1863 at the bottom of 
the last column. 

July 2, 1863 (“‘Note” at bottom of last column, dated July 4, 1863); 





208 CLARENCE SAUNDERS BRIGHAM 


J. M. Swords, Proprietor. AAS, LC, MHS, etc. 
The issue of July 4 is the same as the issue of July 2, except for the sub- 
stitution of several new articles in the last column. When the Federal 
troops entered the city, they found the paper set up for publication, and 
they issued it, with an additional “Note” dated July 4, 1863, at the 
bottom of the last column, stating the facts of the Federal occupation, 
and concluding, “This is the last wall-paper edition, and is, excepting 
this note, from the types as we found them. It will be valuable here- 
after as a curiosity.” 

There are many facsimiles of the original, some of them difficult to 
distinguish, as they were printed a half-century ago on early wall-paper, 
and faithfully attempt to copy the type. Numerous defects in type or 
spelling, however, identify the original, among them the following: in 
the original the first word of the seventh line of the third paragraph of 
the last column is spelled ‘“‘Secossion”’; the fourth word in the second line 
of the second article of the last column is spelled “whisttle’’; the last 
word in the last article in the last column, preceding the “Note,” is 
printed with the quotation mark misplaced: ’dead’ instead of dead.” 

Among the facsimiles noted are the following. The location of only 
one copy is given. 

1. An issue which is the nearest in facsimile of all the reproductions. 
It does not possess the distinctions noted above, however, and prints the 
last word in the second line of the poem in the second article of the last 
column, thus: “a ’frightened.”” The copy seen has written upon it, 
“This Paper is an exact copy of the papers printed in Vicksburg, during 
the siege by Gen. Grant. I. B. Greenman, Jr.” AAS. 

2. An issue with larger type for the article headings, thirteen dots in 
the imprint between “J. M. Swords” and “Proprietor”; and “The 
Recent Federal Losses at Vicksburg” as the second article of the last 
column. This is probably the earliest reproduction. The copy in MHS 
has written on the back, “J. Mason Warren, from Mrs. Joshua Davis, 
1863”; the copy in AAS was given to the Society Jan. 28, 1867. 

AAS, MHS. 

3. An issue with “Vicksburgh” in the imprint of the first column, a 
different line set-up, an absence of hand-pointers before the paragraphs, 
and with the article heading ‘Yankee News From All Points” at the 


bottom of the second column. AAS. 
4. An issue headed in large type “‘Fac-simile of the Daily Citizen.” 
Follows no. 2 in set-up. AAS. 
5. Supplement to the San Francisco Daily Report. AAS. 


6. “The Grant Edition of the Vicksburg Daily Citizen”; copyrighted 
April 16, 1885. An additional fifth column contains the news of Grant’s 
death, and states that this paper can be obtained from Rider & Reynolds, 
agents, Dunkirk, N. Y. AAS. 

7. “The Grant Edition of the Vicksburg Daily Citizen.”” No mention 
of copyright and no fifth column. Abbreviated in the subject matter. 
Different type and set-up from no. 6. MHS. 


WALL-PAPER NEWSPAPERS 209 


8. Supplement to the Chicago Herald. AAS copy has ahi 


“Aug. I, 1885.’ AAS. 
9. Supplement to the San Francisco Evening Bulletin, Aug. 8, 1885. 
AAS. 


10. A facsimile which has in the last column only “ Yankee News from 
all ees “Gone Out,” and the “Note” of July 4, 1863. 

“The Vicksburg Daily Citizen. Set up for print July 2, 1863, be- 
nae the surrender to Grant, and issued by his order July 4th. Copy- 
right, 1886. Price, Five Cents.” MHS. 

12. Inserted article i in the last column, entitled “Little Coquette.” 
On the back a printed notice: “Keep this as a Memento of the War. It 
is a copy of the last newspaper printed on wall-paper in Vicksburg, Miss., 
during the siege. This valuable curiosity is presented to you by Hettie 
Bernard Chase, whose charming play, ‘Little Coquette,’ is founded upon 
incidents narrated in these columns.” MHS. 

13. “The Wall Paper Citizen. A facsimile reproduction of this fam- 
ous paper issued in Vicksburg, Miss., July 4, 1863.”’ One of the “Little 
Coquette” issues, with that article in the last column. LLL. 

14. Similar to the two previously listed, but without the notice on the 
back or the descriptive heading. There may be other variants of this 
“Little Coquette”’ issue. AAS. 

15. A facsimile with two printed lines at the top: “A facsimile copy 
of the last Vicksburg Rebel newspaper”; and on the upper left margin 
two lines: “Sold for the benefit of a one-armed soldier. Price Io cts.” 

wh fe 0 

16. A facsimile with the following note at the bottom of the page: 
“This paper is copied from the original, printed by the Confederate 
Printer, Mr. Swords, at Vicksburg, Miss., on wall-paper, in 1863, and 
sold at that time for 20 cents a copy. Was taken possession of by the 
8th Illinois (known as Oglesby) Regiment, to do the Government print- 
ing in,” etc. AAS. 

17. Facsimile reprinted and given away by Edmund N. Hatcher, 
author of “The Last Four Weeks of the War,” which was published at 
Columbus in 1892. AAS, 

18. Facsimile reprinted by A. F. Curchia, Melvern, Kansas. AAS. 

19. Photographic facsimile issued as a Supplement to “Pep,” Oc- 
tober 1919. AAS. 

20. The Grant edition of the Vicksburg Daily Citizen set up for 
print July 2, 1863, before the surrender to Grant, and issued by his 
order July 4th. On lower margin: “Souvenir G.A.R. Encampment, 
Indianapolis, Ind., September 20th to 25th, 1920.” LLL. 


Mr. President,—what is it, that has made England a sort of 
general banker for the civilized world? Why is it, that capi- 
tal, from all quarters of the globe, accumulates at the centre 
of her empire, and is thence again distributed? Doubtless, 
sir, itis because she invites it, and solicits it. She sees the 
advantage of this. She manifests no weak or pretended 
jealousy of foreign influence, from the freest intercourse with 
‘the commercial world; and no British minister ever yet did 
a thing so rash, so inconsiderate, so startling, as to exhibit a 
grqundless feeling of jealousy towards the introduction or em- 
ployment of foreign capital. 

Sii, of all the classes of society, the larger stockholders of 


Mr. President,—what ts it, that has made England a sort of 
yeneral banker for the civilized world ? Why is it, that capital, 
from all quarters of the globe, accumulates at tho centre of her 
empire, and is thence again distributed? Doubtless, sir, it ix 
bocause she invites it, and solicits it. She sees the udvantugo 
of this. She manifests no weak or pretended jealousy of for- 
cign influence, from tho froost intercourse with the commercial 
world ; and no British minister over yet did a thing wo rash, so 
inconsiderate, so startling, as to exhibit a groundless fevling of 
jealousy towards the introduction or employment of foreign 
capital. 
Sir, of all tho classes of socicty, the larger stockholders of 






. Mr. President,—what is it, that has made England a sort of 
general banker for the civilized world? Why is it, that capi- 
tal, from all quarters of the globe, accumulates at the centre 
of her empire, and is thence again distributed? Doubtless, 
eir, it is because she invites it, and solicits it. She sees the 
advantage of this; and no British minister ever yet did a 
thing so rash, eo inconsiderate, so startling; as to exhibit 
a groundless feeling of dissatisfaction at the introduction or 
employment of foreign capital. 

Sir, of all the classes of society, the larger stockholders of 


Mr. President,—-what is it, that has made England a sort of 
geueral banker for the civilized world ?. Why is it, that capital, 
from all quarters of the globe, accumulates at the centre of her 
empire, and is thence - again distributed? Doubtless, sir, it is 
because she invites it, and solicits it: . She sees the advantage 
of this ; and no British minister ever yet did a thing so rash, so 
inconsiderate, so startling, as to exhibit a groundless feeling of 
dissatisfaction at the introduction or employment of foreign 
capital. : 

Sir, of all the classes of society, the larger stockholders of 


Test passages from Webster’s Speech at Worcester in 1822. 
passag P 3: 





ANALYTICAL METHODS IN BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Applied to Daniel Webster’s Speech at 
Worcester in 1832 


By CLIFFORD BLAKE CLAPP 
Of the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Gabriel, California 


HE early collectors of Americana set 1800 as the later 

limit of their practical interest. At the present time, fifty 
or seventy-five years later, it is logical to extend that interest 
at least to the end of the American Civil War. There is abun- 
dant material of bibliographical interest in pamphlets of 1800 
to 1865. The present paper is written to illustrate the fact that 
the intelligent and curious bibliographer may find in the study 
of a plebeian pamphlet of the nineteenth century the same 
sorts of difficult and fascinating work that he finds in studying 
books connected with the achievements of printing and of a 
national literature, and with the early expansion of geographi- 
cal knowledge, books which rank as the royalty and nobility of 
the bibliographical field. 

We are dealing with an American political pamphlet of 1832, 
of which there were two title editions and two type editions, 
the four of which were crossed and recrossed by textual vari- 
ations. The title editions in their normal form are as follows: 


(1) Speech of the Hon. Daniel Webster at the National Republican 
Convention, in Worcester, Oct. 12, 1832. Boston: Stimpson & 
Clapp, 72 Washington Street, [J. E. Hinckley & Co., Printers, 
No. 14, Water Street] 1832. Octavo in fours; 6 sheets. 43 pp. 

(2) Journal of the Proceedings of the National Republican Convention, 
held at Worcester, October 11, 1832. Boston: Stimpson & Clapp, 
42 Washington Street. J E. Hinckley & Co., Printers, 14 Water 
Street, 1832. Octavo in fours; 10 sheets. 75 pp. Webster’s speech 
occupies sheets 5-10, 7.¢., pp. 33-75- 


These two titles will be called for convenience the ‘Speech’ edi- 
tion and the ‘Journal’ edition. 


212 CLIFFORD BLAKE CLAPP 


When these pamphlets were first under consideration, an in- 
spection of several copies seemed to show that existence of 
these title editions in their normal forms with perfect pagina- 
tion was the exception rather than the rule. The following 
collations were found: 

1-43. I-72, 41-43. 1-40, 9-43. «1-40, 73-75. I-41, 74-75. 
This confusion was caused chiefly by the combination of 
sheets from the ‘Journal’ edition with sheets from the ‘Speech’ 
edition; or at least by the combination of sheets having the 
‘Journal’ pagination with sheets having the ‘Speech’ pagi- 
nation. 

A superficial examination showed remarkable variation in 
page-endings, and about a dozen copies were found to differ 
each in some respect from all the others. The deeper the pene- 
tration of the subject the greater grew the mystery, for textual 
variations were found on pages beginning and ending the same. 
Some of these variations were merely verbal changes such as 
Webster was in the habit of making, but in one case a passage 
was either added or deleted. 

The study of these abnormalities has been absorbing and 
perplexing, so bewildering in fact that, time and again, the 
writer has despaired of coming to any presentable conclusions 
regarding the cause of the trouble and the order of the issues. 

It was necessary to resolve the pamphlets into their several 
component sheets and treat each sheet as if it were a separate 
book. The speech itself, in whichever edition, is printed on six 
sheets — five with four leaves each and the last a half-sheet, or 
really a quarter-sheet, with two leaves. Sheets 1 to 6 of the 
‘Speech’ edition correspond with sheets 5 to 10 of the ‘Journal’ 
edition, and, as was found after some study, are printed from 
the same settings of type. In this paper the sheet numbers are 
those of the speech portion unless designated as ‘Journal’ 
sheets I to 4; sheets § and 6 are either 5 and 6 of the ‘Speech’ 
or g and Io of the ‘Journal.’ 


* 


ANALYTICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Ze 


There are variations in page-endings in each of the six 
sheets, running from two each in sheets 4 and 5 to eight in 
sheet 2. An early step in the examination of the sheets con- 
sisted in placing the copies in order by sameness or likeness of 
page-endings or other characteristics of one or another page. 
By numerous experiments it was found that in any attempt to 
arrange all the copies of sheet 2 in order by one or two char- 
acteristics the copies were thrown out of order by some other 
characteristic, the characteristics that seemingly ought to 
agree alternating or more often going back to the starting- 
point. There seemed to be no way to break into these circles 
but by concluding that there were two distinct editions not 
corresponding to the ‘Journal’ and ‘Speech’ editions, or else 
that there had been some monstrous practices in printing the 
sheets. The former was in fact the case. But the latter alterna- 
tive led the writer into a most interesting study of the “half- 
sheet” or “work and turn” method, which was that by which 
these pamphlets were printed, and a tentative hypothesis re- 
garding these issues, which ultimately ran into absurdity. 

Too much reliance on page-endings had blinded the writer to 
the fact that there were two type editions, and led to neglect of 
opportunities for procuring and comparing copies, and the con- 
sequences of this mistake have not yet been fully remedied by 
adequate photostat evidence. 

The pamphlets are printed in a small pica type of two 
slightly different varieties, so similar as not to be readily dis- 
tinguished, so far as most of the characters are concerned. In 
the type that we shall call 7 the roman g is remarkable for its 
small head, and the question mark has a straight shaft; but in 
type B the question mark is curved throughout, and the upper 
and lower parts of the g are relatively of one size. 

It was found, after a time, that differences in page-endings 
were due in part to the fact that two presses, using these differ- 
ent types 4 and B, were in operation at the same time: one 


214 CLIFFORD BLAKE CLAPP 


apparently copying the composition of the other, giving paral- 
lel but not identical results. The differences in endings were 
due also to textual variations. The discovery of both or all 
textual variants in both type editions was the longest step 
toward a satisfactory analytical study of the pamphlet. 

Each textual variant, or rather for convenience each combi- 
nation of such variants on a single page, in each type (in which- 
ever of the two page-numberings) became a unit character 
to be branded and always recognized; and each copy of the 
pamphlet had to be analyzed for its unit charactets and its 
pedigree determined by the successive variations these units 
went through. In this study thirteen copies (here designated 
by letters of the alphabet), all different, most of them seen “‘in 
the flesh” or in part by photostat, and a few of them merely 
reported to the writer, have come under the knife on the bibli- 
ographical dissecting table. 

A few of the textual variations may be noted by way of ex- 
ample without taking the space to explain an entire combina- 
tion making up a page or unit character, or to indicate the 
page-endings or other brands used to trace them in the writer’s 
tabulation. In the first full paragraph on page 13 (page 45 of 
the ‘ Journal’) in sheet 2, there occurs in some copies a passage 
reading: “She [England] manifests no weak or pretended jeal- 
ousy of foreign influence, from the freest intercourse with the 
commercial world.” Other copies lack this passage and have 
another difference in the same paragraph. Both textual ver- 
sions of this paragraph occur in type 4 and in type B; both 
versions occur in copies of the pamphlet having the paging and - 
title-page of the ‘Speech’ edition. Both versions occur in 
copies having the title-page of the ‘Journal’ edition; but this 
sheet, when with the ‘Journal’ pagination, has been found only 
in type 4 and without the “freest intercourse” passage. In 
one copy having this passage the words are “by reason of the 
freest”” instead of “from the freest.”’ 


ANALYTICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 215 


Elsewhere on the same page there are verbal corrections 
occurring in both type editions. One version reads “and this, 
in time, will’”’ where the other reads ‘“‘and this, will’; one has 
“scarcity for money,’ the other “scarcity of money”’; and one 
reads “‘And all this, on the pretended” where the other reads 
“And all this is to be suffered, on the pretended.” Such verbal 
alterations to meet Webster’s exacting taste occur throughout 
the speech. A few only can be mentioned: on page Io we find 
either “shows that” or “makes good that assertion”; on page 
II, “maintain it” or “maintain that system”; on page 14, 
“by the people of the United States” or “‘by the people”; and 
on page 16, “derived from” or “derived, as is supposed, from.” 
Every sheet in the speech has examples of these slight changes, 
but it is in sheets 1, 4, and 5 that, because of identical begin- 
ning and ending of pages in identical type, small textual 
changes are the least easily discovered. In one case, when a 
change was made on page 40, the syllable “com” slipped out 
of the word “command” and joined with another word forming 
“‘com-| moderation”’; it is curious that in the other type- and 
title-editions there are copies with the spelling “‘moder- | tion.” 

When the language of the speech is improved, either by 
smoothing or strengthening, in characteristic Websterian 
fashion, and when the better language is identical with the 
version in the collected editions of Webster’s speeches, the im- 
proved form is in all probability the later. There are enough 
such alterations to give us a basis for an almost certain judg- 
ment between most of the issues of the unit characters occur- 
ring in the same type, and therefore between the issues of the 
pamphlets in which the sheets are entirely or mostly in a 
single type. As between the two types, however, and as be- 
tween the ‘Journal’ and the ‘Speech,’ it is most difficult to 
assign an order of printing and issue. As to the types, nothing 
has yet been discovered that proves one type edition to have 
been copied from the other in any particular sheet; but the 


216 CLIFFORD BLAKE CLAPP 


observed uniformity of the two editions, as well as the con- 
venience to the compositors and binders, makes it probable 
that one was copied from the other. 

That one title-edition was converted into the other is abso- 
lutely certain from the fact that the type of the ‘Journal’ and 
the ‘Speech’ have the same setting and have the same broken 
letters and typographical slips. Two cases of page-numbering, 
one where an 11 is inverted, the other where a leaf is numbered 
on the recto 41 and on the verso 74, have some bearing on this 
conversion. 

Judgment on the order of type- and title-editions may in 
some degree be based on interpretation of the curiosities in the 
method of binding the sheets together. The singularities of 
pagination are mentioned at the beginning of this paper. In 
several copies of the speech, sheets with types 4 and B have 
been found mixed as follows: 


AA Ata AS. 
4B BOBLBSB 
BBBBBB 
BB BiB Rw 
A BOBBED aa 


In the four sheets, ‘Journal’ 1-4, preceding the ‘Speech,’ the 
types have so far been found only in the order 4 4 B B. 

No final judgment on the order of issue of copies of the en- 
tire pamphlet can yet be made. Certain versions of portions of 
the text reported to the writer are still a mystery. Certain 
sheets, notably the last, seem to recur absurdly in older ver- 
sions after being supplanted by the newer. There would al- 
most seem to have been a studied avoidance, on the part of the 
binder, of providing a complete inviolate copy of the ‘Journal.’ 

On the basis of all the factors mentioned in this study, the 
present writer has come to an approximate decision as to the 
order of events in the offices of the printers. It seems to him 
that in the beginning two presses were put to work on the 
‘Journal,’ press 4 printing the first and second sheets and press 


ANALYTICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 27 


B the third and fourth. Either 4 or B went on with the six 
‘Speech’ sheets. One press seems to have copied from the 
other. The demand for the ‘Speech’ had already begun, and 
no sheets of the speech portion were printed at this time with 
the ‘Journal’ pagination; but ‘Speech’ sheets 1 to 6 of type 4 
with the earliest version of the text were set aside to be bound 
with the first four ‘Journal’ sheets. They were not actually 
issued until after five varieties of the ‘Speech’ had been put 
out. The first four varieties, known to the writer as A, B, C, 
and D, are mostly, but not purely, B types, and are chiefly dis- 
tinguished by their including two versions of sheet 6 in type 4 
and two in type B. The fifth variety of the pamphlet, called 
E, is a pure 4 type. It has a second version of page 13 and the 
second version of page 42 1n type 4. Following the issue of this 
variety of the pamphlet, the convention ‘Journal’ must have 
been bound and issued, using the first sheets set aside, conse- 
quently with wrong paging and an already incorrect textual 
version. Next appeared a new variety of the speech in the B 
type, which we have named H, this copy noticeably with 
changed versions of pages 13 and 1g for this type. 

Up to this time the “‘freest intercourse” passage on page 13 
had remained. It was now taken out by both presses, and K 
and L were issued in the 4 and B types respectively, except 
that the last sheet of L is in type 4. Three further type B 
varieties followed, probably in the order called by the writer 
M, R, and Z. One or another of these had changes in every 
sheet from the forms of ‘Speech’ H; sheet 2 being altered in L, 
sheet 3 in L and again in M, sheets 4 and 5 probably in L, and 
sheet 6 in Z. 

The remaining remarkable point is that sometime during the 
publication of these B type “Speech’ pamphlets another 
‘Journal’ issue appeared entirely in the 4 type, but with the 
last sheet in the ‘Speech’ edition, while the ‘Speech’ varieties 
R and Z in the B type have the last sheet in the ‘Journal’ 


218 CLIFFORD BLAKE CLAPP 


paging, the one in the 4 and the other in the B type. The 
second ‘Journal’ issue involved, of course, the changing of 
page numbers. 

The final textual version of the pamphlets was probably 
reached between K and N in type 4, and (except for sheet 6) 
between L and M in type B. 

The causes of all this varying printing and promiscuous bind- 
ing are more readily to be discerned than the detailed facts 
given above might seem to indicate. In 1832, it was only two 
years since Webster had made himself the master of American 
statesmen in the contention between Union and Secession, 
between Constitutionalism and Nullification. By his great 
“Reply to Hayne,’ delivered in the Senate on January 26, 1830, 
he had so captivated popular admiration that about forty 
thousand copies of that speech were issued from the National 
Intelligencer office and perhaps twenty different editions were 
printed elsewhere. Webster’s fame as orator and statesman, 
with the existing political situation, was sufficient to produce 
a demand for the speech at Worcester in October, 1832, that 
was difficult for the printers to meet. 

Even with the insistent demand, however, there was nothing 
in the speech or in the method of printing it that need have 
caused so much confusion in the publication office or the print- 
er’s shop, had it not been for the orator himself. Webster must 
have stepped in several times, as was his habit, to stop the 
presses and make alterations in the text of his speech. He 
used to prepare his manuscripts himself for the printer, and 
there is adequate evidence not only that he was careful of their 
original form but that their details were the ground of much 
solicitude. If he saw a chance to improve them, either by 
clarifying the thought or by strengthening the rhetoric, he 
would make changes, whether before or during printing or on 
the occasion of republication in after years. 

Most of the changes found in the Worcester speech are 


ANALYTICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY 219 


merely matters of style; that concerning freedom of intercourse 
must be considered in the light of the politics of the time and 
the remainder of the speech. It would be too long to explain 
here, but when so considered it is evident that the passage on 
“freest intercourse” was deleted for fear it should be misin- 
terpreted as a commendation of free trade, whereas it was not 
so intended. That it was deleted is shown also in the fact that 
it does not occur in the collected editions in which this speech 
is found, which had the approval of Webster himself. 

It is apparent that the demand for copies of the speech inter- 
fered with the plan of issuing the ‘Journal’ at the start, so that 
it was issued later using unrevised ‘Speech’ sheets having the 
pagination of the ‘Speech’ edition. It was later reissued with 
revised sheets, the ‘Speech’ settings having their page num- 
bers altered; but this issue has so far not been found with the 
‘Journal’ numbering of the last sheet. It is apparent that 
both presses were put to work on the entire speech, and that 
the demand was so insistent that whatever sheets were immedi- 
ately available, whether old or revised, were put together and 
sent out. Sometimes press 4 was ready with sheets and some- 
times B was ready, but it was not thought to matter so long as 
the sheets were there. Webster interfered two or three times, 
going through the entire speech at least once to make small 
changes, and the discarded sheets could not always be kept 
from publication when the revised sheets were not ready. This 
was particularly the case with the last sheet, number 6, which 
is wrongly bound with other sheets at least a third of the time 
and has not yet been noticed in the ‘Journal’ edition bound 
with other ‘Journal’ sheets. 

The two title editions, the two type editions, the urgent de- 
mand for copies, and the revision by the author while the 
work was being printed, present a remarkable, perhaps unique, 
case, and we may never see anything else in modern printing 
quite so intricate. 


Proposals 
By MILLS DAY, New-Haven, 


FOR PUBLISHING BY SUBSCRIPTION, 


AN EDITION OF THE 


HEBREW BIBLE, 


FROM THE TEXT OF 


VAN-DER-HOOGHT. 





PROSPECTUS. 


IBLICAL criticism, which, during the infancy of: 

our country, has been left, almost exclusively, to 

the men of learning in Europe, is beginning to assume a 
new aspect in the United States. Theological contro- 
versy, though often conducted with a spirit unfavourable 


CAPUT II. 

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nos mm yor stn wa3> a on Dn new38 


MILLS DAY’S PROPOSED HEBREW BIBLE 


By OSCAR WEGELIN 
Of New York City 


HE first edition of John Eliot’s translation of the New 
Testament in the Mohegan dialect was the earliest ver- 
sion of the Scriptures printed in the English colonies in any 
language. This epoch-making volume was issued from the 
press of Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson, at Cam- 
bridge, Massachusetts, in September, 1661. The Old Testa- 
ment was added to it two years later. In the latter part of the 
seventeenth century (about 1695) the justly celebrated Cotton 
Mather projected what he called a ‘Biblia Americana,’ and 
issued a prospectus asking support for printing it. No printer 
could be found in the colonies, however, who would, or could, 
undertake so hazardous an enterprise,! and it was not until 
1743 that a Bible or part of the Scriptures was printed in a 
European language in the colonies. This was the well-known 
“Sauer Bible,’ the printer of which was one of the most enter- 
prising of colonial typographers. His establishment was at 
Germantown, near Philadelphia. There the first version of 
Holy Writ in an Old-World language was printed in German. 
In or about 1752, a Bible is supposed to have been printed 
in the establishment of Kneeland and Green, in Boston. This 
book bore, according to Isaiah Thomas,’ the imprint of a Lon- 
don printer. No copy that can be authenticated has been un- 
earthed, although a Bible purporting to be a copy of this edi- 
tion, and bearing date of 1752, was sold in Part VI of the 
McKee sale on May 12, 1902. It sold there for $2025. 


1. O’Callaghan, American Bibles. Albany, 1861. 

2. History of Printing in America. Worcester, 1810. Second edition, Albany, 
1874. 

3. Dr. Charles L. Nichols discussed this Bible in “Is there a Mark Baskett 
Bible of 1752?” Transactions of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 21: 285-291. 


plpie OSCAR WEGELIN 


A Bible was projected by John Fleming of Boston, who 
issued a prospectus which states that it is (or was to be) the 
first Bible ever printed in America. This was about 1760. 
Fleming was a Scotchman, and ran a printing office in Boston. 

In 1777 Robert Aitken printed in Philadelphia the New 
Testament, and this was the first version of the Scriptures in 
English that bears an American imprint. In 1782 Aitken 
printed his celebrated Bible, containing both the Old and the 
New Testaments. 

William Woodhouse of Philadelphia issued in 1788 ‘The 
Christian’s New and Complete Family Bible.’ This book 
was, however, printed at Berwick, England, and the sheets sent 
to America. It is very rare, and O’Callaghan, who had not 
located a copy, gives the date as 1790. A copy is in the collec- 
tion of the American Bible Society. 

The first Roman Catholic Bible was issued by Mathew 
Carey in Philadelphia. The first number was published De- 
cember 12, 1789. It appeared complete on December 1, 1790. 
It is believed to be the first quarto Bible published in English 
in the United States. 

Hugh Gaine printed a New Testament in New York in 1790, 
and Hodge, Allen & Campbell issued the Holy Bible in the 
same year in that city. Isaac Collins of Trenton, New Jersey, 
printed the first Bible issued in that state in 1791. 

The first Greek Testament printed in the United States was 
issued from the establishment of Isaiah Thomas, Jr., of Wor- 
cester, Massachusetts, and is dated April, 1800. The first 
French (New) Testament was issued from the press of J. T. 
Buckingham, in Boston, in 1810. 

It was not until 1814 that an edition of the Bible in Hebrew 
was printed in the United States, and it remained for Thomas 
Dobson, an enterprising publisher of Philadelphia, to have the 
honor of having been the pioneer in issuing the Scriptures in 
the original tongue. The title of this book is: 


A PROPOSED HEBREW BIBLE 238 


[Line in Hebrew] Hebraica, Secundum ultimam Editionem Jos. Athiz, 
a Johanne Leusden Denuo recognitam, Recensita Variisque Notis Latinis 
illustrata ab Everardo Van Der Hooght, V. D. M. Editio Prima Ameri- 
cana, sine punctis Masorethicis. Tom. I. Philadelphie: Cura et Impensis 
Thome Dobson edita ex Aidibus Lapideis Typis Gulielmi Fry. mpcccxtv. 
2 volumes, 8vo. 


Mr. O’Callaghan, in a note to this title, writes: 


In 1812 Mr. Horwitz had proposed the publication of this edition of the 
Hebrew Bible, the first proposal of the kind in the United States; early in 
1813 he transferred his right and list of subscribers to Mr. Thomas Dobson, 
who published, soon afterwards, the 1st volume; the title page and preface 
were furnished with the 2d volume; with which they are bound in some 
instances. 

Several years prior to the printing of the above, an attempt 
had been made to issue a Hebrew Bible in America, and had 
the project succeeded, it would not only have had the distinc- 
tion of being the first issue of the Scriptures in that ancient 
tongue in America, but it is more than probable that had it 
appeared, it would have deterred Dobson from issuing his 
edition. All that is known of this early attempt is a “Pro- 
posal,” with Chapter I and part of Chapter II of Genesis, 
which were printed as a specimen of the type to be used. 

The title may be seen on the accompanying facsimile of the 
first page. The prospectus, including the sample specimen of 
type, consists of eight pages. The ‘Conditions’ are dated 
New-Haven, March 20, 1810. Beneath these ‘Conditions,’ 
which state that the work will be in “two volumes of about 
500 pages each, and costing the Subscribers $3.25 per volume,” 
is a blank for the names of prospective subscribers, the number 
of copies which they would subscribe for, and their place of 
residence. 

In the prospectus before the writer are two names of sub- 
scribers, written in ink. They are Joab Bruce, Wethersfield 
and John Hyde, Hamden. Each was put down for one copy. 
Several other copies of this prospectus have been examined, 
and none of them contained more than five or six names of 


224 OSCAR WEGELIN 


those who were interested in subscribing for a copy of the 
Bible. This seems proof conclusive that the publisher met 
with little success in his attempt to obtain subscriptions. 

Subscription papers were “to be returned to Walter, Austin 
& Co., Booksellers, New-Haven, by the ist of July.” “If pa- 
pers with but a single name affixed, are transmitted, it will 
enable the publisher to ascertain, with greater precision, the 
demand there will be for the books.” The books were to be 
“transmitted to the most considerable towns in the United 
States, where it will be most convenient for subscribers to call 
for them.” It was stated furthermore that if the publisher 
met with sufficient encouragement, he would also issue ‘Park- 
hurst’s Hebrew Lexicon and Grammar.’ To insure correctness, 
the proof-sheets, “after the last reading, were to be exposed in 
some public place near the College, and a premium of five 
dollars offered for the detection of an error of the press in the 
texte 

It was thought best to omit the Points, for reasons which are 
given in the ‘Proposals,’ and he makes the statement that he 
“is very far from presuming to attempt any improvement upon 
the Hebrew Bibles in Common use.” Van Der Hooght’s edi- 
tion was preferred, as it was the one with the best reputation 
as a standard work. 

In his “Proposals,’ Day states that “at a time when an im- 
portant controversy is commencing in the United States, in- 
volving on one side, the charge of idolatry, and on the other, 
the imputation of denying the Saviour in his essential char- 
acter, an American edition of the Hebrew Bible seems pecul- 
iarly seasonable.” ‘This will give the divine immediate access 
to the fountain of truth; and enable him, without the fear of 
being misguided by the errours or prejudice of translators, to 
examine and judge for himself, whether the Messiah is repre- 
sented, in the Jewish Scriptures, as a created being, or a divine 
character.” “From these advantages our clergy have been in 


A PROPOSED HEBREW BIBLE 225 


some measure precluded, by the dearness and scarcity of He- 
brew books. An apology for this deficiency in biblical learning, 
has also been found, in the general inattention of our country- 
men to theological criticism. But the times are changing. 
Disputes on theological subjects are gaining ground. ... The 
study of Hebrew is introduced into most of our theological 
schools. In a few years, an acquaintance with this language 
will be as essential to the reputation of a clergyman, as was a 
liberal education, a century ago. Our young clergy and theo- 
logical students, who neglect to avail themselves of the earliest 
opportunity of acquiring at least a partial knowledge of He- 
brew, will necessarily be subjected to the mortification of a 
conscious inferiority to their brethren in the ministry. In 
view of these considerations an edition of the Hebrew Bible 
has been undertaken.” 

Those who received the ‘Proposals,’ evidently did not agree 
in large numbers to the foregoing, nor did they subscribe to it 
sufficiently to enable the publisher to proceed with the print- 
ing, and the credit of having issued the first Hebrew Bible in 
America must go to Thomas Dobson of Philadelphia. 

It seems unfortunate that Day was not given sufficient en- 
couragement by the theologians and scholars of New England, 
for had his venture proved successful, it would have added 
further glory to that section of our country — the first to issue 
the Scriptures in any tongue, and according to Isaiah Thomas 
the birthplace of the first English printed Bible in the English 
colonies. It is however to the credit of Pennsylvania that not 
only were the first Bibles in English (unless the Kneeland and 
Green issue can be proved) and German, as well as the first 
Douay versions, issued in that Commonwealth, but that the 
first Hebrew Bible should have issued from a press located in 
its principal city. 

That Dobson deserves much credit, goes without saying, 
but Mills Day, of New Haven, Connecticut, should at least be 


226 A PROPOSED HEBREW BIBLE 


remembered as having been the first to attempt to issue a He- 
brew Bible. That he did not succeed was due to no fault of 
his, but to the lack of patronage which he encountered. 

The sample of type in Hebrew, which is shown in the ‘Pro- 
posals’ proves that, had the Bible appeared, it would have 
been at least a fair specimen of typography, but nothing in the 
‘Proposals’ gives a clue as to the printer who was to do the 
work. The publisher states that he “flatters himself, that by 
employing a distinct type, rejecting the points, and comparing 
the proof-sheets with the large Bibles of Van-Der-Hooght and 
Kennicott, he will possess every advantage for giving an edi- 
tion typographically correct.” 

He also states that ‘“‘a font of type, at double the usual ex- 
pence, must be procured” and that “the printer must receive 
a double compensation for his part of the execution.” He 
appeals to “the friends of sacred science and the patrons of the 
arts in America.’”’ He also offers a copy “gratis’’ to any one 
who would obtain twelve subscriptions and become responsible 
for their payment, but his efforts were in vain and his “pro- 
posed” Bible must be forever classed as an unpublished book. 

Mills Day was the son of Reverend Jeremiah and Abigail 
Day, and was born at New Preston, Connecticut, on the thir- 
tieth day of September, 1783. He graduated from Yale in 1803, 
and became a tutor in that college. He died June 20, 1812, at 
the early age of twenty-nine, and although nearly two years 
elapsed from the issuing of the ‘Proposals’ to the date of his 
demise, it may be possible that that event caused the stopping 
of the printing of his proposed Hebrew Bible. 


A TRANSLATION OF THE ROSETTA STONE 


By RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 
Librarian of the William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan 


N the second century B.c., Ptolemy Epiphanes sat on the 
throne of the Pharaohs, a descendant of that Ptolemy who 
took over Egypt as his share of the division of Alexander the 
Great’s Empire. At one time in the career of this monarch, the 
priests at Memphis desired to do him honor and passed a set of 
resolutions to that purpose. These they ordered to be pub- 
lished in three of the languages current at the time, which was 
done, among other places, on that block of black stone which 
some French engineers unearthed at Rosetta during the Na- 
poleonic invasion of Egypt in 1798. Bonaparte at once saw 
the importance of this trilingual inscription, since it contained 
the unknown hieroglyphic and demotic writing side by side 
with the Greek, by means of which the others might be de- 
ciphered. He had copies of the inscription made and dis- 
patched to France for “the examination of the learned through- 
out Europe.” The stone itself fell into the hands of the British 
commander when the French troops capitulated. That a 
“noble general with his usual zeal for science” thus gained the 
treasure for the British Museum was a great disappointment 
to the French, but it did not deter them from undertaking the 
first translation. 

In 1802 a querulous Englishman wrote to the Gentéleman’s 
Magazine that a “Frenchman has undertaken the explanation 
of the most difficult inscription before the English literati are 
in possession of a single copy of the easiest.” 3 From this time 
on the field was open to all who wished to try to resolve the 
hieroglyphic and demotic inscriptions with the aid of the par- 


1. Gentleman’s Magazine, LXX1, 1194+ 
2. Archeologia, xvi, 208. 3. Vol. Lxxu, 725-726. 


228 RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 


allel Greek. The first translation of these difficult texts was 
probably made by the Englishman Thomas Young, whose 
findings were used by the French scholar Champollion. Other 
continental scholars worked over the texts with more or less 
improvement before the first translation was made in the 
United States. 

The first Americans who undertook the task, so far as I have 
ascertained, were three undergraduate students at the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania. Their efforts resulted in the produc- 
tion of a rather remarkable volume. In the year 1855 a plaster 
cast of the Rosetta Stone was presented to the Philomathean 
Society of that University by Thomas K. Conrad, one of the 
members of the graduating class of that year. The Philoma- 
thean is one of those literary societies that are found in pairs 
in all the American colleges whose existence dates from the 
eighteenth century. Primarily a debating society, it had been 
accustomed from time to time to issue little publications, 
mostly the text of orations delivered before it by old-fashioned 
Philadelphia lawyers. 

When Conrad presented the cast to the Society, he is said to 
have “read a paper on the subject,” but in the minutes of the 
organization I have not found any evidence of this. The man- 
uscript records of the Society are still preserved, but are disap- 
pointingly silent until September 22, 1855, when we find that a 
committee was appointed to haul the cast up to the rooms of 
the Society. “A rosetta stone,” the secretary insists on calling 
it. It may still be seen in the Society’s present rooms. 

Three undergraduate members of the Society, Charles R. 
Hale, S. Huntington Jones, and Henry Morton volunteered to 
make a translation. Many years later Morton wrote down his 
recollection of the beginnings of this work. Hale undertook the 
translation of the Greek and demotic texts, Jones prepared an 
essay on the historical significance of Ptolemy Epiphanes, 
while Morton took care of the hieroglyphic inscription and 


THE ROSETTA STONE 229 


the pictorial decoration of the whole. Their contribution to 
Egyptology need not detain us here. Morton says, “The work 
progressed slowly, as it involved much study of books not 
readily accessible and both the present writer and Mr. Hale 
spent many days of more than one vacation in the Astor Li- 
brary in New York, as well as in the Philadelphia Library, 
where only certain expensive works on Egyptology and 
Hieroglyphics were to be seen. Among these, one of the most 
important was that of ‘Lepsius,’ which contained a complete 
drawing of the inscription on the temple wall at Phile, which 
proved to be another copy of the inscription covering the 
Rosetta Stone. This Phile inscription was, in great part 
effaced, but a careful collation of what remained (made for the 
first time by this committee) enabled them to throw a new 
light on many otherwise doubtful passages of the Rosetta 
Stone text.”’ 4 

On March 29, 1857, “The final Report of the Committee on 
the translation of the Rosetta Stone”’ was laid before the So- 
ciety. The resolution thanking the members of the Committee 
for their labors indicates that Morton did the greater part of 
the hard work. The manuscript was elaborately illuminated 
and appropriately bound. But it very shortly disappeared 
from the Philomathean Library and for several months was 
supposed to be lost. When it was recovered, the prospect of 
another and permanent loss resulted in the following resolu- 
tion: “The Society deem the Report of the Rosetta Stone 
Committee, including the translation, worthy of publication, 
and that it would be for the honor of the Society and the Uni- 
versity.” The officials at once negotiated with the translators 
and reported that Messrs. Hale and Morton “had a plan”’ for 
reproducing the book, which the Society accepted and returned 
the precious manuscript to the original committee. The trans- 


' 4. A History of the Philomathean Society of the University of Pennsylvania 
(Philadelphia, 1913), p. 65. 


230 RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 


lators requested that they be regarded as a firm of publishers 
and promised on their part “1st, they will lithograph the book 
as it now stands in fac-simile, with the following exceptions: 
they will omit the large plate representing the coronation cere- 
monies, they will insert a plate representing the temple of 
Phtha at Memphis, and also a plate representing the Rosetta 
Stone as it now stands in the British Museum, also a continu- 
ing copy of the hieroglyphics.’’ Copies were to be sold for 
$2.50 to members and $2.75 to non-members.® 

Moreover, it is recorded that a resolution of thanks was 
passed by the Society on the presentation of a volume on 
Egyptian hieroglyphics, which may still be seen, bearing the 
inscription “12 January, 1858, Presented to the Philomathean 
Society of the University of Pennsylvania by their former 
associate, Henry D. Gilpin.” This gentleman was a well-known 
Philadelphia lawyer, antiquarian and bibliophile, who had 
been Attorney-General of the United States under Van Buren.® 

At that time the only possible way of reproducing the hiero- 
glyphic and demotic texts and the colored illuminations and 
illustrations was by chromo-lithography and the expense of 
preparing the necessary and numerous drawings, if done by 
professional artists, was prohibitive. Henry Morton set to 
work to acquire a new craft and engrave the stones. One of the 
best-known lithographers of the day was Max Rosenthal of 
Philadelphia. I am informed by Mr. Albert Rosenthal, the 
Philadelphia artist and etcher, and son of Max Rosenthal, that 
the plates are the work of the combined efforts of young Mor- 
ton and his father. “Technically the pen work on stone and 
the stippling is of a character used by Max Rosenthal and first 
employed in lithography by him in America,” Mr. Albert 

5. Minutes, Dec. 11, 1857, Jan. 13, 1858, Jan. 15, 1858, and Jan. 22, 1858. 

6. Précis Du Systéme Hiéroglyphique Des Anciens Egyptiens, par M. Cham- 
pollion le Jeune, Seconde édition, Imprimé, Par Autorisation . . . A L’Imprimerie 


Royale, M.pcce.xxvi1; Edward Everett. The Historical Magazine with Notes and 
Queries, Iv, 91 (1860). 


THE ROSETTA STONE 231 


Rosenthal writes me. Throughout his long life, Mr. Max 
Rosenthal often had occasion to discuss this book and he seems 
to have regarded it as one of the most remarkable pieces of 
work in which he had ever participated. 

Every page had to be lithographed from one or more stones, 
and presumably the volume that finally appeared was as near 
like the original illuminated manuscript as was possible. Nearly 
every page has a highly colored border of Egyptian design, 
occupying in many cases as much of the area of the page as the 
text itself. The text is reproduced in the original handwriting 
of the translators and not in any type form. What became of 
the original manuscript, it is impossible to say. 


Tue First Epirion 

Tue title of the first edition reads: 

‘Report | of the | Committee | appointed by the | Philoma- 
thean | Society | of the | University of | Pennsylvania | to trans- 
late the inscription on the | Rosetta Stone. |’ 

There is no date or place of publication on the title-page. 
The Preface states that it was printed “at the establishment of 
L. N. Rosenthal, N. W. corner of Fifth and Chestnut Sts., 
Phila.,”’ and bears the date August 3, 1858. The last leaf is 
dated December 14. The title-page is an inserted plate, for the 
signatures begin with the dedication page which reads “‘ Dedi- 
cated to The Hon. Henry D. Gilpin, Late Attorney General of 
the United States by The Authors.” The book is a small 
quarto, 23 by 18 cm. 

The pagination can be checked as follows, the bracketed 
number indicating unnumbered pages: Title, [1-8] 9-17 [18-19] 
20-21 [22-23] 24 [25-33] 34-35 [36-37] 38-39 [40] 41-72, 81 
[82-83] 84-104 [105] 106-127 [128] 113 [114-115] 116-117 
[118-119] 120, 129-136. Twelve unnumbered leaves follow 
page 136, completing the volume. The explanation of the ap- 
parently missing pages from page 72 to page 81 is probably 


232 RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 


this: page 81 is where Morton’s translation of the hieroglyphic 
text begins, and thereafter the text is in his handwriting. Up 
to this point the text is in Hale’s handwriting. Evidently the 
work on these two sections proceeded simultaneously, and the 
translators had to guess at the pagination for the later section, 
which they missed by an entire signature. The same explana- 
tion fits the second inconsistency in the pagination which is 
seen when after page 128 the numbering of pages goes back to 
page 113. T'wo whole signatures are here taken up with Jones’s 
essay on Ptolemy and page 129 is picked up immediately fol- 
lowing the second page numbered 120. Thus half of Jones’s 
essay is numbered correctly and half is not. The entire text 
consisted of twenty unmarked signatures in fours. 

The first edition consisted of four hundred copies and was 
bound in at least two different styles of paper boards. Some 
were in brown with gold lettering and ornamentation, some 
were in maroon with black lettering and ornamentation. The 
designs on the binding were uniform. By the time the trans- 
lators got to the binding they had evidently acquired a suffi- 
cient knowledge of hieroglyphics to compose in that writing 
and so the covers of the first edition bear an ingenious inscrip- 
tion, which, when translated back into English would run as 
folie “Hieroglyphic writing, demotic writing and Greek 
writing on a tablet brought from Egypt, made into English by 
those appointed (that is, a Committee) of a wisdom-loving so- 
ciety (that is, the Philomathean Society) belonging to a large 
house where six wise men (or scribes) speak to a multitude of 
young men (that is, the University); topeine with many good 
words about the King of Egypt, Ptolemy.” Evidently, as we 
can see from the Appendix, it was intended that the binding 
should bear an even more flowery legend in Greek, but there 
was not room for it and the artist never went back to correct 
his text. With such a cover, it is obvious that rebinding in- 
jures very much the value of any first edition. 


THE ROSETTA STONE 233 


THE SEconp EDITION 


“SHORTLY before Christmas, 1858,” relates Morton, “the 
first edition of this report made its appearance, and was so 
highly appreciated by the public that in a few days the entire 
edition was exhausted and many times the original price was 
offered by those anxious to secure them.” 7 It is not surpris- 
ing then that barely four weeks after the appearance of the 
first edition we find work well under way for the preparation of 
the second edition. From that edition itself we glean only the 
information that “The Society at their meeting on January 21, 
1859, having expressed their desire that a second edition of this 
report should be printed, the work was at once proceeded with 
by the above named committee.” A few days later the Society 
directed that the second edition should not exceed six hundred 
copies and the price should not be less than five dollars a copy.’ 

But the task that faced the Committee was by no means so 
simple as it might seem from such brief statements in the 
record. Lithographing in those days was used for the repro- 
duction of a single picture here and there in the illustration of 
books and periodicals. But the demand was so far from great 
that it could be cared for by a comparatively small number of 
stones. No lithographing establishment in Philadelphia, nor, 
is it likely, even in America at that time, kept on hand a sufh- 
cient number of stones of the required size for the production 
of such a volume as this, where several stones were required to 
print each page. When the first few pages of the first edition 
had been printed, Morton and Rosenthal had to hold up their 
work while the stones were ground down to a new surface and 
were ready to receive a new engraving. “Thus,” says Morton 
“when the Society desired its Committee to print a new edi- 
tion, only the stones used in the last twenty pages or so, re- 
tained any designs, and thus the printing of a new edition 
involved the production on stone of more than a hundred 


7. Minutes, Jan. 23, 1859. 


234 RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 


drawings. The second edition was, in its artistic portion, 
largely a new work.” 8 

The title-page of the second edition is: 

“Report | of the | Committee | appointed by the | Philoma- 
thean | Society | of the | University of | Pennsylvania | to trans- 
late the inscription on the | Rosetta Stone. | Second Edition. |’ 

The size is the same as the first edition. The Preface is a re- 
print of the first edition and so bears the same date. 

The pagination of the second edition may be checked as be- 
fore, the bracketed figures indicating the unnumbered pages. 
Title, [1-8] 9-10 [11] 12-26, 26 (repeated) 32,29-31 [32-33] 34- 
35 [36-37] 38-39 [49] 41-57 [58-59] 60-70 [71] 72-97, 106, 99- 
102, III, IO4—-I1I, 211, 121, 114-115, 124-125, 118-119 [120] 
121-152. Then follow four unnumbered leaves that complete 
the volume. Page 27 is obviously misnumbered 26, page 28 is 
misnumbered 32, page 98 is misnumbered 106, page 103 is mis- 
numbered 111, page 112 is misnumbered 211, but the figure 2 
is not reversed. Page 113 is misnumbered 121, page 116 is mis- 
numbered 124 and page 117 is misnumbered 125. Again the 
book comprises twenty unmarked signatures. 

The great puzzle as to which pages of the second edition 
were printed from the plates of the first edition and for which 
pages new plates had to be engraved can be resolved only by 
the following table. 


8. A History of the Philomathean Society, p. 68. 


Page 
number 
of first 
edition 


THE ROSETTA STONE 


Corresponding 
page in second 
edition when 
different from 
first 


(Dedication page) 


Plates used in second edition 


New plates w 
“ “ 


Old plates, retouched 
New plates with new design 


““ “ “ ol d 
“ “ 6 new 
“ “ “ “ 
“ “ “& “ 
“ “ “ «& 
“ rf9 {3 “ 
“ “ & “ 
“ “ & “ 
“ “ (<3 «“ 
“ & & & 
“ “ «& “ 
“ “ “« “ 
“ “« “ “ 
“ “ “ “ 
3 « “ & 
(9 “« “& “ 
“ “& & “ 
“ “ “« 6 
«“ “ “ « 
& & “ 6“ 
Old plates, retouched 


New plates with new design 


“ 


“ “ 


Old plates for border, new plate for text. 
w designs 


New plates w 
«“& «& 


Old plates 


New plates with new designs 
«& 


& 


Old plates 


New plates with new designs 


ith new design 


“ 


“ 


re 


& 


“& 


43 


ith ne 


(S9 


(<9 


old 


new 
“ 


<9 


“& 


& 


“ 


“ 


& 


“& 
6“ 
“ 
ct 


“ 
“ 
“ 


“ 


(3 


“ 


& 


235 


New plate for text and new plate with old 
design for border 


236 RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 


Corresponding 
Page page in second : as 
number edition when Plates used in second edition 


of first different from 
edition first 


44 Old plates 

45 “ “ 

46 New plates with old design 
47 “ “ “ “ “ 
48 Old plates 

49 New plates with old design 
50 “ “ “ new “ 
1 “ ““ “ “ “ 
c2 “ “ “ “ “ 
53 “ “ 6 “ “ 
54 “ “ “ “ “ 
55 “ “ “ “ “ 
56 “ “ “ “ “ 
I) Old plates 

58 New plates with old design 
59 & “ “ “ “ 
60 Old plates 

61 “ “ 

62 New plates with new design 
63 5 : “old design 
64 Old plates 

65 New plates with new design 
66 & “ “ “ “ 
67 “ “ “ “ “ 
68 “ “ “ “ “ 
70 “ ““ “ “ “ 
5) “& “ “ “ “ 
72 72 “ “ “ “ “ 
81 73 Old plate with new lines enclosing text 
82 74 & “ 

83 75 de abe 

84 76 “© ~with new lines enclosing text 
85 ao “ oc 

86 78 ela 

87 79 & “ 

88 80 ak 

89 81 “ “ 

go 82 ‘ x 

gI 83 “ “ 

g2 84 “ &“ 

93 85 ide 

94 86 “ “ 

95 87 “ “ 


THE ROSETTA STONE 237 


Corresponding 
Page page in second ah 
number edition when Plates used in second edition 


of first different from 
edition first 


97 89 Old plate 

98 go 3 “ 

99 gi y * 

100 g2 " * 

IOI 93 “ (<3 

102 94 « a 

103 95 “ “ 

104 96 “ “ 

105 97 eee 

106 106 a ie 

107 99 “ “ 

108 100 Z a 

109 10! * € 

I1O 102 : i 

III III ‘ : 

172 104 x ie 

113 105 ~ < 

114 106 4 e 

115 107 ry # 

116 108 cy & 

E17 10g : . 

118 IIO m - 

119 III . 3 

120" 211 « a 

I2I 121 = 

122 114 c = 

123 115 2 6 

124 124 id rs 

125 125 i . 

126 118 M a (text corrected) 

127 11g - $ 

I 28 I 20 “ “ “ “ 

113 121 New plates with old design 

I 14 I 22 “ (44 “ “ {4 
“ <4 “ “ “« 

: : "i ; aS “ “ “ “ 
“& “ “ “ “ 

. : 5 a: “ “ “ “ “ 

119 127 Es a 2) eimed 

120 128 . . PAT OW % 
“ “ “ “ (<4 

ne : *9 “ “ “ “ 


238 


Page 
number 
of first 
edition 
132 


133 


134 
135 
136 
137 
138 
139 
140 
141 
142 
143 
144 
145 
146 
147 
148 
149 
150 
151 
152 
#43 
154 
155 
156 
157 
158 


Corresponding 
page in second 
edition when 
different from 


first 


RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 


Plates used in second edition 


New plates for text and new plate for border, 
the design of which is copied from that 
previously on p. 133 

New plates for text and new plate for border, 
the design of which is taken from that on 
p- 132 of the first edition 

New plates with old design 

Old plate 

New plate 

Old plate 


& c 
“ “ 


& “ 


New plate 
Old plate 


New plate 


& “ 


Old plate 
New plate 


The last four pages are unnumbered in both editions, and 
as they contain a description of the full page and other illus- 
trations, the text is entirely different in the two volumes and so 
had to be printed from new plates in the second edition. 

The full-page inserted illustrations may be checked by the 
following: The title-page has been printed from the same plates 
in both editions, but the plates have evidently been retouched. 
The reproduction of the Rosetta Stone, facing page g in both 
editions, is printed from the same plate. The image of Phtha, 


THE ROSETTA STONE 239 


facing page 17 in both editions, has evidently been entirely re- 
drawn from the old design for the second edition. The pictures 
of Memphis and the Bastion de St. Julien, facing pages 43 and 
57 in both editions, are printed from the same plates. The 
picture of Phile, facing page 81 in the first edition and page 
73 of the second edition, is printed from the same plates in 
both editions. The picture of Ptolemy, facing page 113 in 
the first edition and facing page 121 in the second edition, is 
printed from a new set of plates in the second edition. 

A printed catalogue of the members of the Philomathean So- 
ciety in 1859 is bound up with copies of the second edition and 
at the end a small lithographed slip in Morton’s handwriting is 
inserted, noting the copyright, which does not appear in the 
first edition. The original binding of the second edition was of 
cloth, in either red, green, or brown, with a gold sphynx 
stamped on the front and back covers. ‘‘The second edition,” 
writes Morton “came out in the spring of 1859, and like its 
predecessor, was not very long in being exhausted. So that for 
over twenty years [Morton wrote in 1892] the Rosetta Stone 
Report has been numbered among ‘scarce’ publications, only 
to be obtained from antiquarian book dealers and at the sale of 
libraries.” 

In many copies of the second edition there will be found in- 
serted a letter written by Baron Alexander von Humboldt, 
dated March 12, 1859, conveying his congratulations to the 
Society upon its achievement in the translation and publica- 
tion and remarking: 


I have received with very lively interest the Report of the Committee 
of the Philomathean Society at the University of Pennsylvania to translate 
the inscription on the Rosetta Stone. . . . The scientific analysis of the 
celebrated inscription of Rosetta, which despite the confusion of the hiero- 
glyphic style, remains a historic monument of great importance, has ap- 
peared to me especially worthy of praise, since it offers the first essay at 
independent investigation offered by the literature of the new continent. 


This letter is reproduced in facsimile with an English 
translation in Hale’s handwriting facing it. Tradition has it 


240 RANDOLPH G. ADAMS 


that similar letters were received from Washington Irving, 
Edward Everett, and George Grote, but I have never been 
able to find out what became of these. 

While looking for copies of this book, I had the pleasure of 
examining the copy in the library of the Philadelphia biblio- 
phile, Judge John Marshall Gest. His might be called a “large 
paper copy”’ save for the fact that it is not really printed on 
large sheets, but mounted on them. It measures 33 by 26 cm. 
Leaves taken from a copy of the second edition have been care- 
fully mounted on the recto of the larger sheet, one page to each 
sheet. Thus two copies of the second edition had to be taken 
apart to make this one “de luxe” edition. On holding any 
page to the light, one can see the printing on the other side, 
now concealed. If Judge Gest does not possess what is techni- 
cally a large paper copy, at least he has two copies in one. It is 
elaborately bound in black morocco, tooled, with the sphynx 
common to other copies of the second edition stamped in gold 
on both covers. This is done from the same binder’s stamp as 
in the other copies of that edition. 

In this copy there was a clipping of an editorial from a New 
York newspaper of 1859, which reprints the Humboldt letter 
and confirms the story of other and similar letters having been 
received from Irving, Grote, and Everett. The presence in the 
Harvard University Library of a copy of the first edition in- 
scribed “Mr. Everett, with the kind regards of Mrs. Gilpin, 
Jany. Ist, 1859. Phila.” lends additional support to the tradi- 
tion. 

The principal American periodical of the day, which might 
be expected to review a book of this sort, was the Historical 
Magazine, with Notes and Queries, and in the February issue 
for 1859 there is a rather enthusiastic review which the edi- 
torial writer above referred to ascribes to the pen of George 
Bancroft — on what authority, I do not know.’ Another and 


g. Vol. 111, 62. 


THE ROSETTA STONE 241 


rather lengthy review appeared in The Crayon where in those 
days one might expect to find intelligent criticism of artisti- 
cally printed books.” Another review appeared in the New 
Englander.4 

Of the association copies of the book, several are worth notic- 
ing. The copy of the first edition inscribed “Library of the 
Philomathean Society from the authors” is preserved in the 
Library at the University of Pennsylvania, along with a copy 
of the second edition inscribed “Presented to the Philomathean 
Society on the occasion of its Centennial by Josiah H. Penni- 
man” (now President of the University). Mr. Albert Rosen- 
thal has the copy of the first edition inscribed “Max Rosenthal 
with the sincere regards of Henry Morton” and the Library of 
the University Club of Philadelphia has another bearing an in- 
scription by Morton. 

In the Appendix, Morton mentions that the book was one of 
the first published in Philadelphia in which the sheets had been 
folded by machinery, and ascribes the invention of that ma- 
chine to Mr. Cyrus Chambers of Philadelphia. Mr. Chambers’s 
copy is now in the library of a relative, Mr. John P. Croasdale, 
of Daylesford, Pennsylvania. In the Preface the translators 
express gratitude not only to Gilpin, but to William E. Whit- 
man, and I have a copy of the second edition that Mr. Whit- 
man presented to the Reverend G. H. Nichols, in 1860. Hale 
presented a copy of the second edition with appropriate in- 
scription to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Finally, collectors of this book ought to understand that they 
cannot be sure of having a complete set of all possible forms of 
the production until they possess all of the following: 


The first edition bound (a) in maroon boards; (4) in brown boards. The 
second edition bound (c) in red cloth; (¢d) in brown cloth; (e) in green 
cloth; (f) in black morocco. The second edition with the names of the 
Committee not printed but actually written on page 6, bound (g) in red 
cloth; (4) in brown cloth; (2) in green cloth; (j) in black morocco. 


to. Vol. vt, 186. 11. Vol. xxvil, 549. 


me € #09) 





Fhe Talle of Maltiglieatbes 





. ! 
This Table of Atulriplicasion is thus to be 
read, In che frft’ Row or Columa: towards 
the let hand, and alfo at the cop ol the 


Vaus, you have the ane Digits in 


Dip pcr 
Figured 


Bradford, 1710 


MULTIPLICATION, 46 
a. The Multipyer, etSuraby » 
which yea Multiply. ; : . 
je The Produ, er Sum dis | 8 
Produced. Sis sl te 
But before you earer upen the 2 Tima | Gis Iso 
Practice of Mulipfication, it is 2 is 114 
peceffary te learn the Melriplica- Bis 146 
uon Table by heart. which is is ; 8 
here ferin thé Margine 9 
O Read this Table of i - is 
Muluplication, sis } 35 
ata. dae bees Sars 6 is | 18 
Figure 2, laying, suimes 215 | 2 Times | 7 Is | 28 
4. 24ly, 3 times 3 is 9, &c. Bis bug 
Next, 4 umes 4 is 166 Then 9 is 27 
in the laft Line read, 9 times 
gis-81. The Tableis fo plain, 4is J 16 
that I'seed give you no more $is | 29 
Ducdtions. © 4Ti ~ 6 is 24 
Therefore I shal! procced 10 mS | is $8 
mre you fome Examples of the 8 is 13> 
Practice of Mustiplicetion, 9 15 } 36 
3 ——— eS Oo es 
J. Example, What is theNum- 3 3 ae od 
Ber of 3 tumes 654? * is Z 
An{were Uf you fedownthe | & Times s ig § 35 
Number €$4, 3 times one un- 8 is I 4o 
derthcother, and add themre- | og 9 { #5 
ether, you wall find the Num- 6 ie | 36 
. to be 1962. i is 42 
But by Multiplication Such 6 Times i is |} 43 
Queftions are more readily an- ‘gis | 54 
therefore I. fet the Number ia | 738 Le 
euchion down thus, 7 Times is 156 
654 Multiphicand, A gis | 63}. 
. Mulriplyer. ay Pay 
in ‘otes thereto, you moft | 3 Times { 5 rn é4 
Coferve, In Muitiplication He Bh 4 22 
Sc towb the grcareft Number Tires is 
&f, aw the ees under a; and g Tee ch 
den 
Bradford, 1728 























MULTIPLICATION. 23 


The Ufe of the Table of Maltiplication, and the Manner bow 


we to be read. 


This Table fheweth what the furn of any two Digits multiplied 
one vi Gece daicias amount unto, and is thus to be read, 2 times 
2 ma 
4 makes 24, 7 times 8 makes 56, 8 times 8 makes 64, 9 times 

' 9 makes 81, Ge. é 4 


4» 2 times 3 makes 6, 2 times 4 makes 8 3 Allo 6 times 


Another Table of Mutsiplicasion. 


SS NE SE I SITES 


F 





This Table is thus to be read; In the firit Row, or Coliiern. 
towards the left-hand, and alfo at the top of the Table, you hav: 
the nine Digits in bigger Figures than the reft; 
oy firft ps repnaieg ee iy 

¢. tog. Lhofe at the top of the ‘Table, beginning wiih 9 towards 

{the left-hand, and fo backwards, BG, tee . 
Zight-hand. 


f the Figures in 
and {fo proceeding by 2, 3,4, 


by 8, 7, 6, &e. to 4, at the 


Leybourn, the source 


The Youns Man’s Companiis, 14 
three Terms, Mubigh. 


t. The Makiplicand, (generdlly the grestes 
Naiben) is the Nembatvo be tealmiegne Of the two 


2. The Makiplier, -the léefler 
bers) is the Number to many with. bie two New 
CAs Preduf, ip the 


| Maltiphcation Table 
O read this Table of Multi ication, 
I Firf, a atthe Top, eae ae 
gores 2 and. 2, s Tine ke 
3 


4 is 82 me, See is 9, 
» Ee 4 Times ¢ is 16, &c. 
Lafh, The lak Lise : 9 Times 9 is a. 


Mather, the source 


COLONIAL AMERICAN ARITHMETICS 


By LOUIS C. KARPINSKI 
Of the University of Michigan 


HE arithmetics which appeared in the New World before 

the Revolution reflect in large outlines the history of 
America. First in order come the Spanish arithmetics, pub- 
lished probably in small editions and based on Spanish origi- 
nals. Next appears a strictly colonial product in English, a 
compendium of practical information modelled after English 
texts. Most popular up to 1800, as shown by the number of 
editions, are the American reprints of English originals, com- 
monly unchanged except by the insertion of a reference to 
America in the title. The American texts bear witness to the 
fact that the English colonists made America their home; the 
end and goal of their ambitions was here. For nearly three 
centuries after Cartier no French arithmetic appears in Canada, 
reflecting the fact that for the great majority of the French in 
America Canada was only a stepping-stone to success in 
France and not the home of their children. 

The third separate textbook on arithmetic to appear in the 
northern colonies was printed in New York in Dutch, a natural 
and typical product of New Amsterdam. The only arithmetic 
in German to appear in America before 1800 is dated 1786, a 
“Rechenbuechlin’ by Ludwig Hoecker, published at Ephrata. 
However, arithmetical tables in German, for traders, appeared 
at Germantown in 1774. 

Three lists of American arithmetics have been published.! 

1, Cajori, The Teaching and History of Mathematics in the United States, 
Washington, Bureau of Education, Circular of Information, No. 3, 1890, pp. 45-49, 
with the footnotes on those pages. 


James M. Greenwood and Artemas Martin, Notes on the History of American 
Text-books on Arithmetic. Report of the Commissioner of Education for the year 


244 LOUIS C. KARPINSKI 


Of these the most ambitious, that prepared by Greenwood and 
Martin, indicates only two texts before 1775. Cajori listed 
seven published during the period in the present United States. 
In the present list are included twenty-one works and also four 
Mexican. 

The first arithmetical work printed in America appeared in 
Mexico in 1556. While concerned primarily with giving tables 
to compute the value of given quantities of silver and gold of 
various degrees of refinement, the author interjects a serious 
discussion of some twelve pages on arithmetic, and, what is 
more remarkable, about the same amount on strictly algebrai- 
cal problems. In this work the author follows closely the pro- 
cedure of sixteenth-century Spanish arithmetics, like that by 
Juan de Ortega, printed at Seville in 1542 and again in 1652, 
Of the three seventeenth-century Mexican treatises on arith- 
metic I have been able to locate only one, the ‘Breve arit- 
metica’ by Benito Fernandez de Belo, Mexico, 1675, which is 
in the John Carter Brown Library. 

In English the first serious discussion of arithmetic appears 
in William Bradford’s ‘The Young Man’s Companion,’ of 1705 
published by him in New York City. No copy is known, but 
Mr. Eames has established the year by the dating in problems 
of the 1710 edition. Bradford in 1728 states that “It is now 
above thirty years since I first compiled this short Manuel.” 
The sources of the compilation are not mentioned by him. 
There were two principal sources: William Mather’s ‘A Very 
Useful Manual, or the Young Man’s Companion,’ London, 
1681, and William Leybourn’s ‘Arithmetick, Vulgar, Decimal, 
Instrumental, Algebraical,’ London, 1657. The fourth edition 
of Mather in 1695 ? involved additions in verse by Mather’s 


1897-98, Washington, D. C., pp. 789-868. Report. . . for 1898-99, Washington, 
1900, pp. 781-837. 

W. S. Monroe, Development of Arithmetics as a School Subject, Bulletin No. 10, 
U. S. Bureau of Education, 1917, p. 14, with footnote and pp. 157-159. 

2. Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xxxvu, pp. 31-32. 


COLONIAL ARITHMETICS 245 


son; it is possible that some of the verses in Bradford are from 
this edition, to which I have not had access. The eighth edition 
(London, 1710) ® bears the title in the British Museum Cata- 
logue, “The Young Man’s Companion, or Arithmetick made 
easie; with plain directions for a young man to attain to read 
and write true English.’ Twenty-four editions are said to have 
appeared.‘ Leybourn’s treatise enjoyed at least four further 
editions, those of 1659, 1660, 1678, and 1700.5 Largely the 
same material appeared in his compendium of mathematics of 
1690. 

The first twenty pages of the 1728 edition of Bradford, on 
Directions for Spelling, Reading and Writing True English, 
are practically identical, even to the italicization, with Mather. 
On the whole, the arithmetic (Bradford, pages 31-73, 1728 edi- 
tion) was based on Leybourn’s work, frequently large sections 
being taken verbatim. However, some sections appear to be 
written by Bradford, and a section on multiplication (pages 49- 
50) is taken verbatim from Mather. An interesting change by 
Bradford is in a problem given by Leybourn, “rom London 
to Coventry is accounted 76 miles. How many Yards therefore is 
it from London ¢o Coventry?” Bradford reads: “From New 
York ¢o Philadelphia it 7s accounted 102 Miles. How many 
Yards is it from New York ¢o Philadelphia?” In the edition of 
1710 Bradford included also the scratch method of division. 
He discarded this, however, in the 1728 edition, leaving our 
present method as explained by Leybourn. It is possible that 
the earlier editions of Leybourn or Mather employed this 
method, but these are not available to the writer. One further 
division problem is included by Bradford, apparently original, 
in the 1728 edition; the form of the multiplication table is 

3. Edition of 1728, pp. 29-30, 91, 92, et al. 

4. My references are to the sixteenth (London) edition of 1741, in the University 
of Michigan Library. 


5. My references are to the edition of 1700 in the University of Michigan 
Library. See also Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xxx111, pp. 208-209. 


246 - LOUIS C. KARPINSKI 


changed from the Leybourn type to the Mather type, and 
some problems on the table are omitted. Aside from these 
changes the arithmetic in the 1728 edition is the same as in the 
1710 edition. 

The latter portions of Bradford’s work include other ma- 
terial taken directly from Mather, as, for example, five letters 
included among fifty in Part 111, on the Method of Writing 
Letters. The section on Bills, Deeds, Bonds, and the like does 
not correspond closely either to Mather or to Leybourn and 
includes frequently references indicating American authorship. 

Of the other arithmetics listed, the American reprint of 
George Fisher’s ‘Instructor: or, Young Man’s Companion,’ 
and the reprint of Thomas Dilworth’s ‘Schoolmaster’s Assist- 
ant’ were the dominating textbooks in arithmetic in America 
until 1800. No other work approached these two in popularity. 
Fisher’s work bears some resemblance to Bradford in that the 
author borrowed generously from Mather’s work, with more 
verbal changes and without any acknowledgment. 


COLONIAL ARITHMETICS 247 


List oF ARITHMETICS AND ARITHMETICAL WorKS 
PUBLISHED IN AMERICA UP TO 1775 


ABBREVIATIONS: AAS, AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SocieETy, Worcester, Mass.; 
HSP, Historicar Society or Pennsytvania; JCB, Jonn Carter Brown Lisrary, 
Provipence, R. I.; LC, Liprary or Coneress; M, University or Micuican; 
NYHS, New York Historicat Society; NYP, New York Pusuic Lisrary; 
P, Liprary or Mr. Georce A. Puimpton, New York City. 


1556. Juan Diez FReyLe, Sumario Compendioso de las quentas de plata 
y oro... Con algunas reglas tocantes al Aritmetica. Mexico. 
Printed by Juan Pablos of Brescia. (1) 

1623. PEepro Paz, Arte para aprender todo el menor del Aritmetica, sin 
Maestro. Mexico. Printed by Juan Ruyz. 2 Il. + 181 numbered 
folios + 3 ll. of tables; 21 chapters. (2) 

1649. ATANASIUS Reaton, Pasamonte, Arte menor de Aritmetica. 
Printed by Viuda de B. Calderon. 31l.+ 78 numbered folios; 14 
chapters. (3) 

1675. Brniro FERNANDEZ DE BELO, Breve aritmetica por el mas sucinto 
modo, que hasta oy se ha visto. Mexico: Viuda de B. Calderon. 


4 ll. + 11 numbered folios, 1 plate. JCB (4) 
1705. Wiii1AM BraprorD, Young Man’s Companion, New York. No 
copy known. (5) 


1710. WiLi1aM BraprorpD, The Young Man’s Companion. In four parts. 
Part II. Arithmetick made easie, and the Rules thereof Explained 
and made familiar to the Capacity of those that desire to learn in a 
little time. . . . Printed and Sold by William and Andrew Bradford, 
at the Bible in New York, 1710. Two imperfect copies in private 


hands; photographic copy in New York Public Library. (6) 
1719. Wu1LL1AM Braprorb, The Secretary’s Guide, or Young Man’s Com- 
panion. (7) 
1719. Hopper, Boston, Reprint of an English text. Printer: J. Frank- 
lin. 211. + viii + 216 pp. LC, AAS (8) 


1728. Wui.1AM Braprorp, The Secretary’s Guide, or, Young Man’s Com- 
panion, In Four Parts. Fourth Edition. Part II, Arithmetick 
made easie. New York: W. Bradford. 5 ll.+ 192 pp. 

JCB, LC, P (9) 

1729. Isaac GreENwoop, Arithmetick, Vulgar and Decimal; Boston. 
Printers: S. Kneeland and T. Green. First separate text by a native 
of colonial America. Title, 158 pp., 4 pp. Index and 4 pp. Adv. 

LC, Harvard (10) 
Wiiu1amM BraprorD, The Secretary’s Guide, New York: Wm. 
Bradford. § ll. + 192 pp. LC (11) 

1730. Perer Venema, Arithmetica of Cyffer Konst, Dutch, New York. 

Printer: J. Peter Zenger. 120 pp. NYHS (12) 


248 


1'737- 
1738. 


1748. 


1748. 


1749. 
1753. 


1758. 


1760, 


1766. 
1770. 


1770. 


1773- 


1774. 


1775: 


1775: 


COLONIAL ARITHMETICS 


Wo. Braprorp, The Secretary’s Guide, New York. Printer: Wm. 


Bradford. 5 ll. + 248 pp. NYP (13) 
Wn. BraprorbD, The Secretary’s Guide, Philadelphia: Andrew 
Bradford. 5 ll. + 248 pp. P (14) 


JonaTHAN Burnuam, Arithmetick for the use of Farmers and Coun- 
try People. New London: T. Green. Advertised early in 1748 as 
just published (J. H. Trumbull, List of Books Printed in Connecti- 
cut, 1904). (15) 
GeorceE FisHer, The American Instructor; or, Young Man’s Best 
Companion, contaihing Spelling, Reading, Writing, and Arithme- 
tick, in an easier Way than any yet published. Reprint of an Eng- 
lish work. Philadelphia. Printer: Benjamin Franklin and Hall. 
v + 378 pp., § plates. NYP (16) 
[Same] Boston. No copy located; Evans only authority. (17) 
FisHer, Young Man’s Best Companion, Philadelphia. Printer: 
Benj. Franklin and W. Hall. v +384 (2) pp., 6 plates. HSP (18) 


Conclusiones Mathematicas. . . . per Don Fernando de Araya, 
Manila. A mathematical thesis defended at the University of the 
Society of Jesus in Manila. M (19) 
GeorcE FisHer, American Instructor, 12th ed. New York: Hugh 
Gaine. v (1) +378 pp. NYHS (20) 
FisHER, Same. New York: Hugh Gaine. (21) 
FisHer, American Instructor. 14th ed. v-+390 pp. New York, 
H. Gaine. HSP (22) 
[Anon.], The Youth’s Instructor ... III Rules in Arithmetick. 
Boston: Mein and Fleming. 152 pp. P (23) 
FIsHER, same, 15th ed. Philadelphia: Dunlap. v +390 pp., port., 
fold. plate. AAS, NYP (24) 


Tuomas Ditwortu, the Schoolmaster’s Assistant, being a com- 
pendium of arithmetic, both practical and theoretical. Philadelphia: 
J. Crukshank. (2), xiv (iv) +192 pp., fold. leaf, portrait. Reprint 
of an English work. HSP (25) 
Danie. Fenninc, The Ready Reckoner. American edition of an 
English work. Germantown: Chr. Saur. 280 pp. AAS, NYP (26) 
DaniEL Fenninc, Der Geschwinder Rechner, Oder; des Handler’s 
nutzlicher Gehiilfe in Kauffung, etc. Germantown: Christoph 
Saur. 280 pp. Largely tables, but strictly arithmetical. NYP (27) 
Théses de Mathematiques qui seront soutenues au Seminaires de 
Quebec...par MM...Panet, Perrault, Chauveaux. Quebec. 

NYP (28) 
Fisuer, Instructor or, Young Man’s Best Companion. Burlington, 
N. J., Isaac Collins. xii + 372 pp., title, fold. plate, 15 plates. This 
title and date occur also as second title-page in 1787 Philadelphia 
edition. HSP (29) 


SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MEXICAN IMPRINTS 


By HENRY R. WAGNER 
Of Berkeley, California 


O an American interested in the history of the New 

World, whether he be a North American or a South 
American, the early productions of the press of Mexico and 
Lima must always prove of fascinating interest. Like most 
origins, that of printing in Mexico is involved in considerable 
obscurity. About the only two things that we know positively 
are that Juan Cromberger, or Cronberger, a printer of German 
origin who had a large establishment in Seville, sent out a 
press to Mexico sometime after June, 1539, and also sent out 
Juan Pablos, a native of Brescia in Italy, to operate it. The 
other definite fact known is that Pablos printed something in 
December, 1 540, of which the last leaf or two containing the 
colophon remains. 

The early historians of the lhe orders, writing on the 
provinces in Spanish America, make numerous references to 
the works that had been written or published by members of 
their own orders. Naturally these were mostly of a religious 
character or intended for religious instruction. Some were 
written in Spanish and others in the native languages. 

From notices which we find scattered through the works of 
such writers, Antonio de Leon in 1629 managed to get to- 
gether a list of some twenty-two works printed in Mexico. Of 
these, sixteen only are now known. Four of those which he 
does not say were printed have since been discovered to have 
been published. In no case did he give any collations, and as 
a rule the dates of printing are lacking. When Gonzales Barcia 
published a second edition of this work in 1737, he made large 
additions; in fact, the additions exceed in bulk the original 
work. Nevertheless he was not able to increase the number of 


250 HENRY R. WAGNER 


sixteenth-century Mexican imprints to any appreciable extent 
— asure proof that at that period very few of these works had 
reached Spain. From the nature of the works themselves this 
was what might have been expected, as most of them were 
locked up in theconvent libraries in Mexico,and many intended | 
for the education of the Indians had disappeared through use. 
Thus it is that in the early part of the nineteenth century 
very few of the early imprints had been described, or even 
seen, by European bibliographers. Henri Ternaux in his ‘ Bib- 
liotéque Américaine,’ 1837, lists twenty-two, of which it ap- 
pears that he had actually seen only one. Beristain, who lived 
in Mexico and had access to the convent libraries, gives the 
titles of some forty-six which he presumably saw. 

It was not until the suppression of the convents under the 
reform laws in the period between 1855 and 1860, and the con- 
sequent dispersal of many of their libraries, that these works 
began to appear in private hands. Several large collections 
were formed out of the wreck of these libraries, notably those 
made by José Maria Andrade, José Fernando Ramirez, Father 
Augustin Fischer, and last but not least, Joaquin Garcia 
Icazbalceta. 

Icazbalceta, as he is usually called, although he should be 
referred to as Garcia, was the son of a Spaniard who had accu- 
mulated in Mexico a large fortune for those days. As early as 
1845, when only twenty years of age, he began to devote his 
— leisure to the collection of early manuscripts and early books. 
From copies in his possession and in that of Sefior Ramirez he 
prepared a study on the early press of Mexico, which appeared 
in the ‘Diccionario Universal’ in 1855. Shortly after this, 
Henry Harrisse began the collection of material for his monu- 
mental work, ‘Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima,’ and se- 
cured a large amount of information regarding the early 
imprints from Icazbalceta himself, as well as from the ‘Diccio- 
nario.’ In 1866 this work was published in New York, and in it 


MEXICAN IMPRINTS 251 


will be found a description of fifteen sixteenth-century Mexican 
imprints and the titles of some sixty-four additional ones. 
From a perusal of the list it is evident that he secured his infor- 
mation almost entirely from Icazbalceta, as he was able to 
locate in the libraries of James Lenox, John Carter Brown, and 
S. L. M. Barlow, only eight distinct works. In 1872, in the 
‘Additions’ which Harrisse published, appeared a notice of one 
more work, which at that time was in the Biblioteca Provincial 
de Toledo in Spain, but has since disappeared. In 1872 Har- 
risse’s notes were translated into Spanish and published in 
Spain in a pamphlet entitled, ‘Introduccion de la Imprenta en 
América.’ In this list will be found a description of fifty-eight 
works taken from Harrisse, Icazbalceta’s ‘Apuntes’ of 1866, 
and other sources, besides the bare titles of some twenty-five 
more. . 

In 1866, Icazbalceta himself published his ‘Apuntes’ of 
Mexican imprints in the native languages, embracing to a large 
extent the information which he had previously imparted to 
Mr. Harrisse; and in 1886 he published his grand work, “Bibli- 
ografia del Siglo XVI.’ By this time the libraries formed by 
Andrade, Ramirez, and Father Fischer had been dispersed in 
Leipzig and London, and large numbers of the early works had 
passed into the possession of American collectors, notably 
James Lenox, John Carter Brown, and H. H. Bancroft, who at 
that time was forming his library for the purpose of writing 
his History of California. Sefior Icazbalceta described in his 
work one hundred and eighteen titles, of which thirteen were 
not known to exist; but he believed them to have been pub- 
lished, from what he considered reliable information derived 
from the early chroniclers of the religious orders or from frag- 
ments. 

In 1903, Dr. Nicolés Leon, who at that time lived in Morelia, 
had been able to secure either copies or descriptions of a few 
additional sixteenth-century imprints, mostly relating to the 


252 HENRY R. WAGNER 


Tarascan language, which is spoken in that neighborhood. 
These additions he published in the ‘Bibliografia Mexicana.’ 
Ultimately he disposed of most of the works which he himself 
possessed to the John Carter Brown Library, which by this 
time had become very active in building up a collection of 
these works. Mr. Wilberforce Eames, while connected with the 
Lenox Library before it was merged into the New York Public 
Library, had been interested in the subject, and he tells me 
that he had considerable correspondence with Sefior Icazbal- 
ceta in regard to it; and it is possible that many descriptions 
contained in Sabin’s ‘Dictionary’ were obtained from him. 

Finally, in 1907, José Toribio Medina, in his “Imprenta en 
Mexico,’ brought together all the existing information and 
managed to make up a list of some two hundred and thirty-four 
imprints. With the exception of a considerable collection of 
official and scholastic publications in the last decade of the 
century, Sefior Medina was able to add very little to Sefior 
Icazbalceta’s list and Dr. Leon’s additions of known works, 
many of his numbers being those of works supposed to have 
been printed. 

Since the appearance of this last work no further publica- 
tions, to my knowledge, have appeared on the subject, but a 
few hitherto undescribed works of considerable importance 
have since been discovered: namely, a perfect copy of the 1548 
edition of the ‘Doctrina Christiana,’ two works of Molina 
printed in 1569, a ‘Graduale Dominicale’ of 1576, and a *Car- 
tilla’ of 1569. Besides those now known to have been printed, 
as evidenced by complete or incomplete copies, there is suffi- 
cient reason to believe that at least fifty more were published 
of which no trace exists. 

The census presented herewith can be considered as strictly 
up to date for the leading public libraries listed 1n the United 
States and for the British Museum. Dr. Thomas of the latter 
institution has only recently very kindly revised the list, and 


MEXICAN IMPRINTS 253 


Mr. Wilberforce Eames, Dr. George Watson Cole, Mr. Herbert 
Putnam, Miss Clara A. Smith, Mr. George Parker Winship, 
and Mr. Lawrence C. Wroth have kindly furnished me with 
the necessary information for the principal libraries in this 
country. For those in the Gates collection I have utilized the 
recently published sale catalogue of the American Art Associ- 
ation. To compile lists of these imprints in the various libraries 
in Spain and Spanish America I have been compelled to utilize 
those given by Sefior Medina in his ‘Imprenta en Mexico.’ 
This embodies information of some twenty years ago, and it is 
a notorious fact that since that time much shifting of these 
copies has taken place. The Biblioteca de Fomento has been 
merged in the Biblioteca Nacional, and during the process a 
number of the books have disappeared. The Biblioteca de Ul- 
tramar, which possesses the library of Pascual de Gayangos 
and therefore the fragmentary numbers 2 and 3, is still in ex- 
istence, but now functions as a department of the Biblioteca 
Nacional. The books in all three of these libraries are therefore 
listed under the Biblioteca Nacional. 

According to the best information I could obtain while on a 
visit to Mexico some two years ago, the Icazbalceta collection 
of sixteenth-century imprints is still intact, although the li- 
brary suffered some depredations during the revolution. The 
famous collection of José Maria Agreda, who died about four 
or five years ago, has been largely dispersed. I did not at- 
tempt to check up Medina’s references to imprints in the Bibli- 
oteca Nacional or other public institutions in Mexico or Spain. 
Medina in his book also credited himself with a considerable 
number, but it is understood that he has disposed of some of 
those that he had in 1907. 

It is quite likely that some of the books which were known in 
the last century and which have now disappeared will be found 
in the collection either of Sir Thomas Phillips or of Francisco 
de Zabalburu. This latter library, which I believe contains 


254 HENRY R. WAGNER 


most of the rare works which belonged to José Sancho Rayon, 
has been closed for the past twenty years. 

The following table shows the location of the sixteenth cen- 
tury Mexican imprints which have been registered. The [*] 
denotes that the copy is reported to be approximately com- 
plete; [{], that it is more or less fragmentary. 

The numbers in the left-hand column correspond to the 
numbered title entries in Medina, ‘La Imprenta en México,’ 
vol. 1, 1908. A brief title of some of the more common works 
is given in the notes at the end of the table. 


ADDITIONS 


Veritas domini manet in eternum. | [Large woodcut like thé one on the 
title of the 1550 edition.] Dotrina christiana en légua Espafiola y Mexicana: 
hecha poré los religiosos dela ord | d’ sct6 Domingo. [The colophon, which 
is on the verso of 156, will be found in Medina.] 
4to, title in red and black, leaves numbered ii-clvi and two unnumbered 
at the end. 
Preliminaries: On the verso of the title begins the Pré/ogo sobre la pre- 
sente obra, which terminates on the verso of the second leaf, followed by 
- the Tabla, which ends on the verso of the third leaf, followed by the 
Silibario to the end of leaf ix. The text begins on leaf x with the words 
Yo pecador, and ends on the recto of clvi. On the verso of this leaf is the 
colophon, and then follow two leaves, with the Correctorio on the recto 
of the first, verso blank, the last leaf being blank. Sigs.: a-v of 8 leaves 
each, except the last, which has 6. 
Until recently this 1548 edition was known only by two imperfect copies, 
both lacking the title and the last two leaves; the copy belonging to 
Senior Icazbalceta lacked the first nine leaves and the last two, and that 
belonging to Sefior José Maria Agreda is still more imperfect. The copy 
which we are describing and which is now in the Huntington Library is 
_ perhaps in the finest condition of all the examples extant of the early 
Mexican press. 


Confessionario breue, en lengua | Mexicana y Castellana: compuesto por el 
muy Re | uerendo Padre Fray Alonso de Molina, de la | ordé del Seraphico 
padre sant Fracisco.| [Large woodcut.] Mexico, en casa de Antonio 
d’Espinosa Impressor.| 1569. Afios. [Colophon on the verso of 18 ] 
Acabose de impri| mir este Confessionario, en | quinze de Margo, de 
1569. Afios. | 

4to, title, leaves numbered 2-18. On the verso of the title is the license 

of the Royal Audiencia, dated Mexico, November 24, 1564. 


MEXICAN IMPRINTS 265 


Confessionario ma | yor, en la lengua Mexicana y Castellana: | Compu- 
esto por el muy Reuerendo padre Fray Al | onso de Molina, de la orden del 
Seraphico | padre Sant Francisco: | [Large woodcut.] En Mexico| En 
casa de Antonio de Espinosa Impressor.| 1569. Afios. | [Colophon:] 
Acabose de imprimir este Confessiona | rio, en la muy insigne y gran ciudad 
de Mexico: en casa de Antonio de Espinosa impressor de libros, junto a la 
yglesia | de Sefior sant Augustin: a. 23 de Septiebre. Afio. de. 1565. | Laus 
deo. 
4to, title, leaves numbered 2-121 and 3 unnumbered at the end. In the 
foliation folio 103 is misnumbered 95. On the verso of the title is the 
license of the Audiencia and the epistola nuncupatoria to the Archbishop 
Fr. Alonso de Montufar, dated Mexico, the 6th of November, 1564. The 
3 unnumbered leaves at the end contain a Tabla de las mas principales 
materias, which begins in the middle of the recto of folio 121. Sigs.: a-q 
in fours, except the last, which has only two leaves. 
These editions have the same collation as the editions of 1565, and ap- 
parently there is no difference between them except in the titles and in 
the Confessionario mayor in which other differences in the first signature 
would indicate that this had been reprinted. These two notable works 
were at one time in the possession of Genaro Garcia, and were sold about 
1916. I understand that they were bought by the Mexican government 
and are therefore in the Museo Nacional or the Biblioteca Nacional. 


Cartilla para ensenar a leer, nueuamente enmenda | da, y quitadas todas 
las abreuiaturas que antes tenia. | [Large woodcut of San Francisco re- 
ceiving the stigmata. Below this is the alphabet.] [Colophon:] Mexico en 
casa de Pedro Ocharte, 1569 Afios. 
Small 4to, 8 unnumbered leaves. 
This interesting example of what is probably the only known primer 
printed in Mexico in the sixteenth century is now in the Huntington 
Library. It is in three languages — Spanish, Latin, and a Mexican- 
Indian dialect. 
NOS DON 
Hazemos saber a todos los | vezinos y moradores de todas las ciudades, 
villas, y lugares de todo este obispado: assi hobres como mugeres, de cual- 
quier estado, dignidad y codicio que sea... | que nuestro muy sancto padre 
summo Romano Pontifice Pio Quinto. | .| .. ha hecho y estatudo vna 
sancta constituccion y decreto en fauor del dicho sancto officio d’ la In- 
quisicio y sus ministros, . . . | la qual es del tenor q. se sigue. 
A broadside printed on one side only of a double folio sheet, with the 
following at the bottom: 
En Mexico, en casa de Pedro Ocharte: por mandado del Illustre sefior 
Maestro Fray Bartholome de Ledesma, Administrador | en esta Arco- 
bispado por el Reuerendissimo del. 
As the decree of the Pope was issued in Rome in 1569, it is the opinion of 
Luis Gonzales Obregon that it was printed in Mexico sometime in 1570. 
At the present time it is in the Museo Nacional. 


256 HENRY R. WAGNER 


Graduale Dominicale. [Large woodcut.] Secundum norman Misalis noui. 
ex decreto | Sancti Concilii Triden. nunc denuo, ex industria, studio et 
labore admodum Reue| rendi Bachalauri Joannis Hernandez, excussum, 
et innumeris mendis su perfluitacibus (quibus scaturiebat) notularum can- 
tus repurgatum. Su | per-additis et de nouo compositis per eundem Bacha- 
laurem, cum In | troitibus officii, cum Gradualibus, Alleluia, et Tractibus, 
cum demu | Ossértoris, et Communinnibus, quorum antea non fuerat vsus. 
Mexici | In edibus Antonii Spinosa. | Sumtibus et expensis Petri Ocharte. 
176. | [Colophon:] Mexici Excvdebat Antonivs Espi | nosa. 1576. | 
Large folio, title, 1 unnumbered leaf, leaves numbered 1-208. Sigs.: 
A-Z, aa-cc. Errors in pagination: 45, 51, 120, 136, 136, for 44, 59, 
11g, 128, 135. 
Graduale dominicale. [Large woodcut.] Secidum normam Missalis noui: 
ex decreto | Sancti Concilij Triden. nunc denuo, ex industria, studio & labore 
admodum Reue|rendi Bachalaurei Joannis Hernandez. excusam, & in 
numeris mendis et su | perfluitatibus quibus scaturiebat notularum cantus 
repurgatum. Su| per additis et de nouo compositis per eundem Bacha- 
laureum. cum In | troitibus officij, cum Gradualibus Alleluia, & Tractibus 
demum | Offertorijs, et Communionibus, quorum antea non fuerat vsus. | 
Mexico. | Por Pedro Ocharte. | [Colophon:] Mexici. Excudebat Petrus 
Ocharte. 1576. 
2 p. 1, 208 numb. lvs. Sigs.: A-Z aa-ce in eights. 
41.7 X 25.9 cm. (Binding 42 X 27.5 cm.) 
Fol. 33 (E 1) missing. Errors in pagination: 36, 45, 46, 136, 113, 149, 
172, 170, 125 for 39s 44 455 128, 131, 139, 173, 175; 205. 
A comparison of the titles of these last two books and their collations 
would indicate that they are the same work with the exception of the 
title-pages and the colophons. The one first described appeared in a 
catalogue of Porraa Hermanos in Mexico City in 1916. I believe it be- 
longed to Sr. Luis Gonzales Obregon, and I have since understood that 
it was sold to the Mexican government. The second one described is 
now in the Newberry Library, Chicago, having been presented to that 
institution by Archbishop Plancarte in 1916. In presenting the book, 
the Archbishop wrote an interesting letter in which he stated that but 
four copies of this book were known, and that the one he had, possessed 
some peculiarities which made it different from the others. As I have 
had no opportunity to compare the two copies and do not know where 
the other two to which he referred are to be found, | am unable to state 
in what respect his copy differs from the others unless it may be in the 
fact that the imprints and the colophons are different. A comparison 
of the titles as printed here will also show some differences, mostly in 
spelling and in abbreviations. Whether these differences really exist or 
were only caused by carelessness in reproduction of the title in Porréa’s 
catalogue, I am unable to say. 
The appearance of the book with two imprints and different colophons 
‘s not to be wondered at under the circumstances of the time. In the 
proceedings taken by the Inquisition against Ocharte in 1572, a full 


MEXICAN IMPRINTS 257 


account of which will be found in ‘Libros y libreros en el siglo XVI,’ pub- 
lished in Mexico in 1914, are numerous indications that Espinosa and 
Ocharte were engaged in joint production of books. From the testimony 
produced during that trial it appears that most of the books were being 
printed by Espinosa at the entire or partial expense of Ocharte. It is 
quite possible that Espinosa had a better press and font of type than 
Ocharte, and therefore Ocharte had made an arrangement with Espinosa 
to print for a joint account the better books. There is another possible 
explanation of the difference. Before this book was found with the im- 
print of Espinosa, no work printed by him was known with a date later 
than 1575. It is known that Espinosa died before 1580, and it has gener- 
ally been supposed that he died in 1575. Possibly what happened is that 
he died in 1576, shortly after printing this book, and then Ocharte put 
out the rest of the edition with a new title-page and a new colophon. 


CORRECTION 


[Tractado Breue De Chirurgia, Y Del Conocimiento Y Cvra De Algvnas 

Enfermedades, Q. En Esta Tierra Mas Comunmente Suelen Aver. Hecho 

Por El Mvy Reverendo Padre Fray Augustin Farfan, Religioso De La 

Orden De Sacto Augustin, Doctor En Medicina, Y Graduado En Esta 

Insigne Vniversidad De Mexico.] 

[Colophon:] En Mexico, En casa de Antonio Ricardo. Afio de 1579. 
The above title is a supposititious one made from the heading of the first 
leaf of the text to the work; then follow 15 preliminary leaves and 274 
numbered leaves, with the colophon on the recto of folio 274. On the 
verso of this leaf is a portrait of the author. No complete copy of this 
work is known, but Sr. Garcia Icazbalceta described one under No. 82, 
more incomplete than the one just described. He called it a ‘Tratado 
breve de medicina,’ and supposed that it was the first edition of Farfan’s 
work, published in 1592 under the same title. This, however, is not the 
case. The author of the notes attached to the description of the book in 
Porrtia’s catalogue (whom I suppose to have been Luis Gonzales Obregon) 
stated that Icazbalceta was entirely mistaken and that the present work 
was a treatise on surgery and not one on medicine. I can personally certify 
that this is the case, because I compared an imperfect copy in the Ban- 
croft Library of the work just described with a copy of the 1592 ‘Tratado 
Medicina’ which belonged to me, and discovered that they were entirely 
different works. 


258 HENRY R. WAGNER 








Rhode Island 


Edward E. Ayer Collection 
Newberry Library, Chicago 
H. H. Bancroft Collection 


University of California 
Biblioteca Andrade 


Annmary Brown Memorial 
Mexico City 


Biblioteca Palafoxiana 


Puebla, Mexico 
Boston, Massachusetts 


British Museum 


Biblioteca San Isidro 
London 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Santiago de Chile 
Biblioteca Provincial 
Toledo, Spain 
Madrid, Spain 
Biblioteca de 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Biblioteca de 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Mexico City 


Biblioteca Lafragua 
Madrid, Spain 


José Maria de Agreda 
Mexico City 
Providence, 
Biblioteca de : 
Guadalajara, Mexico 
Mexico City 
Biblioteca de 
Morelia, Mexico 
Oaxaca, Mexico 
Biblioteca de 
Queretaro, Mexico 
Zaragoza, Spain 
Bodleian Library 
Oxford University 
Public Library 


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John Carter Brown Library 
Providence, Rhode Island 
Cartago, Costa Rica 


Biblioteca de la I 


MEXICAN IMPRINTS 259 





y 





Sociedad Geografica Mexicana 


W. H. Newman Collection 
Mexico City 


Buffalo, N. Y. 

Wm. E. Gates Collection 
Tulane Univ., New Orleans 
Yale University Library 
New Haven, Connecticut 
Francisco de Zabalburu 
Madrid, Spain 


New York Historical Societ 
New York City 

Titusville, Pennsylvania 
Seler Collection 


Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta 
Public Library 


Collection, Mexico City 
Library of Congress 


San Gabriel, California 
Washington, D. C. 


Santiago de Chile 
Newberry Library 
Chicago, Illinois 

John Hinsdale Scheide 
Berlin, Germany 


Museum of American Indian 
New York City 


Heye Foundation, N. Y. C. 
Henry E. Huntington Lib. 
Society, Brooklyn, N. Y. 


Hispanic-American Society 
José Toribio Medina 


Cambridge, Massachusetts 
New York City 


Harvard College Library 
Long Island Historical 


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260 HENRY R. WAGNER 








Newberry Library, Chicago 
H. H. Bancroft Collection 
University of California 


Biblioteca Andrade 


Edward E. Ayer Collection 
Mexico City 


Annmary Brown Memorial 
Providence, Rhode Island 
Boston, Massachusetts 


British Museum 


Biblioteca Palafoxiana 
London 


Puebla, Mexico 
Biblioteca San Isidro 


Madrid, Spain 


Biblioteca Provincial 
Biblioteca de 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Santiago de Chile 
Toledo, Spain 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Biblioteca de 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Mexico City 


Biblioteca Lafragua 
Madrid, Spain 


José Maria de Agreda 
Biblioteca de 
Guadalajara, Mexico 
Mexico City 
Biblioteca de 
Morelia, Mexico 
Oaxaca, Mexico 
Biblioteca de 
Queretaro, Mexico 
Zaragoza, Spain 
Bodleian Library 
Oxford University 
Public Library 


Mexico City 


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261 


MEXICAN IMPRINTS 















































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Mexico City 


Annmary Brown Memorial 
Providence, Rhode Island 
Boston, Massachusetts 


British Museum 


Biblioteca Palafoxiana 
London 


Puebla, Mexico 
Biblioteca San Isidro 
Madrid, Spain 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Biblioteca Provincial 
Toledo, Spain 
Queretaro, Mexico 
Biblioteca de 


Santiago de Chile 


Biblioteca Nacional 
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Biblioteca N acional 
Mexico City 


José Maria de Agreda 
Guadalajara, Mexico 
Biblioteca Lafra 
Mexico City 

Madrid, Spain 


Mexico City 
Biblioteca de 
Biblioteca de 
Morelia, Mexico 
Oaxaca, Mexico 
Biblioteca de 
Zaragoza, Spain 
Bodleian Libra 
Oxford Univer 





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MEXICAN IMPRINTS 


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Sociedad Geografica Mexicana 


Mexico City 
Wm. E. Gates Collection 


Tulane Univ., New Orleans 
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New Haven, Connecticut 
Madrid, Spain 


Museum of American Indian 
Yale Universit 


Heye Foundation, N. Y. C. 
New York Historical Societ 
New York City 

W. H. Newman Collection 
Titusville, Pennsylvania 
Seler Collection 


Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta 
Public Library 


Hispanic-American Society 
New York City 

Henry E. Huntington Lib. 
San Gabriel, California 
Collection, Mexico City 
Library of Congress 
Washington, D. C. 
Society, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
José Toribio Medina 


John Carter Brown Library 
Santiago de Chile 


Providence, Rhode Island 
Biblioteca de la Iglesia 


Cartago, Costa Rica 
Cambridge, Massachusetts 


Harvard College Library 
Long Island Historical 
New York City 
Newberry Librar 
Chicago, Illinois 

John Hinsdale Scheide 
Berlin, Germany 


— | —— | | ——— | | | | ——— | | — | | | | | | | | | | 




















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MEXICAN IMPRINTS 


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142 
143 
144 
145 
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Providence, Rhode Island 
Biblioteca de la Iglesia 
Cartago, Costa Rica 
Harvard College Library 


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Cambridge, Massachusetts 


Museum of American Indian 
Heye Foundation N. Y. C. 


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Hispanic-American Society 


New York City 


Henry E. Huntington Lib. 
San Gabriel, California 


Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta 
Collection, Mexico City 
Library of Congress 
Washington, D. C. 


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New York City 
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Chicago, Illinois 


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Buffalo, N. Y. 
John Hinsdale Scheide 


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Berlin, Germany 


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Tulane Univ., New Orleans 
Yale University Library 
Francisco de Zabalburu 


New Haven, Connecticut 
Madrid, Spain 


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266 HENRY R. WAGNER 

















































































































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Newberry Library, Chicago 
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University of California 
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Edward E. Ayer Collection 
Mexico City 


Annmary Brown Memorial 
Providence, Rhode Island 
Boston, Massachusetts 


Biblioteca Palafoxiana 
| British Museum 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Santiago de Chile 
Puebla, Mexico 
Biblioteca Provincial 
Toledo, Spain 
Biblioteca San Isidro 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Biblioteca de 


Biblioteca Nacional 
Mexico City 
Queretaro, Mexico 
Zaragoza, Spain 
Bodleian Librar 
Oxford Univers 
Public Library 


Madrid, Spain 


Biblioteca de 
Guadalajara, Mexico 
Biblioteca Lafra 
Mexico City 
Biblioteca de 
Morelia, Mexico 
Oaxaca, Mexico 
Biblioteca de 
London 


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José Maria de 
Mexico City 


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MEXICAN IMPRINTS 267 











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Cartago, Costa Rica 
Tulane Univ., New Orleans 


Sociedad Geografica Mexicana 
Yale University Library 


Museum of American Indian 
Mexico City 


Heye Foundation, N. Y.C. 





W. H. Newman Collection 
Buffalo, N. Y. 

Wm. E. Gates Collection 
Francisco de Zabalburu 


Madrid, Spain 


Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta 
New York Historical Societ 
New Haven, Connecticut 


Collection, Mexico City 
Library of Congress 


John Carter Brown Library 
Washington, D. C. 


Providence, Rhode Island 
Hispanic-American Society 


New York City 
Henry E. Huntington Lib. 


San Gabriel, California 
Society, Brooklyn, N. Y. 
Titusville, Pennsylvania 
Seler Collection 


José Toribio Medina 


Cambridge, Massachusetts 
Santiago de Chile 


Biblioteca de la I 
Harvard College Library 
Long Island Historical 
New York City 

Public Library 

New York City 
Newberry Library 
Chicago, I}linois 

John Hinsdale Scheide 
Berlin, Germany 


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De Ss eb la cle dg on 1s oF foe e [ne noes [eva cola de [sve lene (ans foe be 89 
DI Serle fying bec ty co [eee [nok ly ss lane |e meds culos fuse |e onlees fe ee 
Ne ee de fess [eae joao fs am love [oe edeap joce loys fet olers lees fess 
eT a Sh nbs oils vp foe lo'ee [aes [nen [ves [ean feos [ons leas |wad tase 


a gil cals cic'| sian bese s| eatin s Silene mty na lege|eands selene foaelens 
eM eee eR Aare al isos aan rolls ais [eves la’ ei fe os |> ne fave cfs su fee ® Jes aft ne [tye few 8 
pee a ee a ede. |. = |oip'e’[ae'a [e's s foincn few a {ore [ae foe vlleis ele ee 
Ee a oh Mee ere Geared eee Ae 0 (I EONS peer Barca d osm Bk rn BIOS Soy Be Wes pont 7m 
ee ieee tently ae locs|s hi lene irae leis lao ates s le viedagelvee |e «sees loos 
er ot a les lag aw loaw toa sly colon fade ioawledeles a laeslecetoa 
TR ee elas es |. ta aa |e le le ss [sole fee's le ce bene five ele wefame [oe cles a|y ae 
I TE oe ball girs furs |n.sn bo sue, |aiee foie fd sims ele wa teed (ne cielo ere bee ola ate 
ME ii Yio ots cafe tls fons [aa ss owlawa fens [aes [eee tee eteas fess foe e lee 
RE MEE res re fe oe |oan [oe'e fe vo |e oe fo ofeeis fons [note [a aelocnfs ee lewete ar 
Seer Tete hic Pitot. on [ees Laawsla «'m fe ele (oid |e ope tanin tage foua fan fey olotam 
Rr oly lecsiley hie wlaes LG lag dices leo ate anclv e's lean euea team 
RMT rhc eve ls ae leon bone |ons [one lore feas does [een fees teen toutes 


TT sa Le oa toatl esas Lael eamennetene temas 
Re ee tc a te vals oo: |< am free Peay Parra) Ren Pie 4 Rare A eMC ANE oN ee 


PD Taitshe Metiions fone | OK |e o oleae fom afbernie tae = rweleardtcatats oe tite ieete ae ales 


ele eete ee teoeeleoeeoteoeoeisae lees ieveleeoe 


200°]> >]... eovlece teen ejeeeteereteeov|eeetoane ioe MK eeoeleeeteece loeoe tees lees ieee ioe 





268 MEXICAN IMPRINTS 


NOTES 


5-8. Tracts printed for Bishop Zumarraga, 1543-1544. Medina describes 
a variant issue of 8, identified by Mr. Eames; both issues are in the 
New York Public Library. 
22. Veracruz, Recognitio, 1554. 
22-23. Tracts by Fr. A. de la Veracruz, 1554. 
24. Molina, Vocabulario en lengua Mexicana, 1555. 
26. Constituciones del Arzobispado y Provincia, 1556. Mr. Scheide has 
Part 11 only. 
30. Regula Augustini, 1556. 
31. Veracruz, Speculum conjugiorum, 1556. 
36. Gilberti, Dialogo en lengua de Mechuacan, 1559. 
37. Gilberti, Vocabulario, 1559. 
46. Puga, Cedulario, 1563. 
48-49. Molina, Confessionario en lengua mexicana, 1565. 
50. Ledesma, De sacramentis summarium, 1566. 
64-65. Molina, Arte and Vocabulario en lengua mexicana, 1571. 
78. Anunciacion, Sermonario en lengua mexicana, 1577. The Agreda 
collection has the last part only. 
104. Estatutos, Orden de S. Francisco, 1585. 
105. Constituciones Ordinis S. Augustini, 1587. 
106. Garcia de Palacio, Instruccion nauthica, 1587. 
110. Cardenas, Problemas y secretos de las Indias, 1591. 
135. Rincon, Arte Mexicana, 1595. 
. Baptista, Advertencias para los confessores, 1600. 


171. Ribera Florez, Exequias funerales del Rey Philippo IT, 1600. 


THE DE BRY COLLECTOR’S PAINEFULL 
PEREGRINATION ALONG THE PLEASANT 
PATHWAY TO PERFECTION 


By HENRY N. STEVENS 
Of London 


OR more than two hundred years the highest ambition 

of every great Book Collector has been to acquire a com- 
plete set of that wonderful series of illustrated Voyages and 
Travels edited and published by Theodore de Bry and his 
descendants, now familiarly termed ‘De Bry.’ 

When it is remembered that the publication of that great 
work, in parts, extended over a period of no less than fifty-five 
years (1590 to 1644 inclusive), the extreme difficulty of secur- 
ing anything like a complete Collection is readily apparent. A 
straight set in single editions comprises 57 Parts, viz: — 


tee UA Oe oy be lov caw sec ce ect sense 13 
India Series in Latin, including the Appendix Congo ...... 13 
Berateete ee ericaity CrerIats «xt Soi7 ony -ie isk) Wks cs Wm alls ers Ae 14 
India Series in German, including the Appendix Congo .... 14 
pee resee Urtttcnplishty).. 4c 4. cscs sass fee ks ches e's I 
Pemerrce srareiyiibrenchy . 0.2.20 ae. A Od eae I 
The “Elenchus” in Latin (or collective Title, Preface and 
Table of Contents to the American Series in Latin) ..... I 


Several private collectors and libraries possess complete sets of 
these fifty-seven parts in one or other of the various editions in 
which they were issued. 

But by the time the De Bry collector has arrived at the 
proud and happy stage of having secured a complete straight 
set, he begins to realize that he has so far barely touched the 
fringe of the subject, and is only at the commencement of his 
real quest. He finds that he has merely laid the foundations, as 
it were, on which to build the superstructure of a really fine 
Collection of De Bry. It suddenly dawns on him that, if he has 


270 HENRY NEWTON STEVENS 


CHE ED the De Bry fever, his “appetite had grown by what it 
fed on,” and become insatiable. Having crossed the Rubicon, 
he must needs go on and endeavor to add to his Collection 
every other known edition. With renewed hopes and with his 
ambition fired anew, he again sets out in search of the thirty- 
five or forty additional parts which still have to be secured to 
complete a set of all editions of every part. 

But if the acquisition of the original fifty-seven parts had 
proved an arduous task, it was nothing to the difficulties which 
have now to be surmounted, for they increase tenfold, nay even 
a hundredfold, as the set approaches nearer and nearer to com- 
pletion; for each successive part that remains to be acquired is 
necessarily rarer and even more elusive than the last. Some 
editions of certain parts are so excessively rare that they are 
only likely to be met with once in a lifetime, though of course 
a great deal depends on chance. 

There is an old saying that “‘all things come round to him 
who will but wait”; but in De Bry collecting one often has to 
wait a very long time, and perhaps may even wait in vain. So 
when the opportunity does occur to secure one of these super- 
rarities the tide must be “taken at the flood,” else “the bargain 
passeth to thy hungry neighbour who seemeth to live but to 
outbid thee.” It seldom happens that one has the luck to get a 
second chance at the same prize, but I recently had the extreme 
good fortune to secure some rarities which I lost about forty 
years ago. 

In the sale of the Duke of Marlborough’s Library from 
Blenheim Palace, at the auction rooms of Puttick and Simpson 
in London on December g, 1881, Lots 2052 and 2053 consisted 
of a very choice collection of De Bry, amongst which were 
some parts of extraordinary rarity. My father was greatly ex- 
cited, for with all his lengthy experience there were several 
pieces he had never seen before. So he determined to buy the 
lot if in any way possible, and we bid £700 (a record price in 


THE COLLECTOR’S PEREGRINATION poh 


those days) without success, for we were outbid by the elder 
Quaritch at £720. We never could learn what became of that 
set, for Quaritch told us he was not at liberty to disclose the 
name of his customer. In the summer of 1922 that very same 
lot turned up again at Sotheby’s in the sale of the library of the 
late Baroness Burdett-Coutts. I did not realize from the de- 
scription in the Sale Catalogue that it was a reappearance of 
the Marlborough set, but when I went to view the lot at the 
sale rooms, I was overjoyed to recognize immediately my long- 
lost friend of forty years before. After waiting all those years 
without seeing or even hearing of any other copies of the super- 
rarities I wanted, I resolved to make a determined effort not to 
lose them a second time. I feared that I might be outbid by 
some unlimited American commission, but as the lot was not so 
well and fully catalogued as before, I had some faint hope that 
the rarities would escape the recognition of De Bry cognoscenti. 
And this actually occurred, for although my son went to the 
sale prepared to double our bid of forty years ago, he was for- 
tunately able to purchase the lot at considerably less than the 
price realized at the Marlborough Sale. Thus was my former 
disappointment assuaged and my patience rewarded, for it is 
very seldom, in these days of continuously rising prices, that 
such a lucky Japsus occurs. The acquisition of that lot of 
De Bry hasenabled me to describe fully, from personal inspec- 
tion, many rarities which hitherto I had only been able to 
quote from the descriptions of previous writers. 

So far I have touched only on the actual separate Parts in 
their various editions, but even should the collector be lucky 
enough to secure all these, he has still to acquire the numerous 
variations and different issues of certain editions. In the 
course of his search, the collector, as he warms to a fuller 
knowledge of his subject through experience, will gradually be- 
come aware of certain curious and interesting variations or dis- 
crepancies in the different editions of some of the parts. These 


Oe HENRY NEWTON STEVENS 


have in many cases been identified as first, second, or even 
third issues of a specified edition, although the exact chrono- 
logical sequence of these various issues cannot always be accu- 
rately determined. Whilst in the main the edition is the same, 
certain differences, alterations, or additions are noticeable 
which clearly indicate a separate issue. The variations occur 
not only in the first, but also in later editions of many of the 
parts, and some of them are of the very greatest rarity, for the 
reason that in many cases they probably formed only a very 
small portion of the whole impression. 

The reason for these variations 1s not far to seek. During the 
interval between 1590 and 1644, whilst the whole work was 
current, many of the parts were reprinted several times, fre- 
quently without any indication of the fact on the title-page. 
Some of them were more popular than others; and when the 
original stock became exhausted, they were reprinted wholly 
or in part, sometimes with and sometimes without alterations. 
Many of these reprints were evidently made sheet by sheet or 
even leaf by leaf, as often as required to make up a shortage of 
certain sheets in the original stock; consequently it is a com- 
mon thing to find copies in undoubted original condition which 
contain mixed impressions of text or plates. When the whole 
of the original stock was thus exhausted the part was entirely 
reprinted as a second edition. The same course of procedure 
then went on with the second edition when the stock of certain 
sheets was exhausted. 

Then again some of the copper-plates wore out, were lost, or 
sustained damage, so that, when wanted for reprinting, they 
had to be reéngraved, and these plates are oftentimes found re- 
drawn and reéngraved 1m contre-épreuve, that is, reversed. In 
some cases the original lost plate must have turned up again at 
a later period; for whilst a new plate occurs in an intermediate 
issue, the old plate is sometimes found in a later one. Hence it 
will be seen how the descriptions given by different bibliogra- 


THE COLLECTOR’S PEREGRINATION 273 


phers do not always agree, because the particular copies de- 
scribed by one were doubtless issued at different times and 
varied in their contents from those noted by another. 

During the lengthy period in which the whole work was cur- 
rent, it is obvious that the contents of a later issue, even if 
purporting to be of the same edition, would be likely to vary 
somewhat from an earlier one made perhaps several years be- 
fore. For instance, some leaves, maps, or plates have been 
added to later issues, which fact would not make the original 
or earlier issues imperfect. On the other hand, some maps or 
plates have been omitted from later issues. Thus it is that 
some leaves, maps, or plates are much rarer than others, and 
whilst called for by one bibliographical authority, are not men- 
tioned by another; consequently there is no such thing as 
actual uniformity in a set of De Bry. 

As time went on, the publishers appear to have issued the 
work in collective form, that is to say, several consecutive 
parts bound together in a thick volume. Alternatively some 
purchasers of separate parts eventually had them bound in 
volumes. In either case the binders seem frequently to have 
misplaced some of the maps. Consequently some bibliogra- 
phers, being misled by a misplaced bound copy, will describe 
a particular map as belonging to a certain part, whereas an- 
other authority, working from another copy with the maps dif- 
ferently placed, will assign the same map to another part. 
Then a later writer, picking up information from his predeces- 
sors, will describe this map as being found in each of two parts, 
and so we arrive almost at a reductio ad absurdum, for in 
reality only one map is required. Discrepancies from such a 
cause, being merely fortuitous, are not true original variations. 

Then again numerous instances occur where in some issues 
blank spaces are found which in other issues are filled by plates. 
Another fruitful source of variations is the misplacement of 
some of the copper-plates when printing. It frequently hap- 


274 HENRY NEWTON STEVENS 


pens that, when reprinted, the wrong copper-plate was printed 
on a certain leaf of text, and a number of copies containing the 
error got into circulation before it was observed. Sometimes 
the mistake was discovered and was then corrected by pasting 
an impression of the correct plate over the error. These error 
plates (which when corrected are usually called overlays) are 
quite numerous, but, owing probably to the small number 
printed at one time, they are mostly very scarce, 

The question of original blank leaves is another difficult 
point in connection with the correct collation of a set of 
De Bry. When parts are found separately in original condi- 
tion, the blank leaves necessary to complete sheets are usually 
found intact. But when several parts are found together in 
contemporary or later binding, some at least of the blank 
leaves are generally missing. It is extremely difficult to supply 
these missing blank leaves because the blanks from other parts 
are not often interchangeable. The De Brys used quite a num- 
ber of different papers, and it is not at all unusual to find two or 
even three different sorts used in the same part. The blank 
leaves are really far scarcer than the printed leaves. Of course 
a copy of a part containing its proper blank leaves is more 
highly esteemed by the collector than one without them; but 
to the student who consults De Bry merely as a work of his- 
torical reference, the absence of the blanks is entirely negli- 
gible. 

Almost every writer who has touched on the subject of 
De Bry has commented on the extreme difficulty, not to say 
impossibility, of making up a complete set. A hundred years 
ago the great bibliographer Thomas Frognall Dibdin wrote in 
his ‘Library Companion,’ page 382: 

What a bibliographical chord am I striking, in the mention of the 
Travels of De Bry! What a “Peregrination” does the possession of a copy 
of his labours imply! What toil, difficulty, perplexity, anxiety, and vexa- 


tion attend the collector — be he young or old — who sets his heart upon a 
Perrecr De Bry! How many have started on this pursuit, with gay 


THE COLLECTOR’S PEREGRINATION 275 


spirits and well-replenished purses, but have turned from it in despair, and 
abandoned it in utter hopelessness of achievement! Nor can this prize, 
like that of beauty, be held out as a reward for the “‘brave.”’ Good fortune, 
good luck, accident — call it what you will—are the concomitants of 
such an acquisition. And what will the sceptical reader say, when I inform 
him, that neither the pages of De Bure nor Camus initiate him into ALL 
the mysteries of a perfect copy of De Bry? 


Again, in 1881, my father wrote in his ‘Historical Collec- 
tions,’ Part 1, page 26: 


The purchaser of this remarkably fine and sound set will have laid a 
solid foundation for a long life of brilliant bibliographical quiddling about 
the never-ending variations, a solace for old age that was unknown to 
either Cicero or Cato. No man ever yet made up his De Bry perfect, if one 
may count on the three great De Bry witnesses, the Rt. Hon. Thomas 
Grenville, the Russian Prince Sobolewski, and the American Mr. Lenox, 
who all went far beyond De Bure, yet fell far short of attaining all the 
variations they had heard of. When an earnest Collector has secured 
Thevenot, De Bry, and Hulsius, he possesses a never-dying pleasure that 
will not desert him, live as long as he may. 


What was written by Dibdin a hundred years ago would be 
even more forceful at the present day, were it not that the 
great development of the study of scientific bibliography 
which has taken place in recent years has largely simplified 
matters. Numerous bibliographies and collations of special 
sets have appeared since Dibdin, a few of the more important 


being: 
eis ms ne Aone Podaly waa nan 1845 
ahh oa BS Nigh eat ba ates 1860 
John Carter Brown (Bartlett) ............... 1875 
RENE yo 65 a a Madd a Us Bleeds we Ooh 1880 
Pe ANOL ee pos, wena rate es Bee a 1884 
Pema etiOx( FAMES) eo gio sce es ce oa oe 1904 
mee sae ntirch (Coley nee oa oes 1907 
moon scatter Brown Libraryca..... <.ceeece 1919 


These have thrown a flood of fresh light on the most interest- 
ing and fascinating problem, what really constitutes a perfect 
set of De Bry. 


276 THE COLLECTOR’S PEREGRINATION 


Even if there is a substratum of truth in what the early bib- 
liographers have said, that actual finality may never be at- 
tained, it must be remembered that there is always the pleasure 
of the chase, and the recurrent joy which accrues every time 
when another “‘rarissimum” has been run to earth and added 
to the Collection. Every capture stimulates the pleasures of 
anticipation of further successes yet to come. Were finality in 
any form of collecting easily or absolutely attainable, one of 
life’s main interests would be gone for ever, for the bibliophile 
has yet to be born who could rest content on laurels already 
won. 


A NOTE ON THE LAWS OF THE 
REPUBLIC OF VERMONT 


By JAMES BENJAMIN WILBUR 
Of Manchester, Vermont 


ERMONT’S political independence until 1791 of the 

thirteen States which formed the United States makes 
the laws passed by its legislators, in sessions held in different 
parts of the wilderness comprising that State from 1778 to 1787, 
an interesting study. Of special interest is the story of their 
printing, for, when Vermont first declared her independence, 
the nearest presses were at Exeter and Portsmouth in New 
Hampshire, which was enemy country, and in Hartford, Con- 
necticut. 

The legislators met for the first time at Windsor, March 12, 
1778, and adjourned March 26, to meet Thursday, June 4, in 
Bennington, where they sat until June 18, when they ad- 
journed subject to the call of the Governor. Many questions 
were voted on but few bills or acts, so designated, were passed. 
An election was held and the Legislature met at Windsor, Oc- 
tober 8, 1778. At this session, a number of townships east of 
the Connecticut River which had joined by union with Ver- 
mont were represented. Judah Paddock and Alden Spooner 
were induced to set up a press in Dresden ! (Hanover) and as 
this town was then in the Republic of Vermont, the Legisla- 
ture, on October 10, appointed them “printers for the General 
Assembly of this State.” They were ready to begin printing 
about the date of receiving their appointment. The session 
adjourned October 24, after appointing a committee “to pre- 
pare the acts passed at the former sessions and likewise the 
present session, for the press, and get them printed.” This 


1. Harold G. Rugg, Dresden Press: Dartmouth Alumni Magazine, May, 1920. 


278 JAMES BENJAMIN WILBUR 


vote indicated an intention to print the laws, but it is doubtful 
if the laws of 1778 were ever printed. 

The votes at the March and June meetings show that noth- 
ing had been done beyond making manuscript copies of some of 
the more important acts passed. One of these manuscripts, 
certified to be “a copy” by Thomas Chandler, Jr., dated 
Windsor, March 25, 1778, is now in the possession of Mr, Matt 
B. Jones of Boston. Bills were presented for copying laws 
amounting to £48 75. od. Colonel John Barrett tendered a bill 
to the Assembly, dated November 17, 1778, for “21 days serv- 
ice preparing laws for the press and going to Hanover to carry 
these at 36 shillings per day; to horse hire go miles at 1 shilling; 
£4263. Od.” 

These laws were thus undoubtedly prepared for printing and 
delivered to Spooner to be printed. Little evidence worthy of 
consideration, that they were printed, is to be found. Slade 
(‘Vermont State Papers,’ p. 287) wrote, in 1823: “much exer- 
tion has been made to obtain a copy of the laws of 1778, but 
without effect. They were published toward the close of that 
year in a pamphlet form, but were never recorded in the Secre- 
tary’s office.” This is an assertion of an official of the State, 
made not more than forty-five years after the alleged fact, at a 
time when a number of men were living who had taken an ac- 
tive part in the early affairs of the State. Yet it is possible that 
Slade confused the printing of the Journal of 1778 with the 
laws of that year. Certainly no bill from the printer for print- 
ing these laws can now be found. | 

In a bill rendered by Spooner on June 3, 1779, which seems 
to include all the work he had done for the State to that time, 
is an item dated November Io, 1778, for printing “200 Journals 
of Assembly, £45-0-0.”’ There is also a charge of £10, dated 
April 3, 1779, “to printing 60 votes of Assembly.” This last 
charge may have been for printing the proceedings of October 


THE LAWS OF VERMONT 279 


21, 1778, as the Assembly voted to have the proceedings of that 
day printed. 

Ira Allen, on his way home from visiting the President and 
Assembly of New Hampshire at Exeter, went to Dresden and 
from that place, November 27, 1778, issued an address of three 
printed pages, ‘To the Inhabitants of the State of Vermont.’ 
It detailed his negotiations with New Hampshire on dissolving 
the union of the sixteen New Hampshire towns with Vermont. 
On the bottom of the last sheet, below the printed signature of 
Ira Allen, is printed the following: “N.B. The laws of the 
state has come to hand, and will be ready for sale in a short 
time.” This may have been an advertisement of the printer. 
No copy of either Journals charged for November to, 1778, and 
April 3, 1779, has ever been discovered. It may be that Allen 
took them all and destroyed them after the union was dis- 
solved; and that, foreseeing the dissolution, he instructed 
Spooner not to print the laws that had been prepared and de- 
livered by Barrett, some days before Allen reached Dresden. 

That the laws were never printed is the opinion of Mr. Wil- 
berforce Eames, in which Mr. Matt B. Jones and I concur. 
That was also the opinion of Henry Hall, one of Vermont’s 
early historians, who gave the matter some investigation. We 
must remember not only that they were passed as temporary 
laws, but that the establishment of a press had been so delayed 
as to make the printing of these impossible before the early 
part of December, and that a permanent code was to be enacted 
at the meeting of the Legislature early in February. What 
more natural than that Ira Allen, Treasurer of the State, 
should instruct the printers not to print the laws. 

The following is believed to be the correct order of printing 
the laws of the Republic of Vermont from 1779 to 1791.? 


2. Mr. Wilberforce Eames is entitled to most of the credit for the preparation 
of this list. 


280 THE LAWS OF VERMONT 


List or VeERMonT Laws, 1779-1791 


I. facts apd Laws, Feb., 1779, pp. (2), 12 (2), 110. Dresden, 1779. 

2, Tune; 1779, pp. 111-112. (Dresden.) 

3. € & * — Oct., 1779, and March, 1780, pp. (7). Hartford, 1780. 
Fie ag a Oct., 1780 (ist portion), pp- (6). (Westminster, 


1780.) 

5. “ “ 4  Oct., 1780 (2d portion), pp. 125-128. (Westminster, 
1781.) 

Gi tiixk cee «  Feb., 1781, pp. (11). Westminster, 1781. 

7, « & 4 — April, 1781 (Ist portion), pp. (2); No copy can be 
found. 


8. “ “ April, 1781 (2d portion), the money dill, pp. (4). 
(Westminster.) 
Giri te ee « June, 1781 (Ist portion), pp. (12). (Westminster.) 


10 “ * *  Oct., 1780 (3d portion), and June, 1781 (2d portion), 
pp. (16). 

1x “ “ &  Qcet., 1781 (procuring provisions for troops), pp. I. 
Westminster. No copy can be found, 

Tore Re “ — Oct., 1781 (money tax bill), pp. (1). Westminster. 


13. “ “ “ Oct., 1781, pp: (4). (Westminster.) 

right yaad: ake Tah. , June, and Oct., 1782, and Feb., 1783, Be. 12s 
Windsor! 1783. 

1s. “ & June and Oct. , 1782 (Revised Laws), pp. 38. (Ben- 
nington, 1783.) 


36.2 © 4) iia Feb 78 9) pea len. 
17,,.%. 9; * ° Feb.,i1783, pp. (3). Benningronege 
18 4 & .-* ” Oct.j1784; pp.to. Windsor masa 


19, * * | * © Oct, 1783; pp. 39-47. Windsor san: 

20. “ “ Feb. and March, 1784, pp. 15. Windsor, 1784. 
ar, “ 4 March, 1784, pp. 49>54.. Windsor oes 

go.) Bee Oe “Oct. 1784, pp. 12. Vi ison aaa 

anit hisiy id « June, 1785, pp. 7. Windsor, 1785. 

24. “ “ Oct., 1785, pp. 9. (Windsor.) 

26. « “ « Oct. > 1786; pp. 20. (Windsor. ) 

26. “ «  # ~ Oct 1786; pp. (12). ‘Benningtonya yao. 


27. Statutes, Feb. and March, 1787, pp. (4), 5-18, 171. Windsor, 
1787. 

28. Acts and Laws, Oct., 1787, pp. 16. (Windsor.) 

2G .sa\vees ae Oct., 1788, pp. 28. (Windsor.) 

30.- tion By See Oct 178g spp. G-. Oy\ cece 

gr. So 49 ® “Oct. 31790, pp. rT Wy ace 


Jan., 1791, pp. 28. Bennington. 


THE PROMOTION LITERATURE OF GEORGIA 


By VERNER W. CRANE 


Assistant Professor of American History, Brown University 


EORGIA, the last successful enterprise of English colon- 

ization in North America, was also one of the first notable 
achievements of modern philanthropy. Thus a double interest 
attaches to the crop of pamphlets and of journalistic and po- 
etical effusions which the activities of Oglethorpe and his 
associates called forth. 

Most of these Georgia items have long been commonplaces 
of Americana — described by Rich, Sabin, Winsor, the De 
Renne catalogue; reprinted, several of them, by Peter Force 
and in the Georgia Historical Society ‘Collections.’ But there 
are other titles, especially for the neglected pre-settlement 
period, which should find place in the Georgia bibliography. 
There are questions, too, of provenience and of authorship that 
can be illumined from documentary sources, or by applying a 
more rigorous criticism to the accepted canon. Moreover, in 
one great library of American history there are undescribed 
copies of several Georgia tracts that possess unique associa- 
tion interest. And it remains to place the early Georgia litera- 
ture fairly in its setting —as the product of a remarkable 
publicity campaign, designed to “‘sell’’ Georgia to Parliament, 
to charitable folk, and to intending colonists. To a marked 
degree, the extraordinary vogue that Georgia enjoyed in those 
first years was the consequence of efficient “booming” by its 
promoters, and by their literary and journalistic friends. Pro- 
motion literature was, of course, no new genre, but the Trustees 
perfected its technique. A modern press agent would have 
little, perhaps, to teach those Parliamentarians and clergymen 
of two centuries ago, who, at their first meeting as a Common 
Council, adopted the following resolution: 


282 VERNER W. CRANE 


That Measures be taken to prevent the Publishing in the News Papers 
anything relating to this Society that shall be disadvantageous to their 
Designs; And that Mr. Oglethorpe be desired to take the said Measures & 
to cause such Paragraphs to be Published in the said News Papers as may 
be proper for the promoting of the said Designs. 


When the Georgia press campaign was thus launched, a 
royal charter had just been obtained, after three years of plan- 
ning and negotiation. During those years — which should no 
longer be the “unknown period” of Georgia history, now that 
the ‘Diary of Viscount Percival afterwards First Earl of Eg- 
mont’? has been published — there were merged two move- 
ments, one strategic, the other philanthropic, to produce the 
Georgia enterprise. Each has its literature. The pamphlets 
relating to earlier colonization attempts upon the southern 
frontier (Azilia, the Golden Islands, Carolana, Purry’s first 
enterprise) are better known, no doubt, than the literature of 
the charitable movement. Elsewhere I have told briefly how 
a little charitable society organized about 1724 by Dr. Thomas 
Bray to administer a legacy for the education of negroes in the 
colonies, and to carry on his own philanthropy in the founding 
of parochial libraries, was enlarged in membership in 1730 to 
include the Parliamentary prison reformers, and widened in 
function to embrace within its scope the establishment of 
debtor colonies in America. The bibliography of the Associ- 
ates of the late Reverend Dr. Bray — now revealed as the par- 
ent organization of the Georgia Trust — includes, notably, 
[Samuel Smith]: ‘Publick Spirit, illustrated in the Life and 
Designs of Thomas Bray’... London. mpccxLv1; second edi- 


1. Colonial Records of the State of Georgia, 11, 3. 

2. Historical Manuscripts Commission, Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont... . 
Vol. 1. 1730-1733. 1920. Vol. 11. 1734-1738. 1923. A third volume will complete 
this notable diary. On its importance for the early history of Georgia, see Ulrich B. 
Phillips, “New Light Upon the Founding of Georgia,” in Georgia Historical Quar- 
terly, vi, 5-12. 

3. “The Philanthropists and the Genesis of Georgia,” in American Historical 
Review, xxvil, 63-69. . 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 283 


tion, 1808.4 It includes also the so-called Georgia sermons — 
anniversary sermons which were preached before Trustees and 
Associates in joint meetings long after the trusts had been 
legally separated.’ In the British Museum is another pertinent 
Bray item: “Missionalia: or, a Collection of Missionary Pieces 
relating to the Conversion of the Heathen; both the Afri- 
can Negroes and American Indians.’ London. 1727.6 These 
tracts reveal Bray intensely concerned for the conversion of 
the American Indians, but opposed to the famous scheme of 
Berkeley for a college in Bermuda, which had captured the 
imagination of one of Bray’s Associates, Lord Percival. In- 
stead, Bray advocated settling “artisan-missionaries” on the 
borders of the colonies to convert and civilize the natives; thus 
a barrier would be built up against Indian barbarism, and 
English territory would be strengthened and extended. The 
seriousness with which the Georgia Trustees approached their 
responsibility for the Indians was, perhaps, part of their in- 
heritance from Bray. 


4. See Ibid., p. 63 (note 3) for a discussion of the authorship of this tract. 

5. The series of Georgia sermons begins with the sermons of Samuel Smith and 
John Burton, preached February 23, 1731, and February 24, 1732, before the Asso- 
ciates of Dr. Bray, as “‘anniversary sermons,” on a fund left, apparently, in Bray’s 
will. Percival, Diary, 1, 223-225. When they were published, in 1733, the title- 
pages indicated that they were preached before Trustees and Associates; but of 
course the two bodies had not yet been separated, nor indeed did the Georgia Trust 
yet exist. There was a mistake, also, in the date of Burton’s sermon. From 1733 
until at least 1750, with the exception, possibly, of one or two years, these sermons 
were preached before Trustees and Associates on the occasion of the annual meeting 
of the former in March. There is evidence that the preachers were suggested by the 
Associates, and that the fund was theirs. However, the publication of the sermons 
was part of the elaborate Georgia publicity. For the peculiar origins of the Rundle 
sermon (1734) see Diary, 11, 23, 25,26. The John Carter Brown Library possesses a 
nearly complete collection of these sermons from 1731 to 1750. 

6. Several separately printed tracts are bound together in one volume with the 
above printed title-page. Some unrelated pamphlets are also bound in, and the 
volume does not contain Part II as indicated in the table of contents. For the later 
history of the Associates, see An Account of the Designs of the Associates of the 
late Dr. Bray; with an Abstract of their Proceedings. London. Mpccixu. (Later 


editions, 1764, 1769, 1772, etc.) 


284 VERNER W. CRANE 


The earlier colonization pamphlets, from Montgomery’s 
‘Discourse’ of 1717 to Purry’s ‘Memorial’ of 1724,’ had no 
discoverable direct relation to the founding of Georgia; but 
they all advertised Carolina, and the need of frontier defense 
in the South, at a time when the colonial authorities were just 
awakening to the danger of French “encirclement.” In 1729, 
when the surrender of the Carolina charter to the Crown was 
pending, there was printed in London the first edition of 
Joshua Gee’s ‘The Trade and Navigation of Great Britain 
Considered,’ ® one of the most widely read of the commercial 
tracts of the century. Repeatedly Gee insisted upon the value 
of the southern colonies: of Virginia, and especially of South 
Carolina — “the most improveable, in my Apprehension, of 
any of our Colonies’ — and made suggestions for transporting 
the poor thither which were strikingly paralleled, a little later, 
in Oglethorpe’s first exposition of his charitable colony scheme. 
The most significant passages are in Chapter XXVII, in which 
Gee suggested that not only convicts, but the unemployed, 
who ‘‘cannot find Methods of Subsistence at home,” should be 
transported and settled upon tracts of a hundred acres on the 
borders of the southern colonies, their quit-rents to be payable 
later in hemp or flax. Such colonists, marrying young, would 
multiply rapidly, “by which Means those vast Tracts of Land 
now waste will be planted, and secured from the Danger we 
apprehend of the French over-running them.” Silk, as well as 
hemp and flax, Gee expected from those “inviting Places.”’ 
Now when Oglethorpe, in February, 1730, unfolded his plan 
to Lord Percival — for a dozen years thereafter his chief col- 
laborator — one might imagine he had just come from read- 
ing Gee’s pamphlet. “The scheme,” recorded Percival in his 

7. I owe to Mr. Wilberforce Eames the information that the British Museum 
possesses a copy of a contemporary edition of the Purry Memoire of 1724 printed 1 Ay 
English, probably by the same printer. 


8. Later editions appeared in rapid sequence, 1730, 1731, 1738, 1750, 1760, 1767. 
The quotations are from pp. 23, 44, 60-61, of the first edition. 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 285 


faithful ‘Diary,’ ° “is to procure a quantity of acres either 
from the Government or by gift or purchase in the West Indies 
[that is, America], and to plant thereon a hundred miserable 
wretches who being let out of gaol by the last year’s Act, are 
now starving about the town for want of employment;... that 
in time they with their families would increase so fast as to be- 
come a security and defence of our possessions against the 
French and Indians of those parts; that they should be em- 
ployed in cultivating flax and hemp, which being allowed to 
make into yarn, would be returned to England and Ireland, 
and greatly promote our manufactures. All which I approved.” 
Silk culture was another hopeful prospect. Though Gee hardly 
suggested a new colony, under separate government, in other 
respects the resemblances between his ideas and Oglethorpe’s 
were so close as to raise the presumption, not of coincidence, 
but of derivation. That Oglethorpe knew the pamphlet we 
have no external proof; but that a deputy-governor of the 
Royal African Company should not have known it is difficult 
to believe. 

Though Oglethorpe apparently envisaged his first modest 
scheme of a charitable colony in the terms of Gee’s recent sug- 
gestions,” his practical incentive came, of course, from his own 
noble labors as the chairman of the Parliamentary gaols com- 
mittee of 1729. The work of that committee had been hailed 
in verse by the Reverend Samuel Wesley in “The Prisons 
Opened”; and by James Thomson in the more famous apos- 
trophe to the “generous band” of prison reformers which he 
interpolated in his poem ‘Winter’ in 1730. “Yesonsof mercy! 
yet resume the search” — the exact occasion for this poetical 
appeal is revealed in Oglethorpe’s long colloquy with Percival 
of February 13, 1730. 


g. Vol. 1, 44-46, February 13, 1729-30. 
10. Of course it is possible that Gee derived his notions from contact with Ogle- 
thorpe: or both men from a common source. 
11. Nichols: Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century (1812 ed.), 1, 405. 


286 VERNER W. CRANE 


A tantalizing clue to a “first’’ Georgia pamphlet not now, 
apparently, extant, is furnished by a note in the second edition 
of ‘Publick Spirit’ (1808). The editor, H. J. Todd, had access 
to the lost early journals of the Associates, and perhaps to 
other perished sources. To Samuel Smith’s statement that “a 
design was formed of establishing a Colony in America,” Todd 
furnished this note: 


Proposals, with a view to this object, had been published by John 
Norris. They were dedicated to the Members of Parliament. The author 
endeavours to point out “‘in this removal to America” the certain and sure 
method of lessening the great number of poor throughout this kingdom, to 
the great advantage of them and their families, the future ease of parish 
charges, the increase of trade, an addition to the crown revenue, and profit 
to the kingdom in general. 

It is Just possible that Norris was the “late author” of a 
scheme for settlement in Carolina, to whom reference was made 
in the ‘Political State of Great Britain,’ April, 1730." 

Of the Georgia press campaign it is impossible here to 
write at length. Besides undisguised advertisements, numer- 
ous flattering references to Georgia appeared in the monthly 
magazines and in the daily sheets, the inspiration of which is 
suggested both by their contents and by the items in the gen- 
eral accounts of the Trustees for 1733 and 1734, of charges 
for “publishing Articles and Advertisements in the Publick 
News Papers.” 4 

Of similar official origin were practically all the Georgia 
pamphlets of the first dozen years, with the obvious exception 
of the printed “‘libels” of the “malcontents.” In some years 


12. Note [E] on p. 57, referring to p. 50. There was a Sir John Norris who was a 
Member of Parliament, and on the gaols committee. In 1712 there had been printed 
an interesting tract designed to promote emigration to Port Royal, called Profitable 
Advice for Rich and Poor. In a Dialogue, or Discourse between James Freeman, a 
Carolina Planter, and Simon Question, a West-Country Farmer. This is commonly 
ascribed to a John Norris of Charles Town. 

13. Vol. xxxfix, 345. 

14. The General Account of all Monies and Effects Received and Expended by 
the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America. (June 9, 1732- 
June 9, 1733), [1733], p. 10; Colonial Records of Georgia, 11, 52. 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 287 


the Trustees were at considerable expense for propaganda, to 
win subscriptions from the public, and when that resource 
proved disappointing, to secure subsidies from Parliament. 
Thus in the first year £133 gs. 10d. was expended on stationery 
and printing; in 1735-36, £113 35. 834.3 in 1740-41, £153 Is. 
83d.; in 1741-42, for printing of books and pamphlets alone, 
£131 15. 8d.> Several of the pamphlets were issued in de luxe 
editions, from the best presses of England; some were illus- 
trated with maps and engravings. Georgia publicity was not 
merely persistent, but of high grade. It was probably no acci- 
dent that, among several candidates, an author was selected 
as Secretary for the Trust. Benjamin Martyn, to be sure, 
offered his services without immediate compensation, but a 
salary was afterwards paid him, and meanwhile the patronage 
of so distinguished a society as the Georgia Trust was not to be 
despised by a struggling Government clerk and scribbler. Of 
his selection Percival wrote that “he is a very ingenious young 
man, and writ a tragedy [‘Timoleon’] last year, which had 
great success on the stage.’’1® Martyn readily turned his 
hand to pamphleteering, and was the author or compiler of 
most of the Georgia tracts — including, it is probable, the 
well-known pamphlet usually attributed to Oglethorpe. 

It was Martyn, Percival reveals,” who prepared that first 
rare and beautiful prospectus of the new philanthropy, for the 
use of collectors of subscriptions: “Some Account of the De- 
signs of the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in 
America.’ London. mpccxxxu. There were two folio edi- 
tions,!® one of them enriched with engravings: a head-piece, 


15. Colonial Records of Georgia, 111, 16, 113, 225, 239. 

16. Diary, 1, 286; also 412. Colonial Records of Georgia, 11, 3, 5, 105, 514. 
Dictionary of National Biography, xxxvi, 314-315. 

17. Diary, 1, 289. 

18. It is probable that of these two editions the pamphlet embellished by Pine is 
the later. The other edition which bears a headpiece of the conventional sort 
(Ceres, horns of plenty and the like), is composed of two leaves without title-page, 
and has in the JCB and BM copies the lower half of page 4 blank. This we may 


288 VERNER W. CRANE 


with a characteristically Utopian scene of colonial pioneering, 
and a tailpiece, both engraved by J. Pine.'* It had also a map, 
the so-called “first map of Georgia.’ The source of the map 
is readily identified as the Nairne inset in Edward Crisp’s 
‘Compleat Description of Carolina’ [1711].” A special interest 
attaches to the John Carter Brown copy of the illustrated 
folio. On a blank sheet at the end is a contemporary certified 
copy of the commission issued to the collectors of benefac- 
tions. The name inserted was that of an enthusiastic friend 
of the colony, and one of its poetical choir — the Reverend 
Samuel Wesley, father of John and Charles. Here, apparently, 
is the copy of ‘Some Account’ which Wesley exhibited to pro- 
spective donors, with convenient evidence of his authority 
attached in the attested copy of his commission. 

In 1732 was also published the first edition of perhaps the 
most famous of all the Georgia pamphlets — especially famous 
because it has commonly been ascribed to the founder himself: 


speak of as edition “‘A.” Mr. Leonard L. Mackall has called my attention to the 
fact that in the De Renne copy of this edition, the blank space is occupied by an 
impression of the map which appears in the Pine edition, in the Smith “Sermon”’ 
and in all three issues of Martyn’s “Reasons,” with the difference that the De 
Renne map bears an inscription on Florida which obviously has been erased from 
the plate as it was printed in the three works here specified. The appearance of an 
earlier state of this map in a single known variant issue of edition ““A”’ seems to 
indicate the priority of edition ““A” over the Pine edition, containing a state of 
the map with erasures. (L. C. W.) 

19. John Pine (1690-1756), engraver of the celebrated edition of Horace. Bryan’s 
Dictionary of Painters and Engravers, 1904, Iv, 121. 

20. Copy in Library of Congress. Thomas Nairne was the first Indian agent of 
South Carolina, and a notable advocate of English expansion. The original manu- 
script map, sent home in 1708, has disappeared; but the tradition appears in several 
manuscript and engraved maps of the period. The plate as engraved for the Georgia 
map evidently followed its prototype, the Crisp-Nairne map, more closely than the 
final impressions show; these reveal erasures which can be identified with legends on 
the Carolina map. The De Renne copy, as Mr. Mackall points out in Georgia His- 
torical Quarterly, 11, 76, is an “earlier state,” before the erasures were completed. 

21. The commission is dated November 16, 1732; the attestation, November 27. 
The former is identical with the British Museum copy of a blank engraved com- 
mission (bound in with the two folios of Some Account) except that, of course, the 
Pine head-piece does not appear as in the engraved commission. 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 289 


“A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South- 
Carolina and Georgia,’ printed for J. Worrall and “sold by 
J. Roberts near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick Lane.” ” The 
first two chapters contained an optimistic description of the 
country, based upon Archdale and upon J. P. Purry’s ‘ Descrip- 
tion Abrégée,’ Neufchatel [1730].% Two following chapters 
argued the advantages to England, from the mercantilist as 
well as the charitable view, of sending the poor to Georgia, 
where they “may be happy . . . , and profitable to England.” 
The sole basis for the attribution of this pamphlet to Ogle- 
thorpe by Rich and others is a statement in John Nichols: 
‘Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century.’ * From the 
Bowyer list of imprints for 1732 Nichols cited ‘An Account of 
the Colony in Georgia’; and also (this apparently has been 
overlooked), ‘An Essay on Plantations; or Tracts relating to 
the Colonies’ — both of ‘which, Nichols asserted, ‘were the 
production of James-Edward Oglethorpe, Esq.” But the first 
title fits Martyn’s ‘Some Account’ as well as ‘A New and Ac- 
curate Account’; and in any case it is probable that Bowyer’s 
accounts showed only that Oglethorpe paid for the printing. 
That Oglethorpe was responsible for launching a collection 
of colonial tracts is itself a matter of considerable interest. 
The collection in question was undoubtedly the undated com- 
pilation: ‘Select Tracts relating to Colonies,’”> in which the 
first selection was “An Essay on Plantations. By Sir Francis 


22. A second edition, altered only in the title-page, was issued in 1733. I have 
not seen this. Books relating to the History of Georgia in the Library of Wymberley 
Jones De Renne. 1911. P. 22. 

23. On the De Renne Library acquisition of the “only known copy”’ of this 
Purry pamphlet, see the article by L. L. Mackall, in Georgia Historical Quarterly, 
HG. 

24. (1812 edition), 11, 17. 

25. Like A New and Accurate Account, this was “printed for J. Roberts at the 
Oxford-Arms in Warwick Lane.” The British Museum catalogue suggests 1700 as 
the date of Select Tracts; but the date is clearly established by an entry in the Gen- 
tleman’s Magazine, 11, 1087: ‘‘A Register of Books publish’d in November, 1732” 
includes both Select Tracts and A New and Accurate Account. . 


290 VERNER W. CRANE 


Bacon.’ The fourth and fifth chapters comprised ‘The Benefit 
of Plantations or Colonies. By William Penn’; and ‘A Dis- 
course concerning Plantations. By Sir Josiah Child.’ The 
Introduction began: 


Nothing so much improves the Mind, and directs the Judgement to 
right Determinations as Experience and the Opinions of wise Men. As 
new Colonies are now so much talked of, it may be agreeable to the Pub- 
lick, to see what has been writ upon that Subject by Philosophers, States- 
men, and Merchants, Men of different Professions, living in different Ages 
and Countreys, who could have no Common View in deceiving. 


Compiled in 1732 by one of the Georgia group (perhaps by 
Oglethorpe), the ‘Select Tracts’ takes an important place in the 
Georgia propaganda. The pamphlet in its selections, especially 
from Child, fairly met the most serious objection which could 
arise against the Georgia project— the current prejudice 
against draining population away from the mother country. 
There are difficulties in assuming Oglethorpe’s authorship of 
“A New and Accurate Account’ which do not apply to Secre- 
tary Martyn. The Preface concludes with a fulsome tribute to 
the Trustees which would have come with better grace from a 
servant of the Society than from the principal member. The 
style is rhetorical; at the same time the author was a rather 
scholarly fellow, given to the pedantries of footnotes and bibli- 
ographical prefaces! These were characteristics, by the way, 
of Martyn — witness the ‘Reasons’ of 1733 and ‘An Impartial 
Enquiry’ of 1741. Not merely in general traits of style, but 
also in specific rhetorical devices the pamphlet is stamped with 
the mannerisms of Martyn.?6 Moreover, in content his pam- 


26. A few striking parallels follow. They are the more impressive since in several 
instances they appear in discussions of slightly different topics. 


New and Accurate Account Reasons (First edition) 
Page 30. “... the Multitude of un- Page 19. “The Ways that lead to a 
fortunate People ...: Some undone by Man’s Ruin are various. Some are un- 


Guardians, some by Law-Suits, some by done by Over-trading, others by Want 
Accidents in Commerce, some by Stocks _ of Trade, many by being responsible for 
and Bubbles, and some by Suretyship.” others.” 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 291 


phlet of the next year was an amplification of Chapters III and 
IV of ‘A New and Accurate Account’: 2? here, and in other of 
his writings, he cited some of the same sources. Of particular 
interest is this reference in the preface of ‘A New and Accurate 
Account’: 


Since the following chapters were prepared for the press, I have read a 
curious pamphlet, entitled, Select Tracts relating to the Colonies &c. 
sold by Mr. Roberts, the publisher of this essay. 


After praising the style and manner of the introduction to that 
compilation, the author congratulates himself that his own 
arguments are confirmed on so high authority. Now in Mar- 
tyn’s “Reasons’ are several specific references to just these 
colonial writings of Penn and Child; the latter’s argument, 
especially, that population is not a direct evidence of national 
wealth, is considerably developed. Bacon’s essay, moreover, 
was frequently cited in Martyn’s later ‘Impartial Enquiry.’ 
In 1733 the Georgia propaganda was continued by the 
printing of Martyn’s ‘Reasons for Establishing the Colony of 
Georgia, with Regard to the Trade of Great Britain.’ . . . Six 
hundred copies were ordered by the Trustees in March; in 
April, when a petition for funds was preparing, six hundred 
more, “one of them to be deliver’d to Every Member of Both 
Houses of Parliament.”’ Besides these two issues (the second 
including some additional matter), a second edition with fur- 
ther additions and changes, and with the author’s name on 


Page 31. “I have heard it said (and Page 19. “I have heard it said, that 
*tis easy to say so) let them learn to our Prisons are the properest Places for 
work...” those who are thrown into them .. .” 

Page 33. “It may be asked, if they Page 17. “If it should be ask’d here, 
can’t get Bread here for their Labour, How will these People, who cannot work 
how will their Condition be mended in at the Plough at home, be able to go 
Georgia? The Answer is easy...” thro’ the same Labour abroad? The 

Answer is obvious. .. .” 


27. Compare the discussion of silk culture in A New and Accurate Account, 
pp- 55-59, with that in Reasons, pp. 5-11; and the references to Roman coloniza- 
tion, p. 52 of the former and pp. 21-22 of the latter. 


292 VERNER W. CRANE 


the title-page, was also issued in the same year.?® By charter 
the Trustees were required to lay an annual report of receipts 
and expenditures before the Lord Chancellor and Master of 
the Rolls; in 1733 the first report, with its interesting list of 
benefactions, was ordered printed “to send to some of our 
principal subscribers.’’ This fair folio was itself a benefaction, 
for the stationers Mount and Page donated the paper and 
printing of two hundred and fifty copies, “stich’d in blew 
Paper.” 2° An abridgement of the account was annexed to 
John Burton’s anniversary sermon of 1732, printed this year 
at the request of the Trustees, as was also Samuel Smith’s ser- 
mon of 1731. The latter was accompanied by the reprinted 
‘Some Account,’ and by a statement of the designs of Bray’s 
Associates — now legally separated from the Georgia Trust, 
but for long after closely linked in personnel. 

Between 1733 and 1740 Georgia publicity declined in vol- 
ume. Peter Gordon’s ‘A View of Savanah as it Stood the 29th 
of March, 1734’ (dedicated to the Trustees), as engraved by P. 
Fourdrinier,®° was apparently an official issue; a thousand cop- 
ies of each of the three laws enacted by the Trustees were 


28. For issues and editions, see De Renne, pp. 16-17. The provenience of the 
pamphlet is revealed in Percival, Diary, 1, 367, and Colonial Records of Georgia, 11, 
21,29. A French translation was included in the ninth volume of Recueil de Voiages . 
au Nord, Amsterdam. 1738. For Kramer’s proposals to translate the tract into 
“High Dutch,” see Colonial Records of Georgia, 11, 193. Curiously, an advertise- 
ment facing the title-page of Martyn’s Impartial Enquiry (1741) announced the 
second edition as “‘Lately Published.” 

29. Colonial Records of Georgia, 1, 131. There seems to have been some con- 
fusion as to the extent of the stationers’ offer, Adam Anderson first reporting that 
they had offered to give paper and printing “for any Books to be printed for the Use 
of the Colony.” Jéid., p. 118. On the other hand, Percival noted that Mount offered 
“to give the paper if we let him have the printing such things as we publish.” 
Diary, 1, 387. Besides the General Account, Mount and Page this year issued the 
printed sermons. 

30. Colonial Records of Georgia, 11, 65 (Common Council Journal, April 6, 
1734): “Order’d That sixteen Guineas be paid to Mr. Peter Gordon as a Considera- 
tion for his Draught of Savannah.” Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, v, 
368, has a reproduction of a later version (1741). 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 293 


ordered; *! annual accounts were issued; *? newspaper para- 
graphs continued. But the only pamphlet of the period was 
apparently not printed at the Society’s expense. 
Meanwhile, Georgia continued to be an object of piquant 
interest to men of letters — from Pope and Savage and Thom- 
son to nonentities like “one Williams, a poor man,’’ wrote 
Percival, “and as poor a poet.” ** Several poets apparently 
stood close to the circle of the Trustees. The Reverend Samuel 
Wesley has been credited with the poems which were published 
together in a fine folio of 1736: ‘Georgia, a Poem. Tomachachi, 
an Ode. A Copy of Verses on Mr. Oglethorpe’s Second Voyage 
to Georgia.’ The first is among many contemporary eulogies of 
Oglethorpe — “Stranger to Repose” — and of the Trustees — 
“Lovers of Virtue, Friends of Human Kind.” The second is 
one of the most striking expressions in eighteenth-century 
English literature of that enthusiasm for the “noble savage”’ 
which was voiced by so many European writers from the six- 
teenth century to the nineteenth. James Thomson has been 
named “the first important humanitarian poet in English”’; % 
it is suggestive that the three philanthropies that he praised 
were Oglethorpe’s prison reforms, the founding of Georgia, 
and the erection of the Foundling Hospital by Thomas Coram, 
an Associate and a Trustee. Possibly Aaron Hill’s own earlier 
connection with the Azilia project prompted his epigram on the 
naming of the colony of Georgia.2® Much minor Georgia 
poetry appeared in the Gentleman’s Magazine; the proprietor, 
Cave, was a continuous benefactor of the enterprise, and in 
1735 offered a medal bearing the head of Oglethorpe, and 


31. Colonial Records of Georgia, 11, 97. 

32. Lbid., p. 138. 

33. A New Voyage to Georgia. By a Young Gentleman... London. mpccxxxv. 

34. Diary, 11, 198. 

35. By C. A. Moore, in Modern Language Association Publications, 1916, pp. 
281-282, 

36. Aaron Hill, Works. 1753, 1v, 152. D. Brewster, Aaron Hill: Poet, Drama- 
tist, Projector. New York, 1913, p. 58. 


294 VERNER W. CRANE 


other prizes for poems in honor of “The Christian Hero.” Of 
the poems submitted in competition, several lauded Georgia’s 
founder.*” No other American colony, surely, had so good a 
press, or so musical a chorus! 

The second period of active Georgia propaganda covered the 
years from 1740 to 1744. The Trustees were then seeking to 
secure Parliamentary support for Georgia on a regular annual 
basis, to relieve them from the necessity of depending so com- 
pletely upon the uncertain favor of Sir Robert Walpole. They 
were anxious, therefore, that Parliament should undertake an 
investigation of the colony. On the other hand, those were the 
years when a formidable faction of the colonists, aggrieved at 
the prohibition of slaves and rum, and at the system of land 
tenures, dissatisfied with Oglethorpe and other officials in 
Georgia, were assailing the Trustees in printed “libels” and 
through their agent in England, Thomas Stephens — the son 
of that Secretary William Stephens who was the Trustees’ 
most loyal servant in the colony. There was friction also with 
South Carolina, and criticism of Oglethorpe’s conduct of the 
St. Augustine expedition. All of these controversies produced 
pamphlets: of these, only a few can be mentioned. 

The opening shot in the Trustees’ campaign for a Parlia- 
mentary investigation was the tract printed in December, 1740 
(it bore date 1741) entitled, ‘An Impartial Enquiry into the 
State and Utility of the Province of Georgia.’ #® Martyn was 
the author, but the pamphlet was read and amended by a com- 
mittee of the Common Council before a thousand copies were 
ordered printed. Those distributed among the members of 


37. On this competition see Gentleman’s Magazine, v, 778; v1, 99, 414-415; 
vil, 58. For other poetry see [did., 11, 94; II, 209; IV, 501, 505; XIV, S01, 558. 

38. In the De Renne catalogue this is ascribed to Egmont. However, Martyn’s 
authorship is clearly established by Egmont’s Journal, in Colonial Records of 
Georgia, v, 410, which also reveals a very interesting political division among the 
Trustees. Of this pamphlet the John Carter Brown Library has two copies, differing 
only in the addition, on the title-page of copy 2, of “[Price one shilling and Six 
Pence].” 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 295 


Parliament “‘disposed many,” the Trustees believed, ‘“‘to be 
friends to the Colony, who were not so before.”’ Egmont and 
his son personally presented three copies at Court, to the King, 
the Duke of Cumberland, and the Prince of Wales.*® Further 
in anticipation of an inquiry, the Trustees in June, 1741, 
ordered the Secretary “ to prepare the well-known folio, ‘An 
Account shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in 
America from its First Establishment’; and at the same time 
a map of the coast and settlements from Carolina to St. 
Augustine was ordered engraved." This pamphlet was even 
more carefully revised by the Trustees than its predecessor. 
Thomas Stephens was now in England attacking the Trustees 
by pamphlet @ and in the lobbies. From Charles Town had 
come copies of that caustic indictment of the management of 
Georgia, written by the leaders of the “malcontents,” Patrick 
Tailfer, Hugh Anderson, and David Douglas: ‘A True and 
Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia, in America.’ ® 
Not, apparently, without difficulty, in view of the possibly 
libellous nature of the tract, Stephens found an English book- 
seller, Crokatt, to bring out a reprint in London in December, 
1741.4 Already the contents were known to Egmont, who on 
his own initiative ordered printed as “‘an antidote,” “to put in 
the hands of members of Parliament,” ‘A State of the Province 
of Georgia, attested upon Oath in the Court of Savannah, 
November 10, 1740.’ 4° Although some of his colleagues _be- 


39. Ibid., pp. 416, 430. 40. Idid., p. 438. 

41. One of the two copies of this pamphlet in the John Carter Brown Library 
contains the map. Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, v, 379, reproduces a 
German copy of this map, slightly altered, which appeared in Samuel Urlsperger: 
Ausfiihrliche Nachricht. x11. Dreyzehenten Continuation... Erster Theil. Halle 
und Augsburg. mpccxtvi. At the bottom of the German engraving, in the Urlsper- 
ger tract, is a view of the mills at Ebenezer. 

42. Egmont’s Journal, in Colonial Records of Georgia, v, 422-427, 440, 617. 

43. On the Charles Town editions, see Church Catalogue, 1v, No. 940. It is 
there incorrectly stated that the London edition appeared in the fo//owing year. 

44. Colonial Records of Georgia, v, 471, 578-579. 

45. Ibid., p. 578. This document had been transmitted by Colonel Stephens in 
November, 1740. Ibid., p. 406. 


296 VERNER W. CRANE 


lieved that ‘A True and Historical Narrative’ was so scandal- 
ous as to defeat its own ends, Egmont was aroused, and led the 
counter-attack, denouncing the libel in interviews with the 
Lord Chancellor and the Lord President.4® Another move, 
apparently, in the defense of their administration, was the 
publication in three volumes for the use of the Trust of 
William Stephens’s ‘A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, 
beginning October 20, 1737’; in a separate pamphlet was 
printed the brief ‘Journal received February 4, 1741’ which 
also makes part of Vol. III of the larger ‘Journal.’47 When 
Thomas Stephens, although meantime he had been censured 
by the House of Commons for libelling the Trustees, returned 
to the assault in 1743 with ‘A Brief Account of the Causes 
that have retarded the Progress of the Colony of Georgia,’ it 
was Egmont who replied in further defense of the policy of 
which he had been, in England, the outstanding proponent.‘ 
Already, however, this original policy of the Trustees, who 
had viewed Georgia as peculiarly a barrier colony, and had 
so stubbornly opposed the efforts of the colonists to develop a 
planting society like that of South Carolina, was undergoing 
transformation. The first concessions were in land tenures; 
on this head was published a folio containing ‘The Resolutions 
of the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in 
America (8 March 1741/2) relating to the Grants and Tenure 
of Lands within the said Colony.’ [1742]. 

In conclusion, it is the pleasant task of the writer, who in 
this essay has drawn largely upon the riches of the John Carter 
Brown Library, to direct attention to certain unique Georgia 
treasures which that collection possesses. Wesley’s copy of 
‘Some Account’ is one of them; the Egmont copy, with book- 
plate, of the Stephens ‘Journal’ (including the rare third 


46. Colonial Records of Georgia, v, 583, 585. 

47. For description of these rarities, see De Renne catalogue, p. 21. 

48. Georgia Historical Society Collections, 11, 88 note; De Renne, p. 260. I have 
not seen the Egmont reply. 


PROMOTION LITERATURE 297 


volume) is another, long known to bibliographers. On the same 
shelf are to be found three copies of the English reprint of ‘A 
True and Historical Narrative’ (besides the original Charles 
Town edition), two of which are elaborately annotated by way 
of a running refutation of the impeachment of the Trustees’ 
policy and management. There is also a copy of “A Brief Ac- 
count’ of 1743, with comments written in the same clear, small 
hand— including a note on the title-page that this tract was 
“publish’d by Tho. Stephens, who on his knees rec’d at the Bar 
of the H. of Commons the censure of being a false scandalous 
and malicious fellow.” It is evident that the commentator 
found the margins of ‘A True and Historical Narrative’ too 
narrow for full expression of his dissent, for one of the copies 
was interleaved and rebound, to give fuller scope for his scorn- 
ful rebuttal. A sample is the following comment upon Ander- 
son’s reference to the “hundred hackney Muses” who had 
conspired to paint Georgia a paradise: “The Hyperboles of 
Poetry should not influence so great an author as this pam- 
phleteer, bred to books at an University, the meanest school 
boy makes allowances in these flights.” Among the notes are 
numerous citations from the Stephens journals, from letters, 
and from conversations, which supply sufficient internal evi- 
dence of authorship — though this, apparently, has not hith- 
erto been determined. One proof among several must suffice. 
Opposite p. xii appears this note: “Mr. Beaufain Collector of 
Charlestown in Carolina informed me, that Patrick Graham a 
freeholder of Savannah made $9 £ last year (1741) only by 
selling his mulberry plants to the Inhabitants.” Compare the 
following record of the identical conversation: 


Jany 15.[1742] Mr Bofin acquainted me with the following particulars: 
... He... read part of a letter he lately received from America, informing 
him that Patrick Graham Surgeon at Savannah (a most industrious 


49. Colonial Records of Georgia, v, 587. Since this was written, I have received 
a confirmation of Egmont’s authorship of these notes from Mr. J. A. Roberts, editor 
of the Percival Diary, based upon comparison of handwriting. 


298 PROMOTION LITERATURE 


Planter) had made this year so£ by mulberry seeds which he collected at 
Purysburg, and .. . sold them to his Neighbours at a penny a plant. 

The latter quotation is from the ‘Journal of the Earl of 
Fgmont.’ Like the John Carter Brown copy of the Stephens 
*“Journal,’ these pamphlets were once part of the library of 
Oglethorpe’s earliest and ablest collaborator, that generous 
philanthropist, and veracious diarist of the Age of Walpole — 
John Lord Percival, first Earl of Egmont. 


BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE PRINTED IN 
AMERICA, 1775-1830 


By ALEXANDER J. WALL 
Librarian of the New York Historical Society 


HE earliest printed work on the subject of architecture 
is that of Leone Battista Alberti, printed at Florence in 
1485. But the work of Vitruvius, dating back approximately 
to 25 B.c., stands preéminent as the fountain of all written 
knowledge on this subject. The earliest printed book of 
Vitruvius was issued at Rome about 1486; the first illustrated 
edition appeared at Venice in 1511. Countless volumes on 
architecture have been issued since that time by many authors 
the world over, but this contribution toward a bibliography 
will be confined to the books printed in America prior to 1831. 
The American colonies produced no original work on archi- 
tecture, and the earliest books printed here were popular Eng- 
lish works republished here. Thus, Abraham Swan’s ‘ British 
Architect,’ first printed at London in 1745, and in 1775 re- 
printed in Philadelphia, was the first book on architecture 
published in America. About this year, 1775, there was in 
preparation a twelvemo volume which did not receive a title- 
page. This, which is in the possession of Mr. R. T. Haines 
Halsey of New York, appears to be a made-up volume, con- 
taining a bookplate of the Carpenters’ Company of Phila- 
delphia, with the name of Thomas Savery, a prominent car- 
penter of Philadelphia, who was born in 1751 and died in 1818. 
It has thirty-six plates and a leaf of text containing a price- 
list. The plates are arranged thus: first, a ground-floor plan 
and a front elevation of Carpenters’ Hall at Philadelphia; then, 
plates of upright construction, roofs, windows, sills and joints, 
stairs, cornices, mantels, gates, doorways, and pillars. It is be- 
lieved that these plates were engraved in America. 


300 ALEXANDER J. WALL ° 


In 1786 John Norman, an Englishman by birth, published 
in Boston a work on architecture, entitled, ‘The Town and 
Country Builder.’ Other popular English books reprinted 
here and used extensively in the United States were the works 
of William Pain and B. & T. Langley. These authors opened 
the great stores of architectural design and building to the 
everyday carpenters by placing at their disposal simplified 
works which made it possible for the average joiner to con- 
struct beautiful houses. 

It was not until 1797 that the first distinctly American work 
appeared in the United States, entitled ‘The Country Build- 
er’s Assistant,’ by Asher Benjamin. It was first printed at 
Greenfield, Massachusetts, and contained engraved plates 
designed by the author. 

The preface to ‘The American Builder’s Companion,’ the 
second work by Asher Benjamin, issued in 1806, states that 
two thirds of the contents of foreign publications on archi- 
tecture was unsuited to buildings in America. Hence Benja- 
min designed his books to answer the needs of carpenter- 
builders in constructing houses, churches, and public buildings 
throughout the rural districts of the country. His publica- 
tions were so simple that a carpenter could follow the plan of 
construction without difficulty; and it is to be remembered 
that the structures of colonial design that we admire to-day 
in almost every locality, which were built in the decade im- 
mediately following the Revolutionary War, are largely due 
to these architectural books, which circulated in the United 
States and simplified the larger technical works of the earlier 
masters of design. 

An examination of these volumes, and a comparison with 
existing architectural features of houses and churches of the 
locality where the compilers practised the vocation of archi- 
tect and builder, will leave little doubt as to the practical use 
these publications were put to. Some of the houses built by 


BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE 301 


Asher Benjamin are referred to in ‘The Georgian Period,’ 1902 
(volume 3, page 105), Kimball’s ‘Domestic Architecture of 
the American Colonies,’ 1922, and Wardner’s ‘Old South 
Meeting House,’ Windsor, Vermont, 1923 (pages 18 and Ig). 

When we read the introductions to the early architectural 
books printed in America, we learn that they were all at one 
in the purpose to bring to the American carpenter-builder 
practical publications to guide effective construction with 
real merit. So these books ranged in size from the folio to a 
handy pocket-size book. That they were much used is proved 
by their comparative scarcity to-day, and by the many 
houses still standing whose construction follows their designs. 

While a number of copies of the books listed have been 
located in various libraries and private collections, it was a 
matter of surprise to the compiler to find in the sixty-odd 
libraries inquired of, that not one had a comprehensive collec- 
tion of these books. In fact the greater number had none, or 
not more than one or two, on the subject, issued before 1830. 
Of the twenty-one titles and thirty-five editions listed, the 
American Antiquarian Society has fourteen, Mr. W. Gedney 
Beatty thirteen, the New York Historical Society ten, the New 
York Public Library and Library of Congress, each nine, the 
Boston Public Library eight, the New York Society Library 
and Yale University Library, each six. 

There being but eleven compilers of these architectural 
books prior to 1820, I have arranged the following titles under 
the author or compiler, giving some biographical data for each 
and a short title of the books and various editions. After 
each title I have mentioned the copies found. 


ABRAHAM SWAN 
is called a “Carpenter” on the title-page of the 1745 Lon- 
don edition of ‘The British Architect,’ which was issued 
at thirteen shillings. Later he styled himself “Architect.” 
His books were the first published in America on architecture, 


302 ALEXANDER J. WALL 


and were sponsored by John Norman, who came to America 


as early as 1774. 
The British Architect: or, the Builders Treasury of Stair-Cases. .. . 
One Hundred Designs and Examples, curiously engraved on Sixty Folio 
Copper-Plates. By Abraham Swan, Architect. Philadelphia. Printed by 
R. Bell, Bookseller, ... For John Norman, Architect Engraver, . 
M,pcc,Lxxv. Folio. 
Copies: HSP, FI, WGB, CU, LC, RTHH, CC, AAS, NYHS. 
The British Architect: or, the Builder’s Treasury of Stair-Cases. . 
One Hundred Designs and examples, curiously engraved on Sixty Folio 
Copperplates. Boston: Printed Typographically by John W. Folsom, 
for John Norman, Engraver, No. 75, Newberry Street, M,pcc,xciv. Folio. 
The second American edition of this book, with same text and plates. 
Copies: AAS, BPL. 
A Collection of Designs in Architecture, containing New Plans and 
Elevations of Houses, for General Use... . . In two volumes. Each con- 
taining Sixty Plates, curiously engraved on copper. Designed, by Abra- 
ham Swan, Architect: and Engraved, by John Norman. Vol. I. Phila- 
delphia: Printed by R. Bell, Bookseller, ... ™,pcc,txxv. Folio. 
This book, the second of Swan’s works republished in Philadelphia by 
John Norman, was never completed, so far as known. The ‘Pro- 
posals,’ dated Philadelphia, June 26, 1775, were announced in the first 
edition of ‘The British Architect,’ which stated the intention of print- 
ing it by subscription, in numbers to be published monthly. One 
number, dedicated to John Hancock, containing four pages of text 
with ten plates, was published with the above title-page, which is from 
the only known copy in The New York Public Library. It is presumed 
that the war interfered with the completion of the book. The complete 
work was printed in London, 1757. 


JOHN NORMAN 


was an Englishman who first appears in this country at 
Philadelphia, advertising in the Pennsylvania Fournal of May 
11, 1774, as an Architect and Landscape Engraver, from 
London. The same year he was a member of the firm of 
Norman and Ward, Engravers and Drawing Masters. In 
1780 Norman removed to Boston and issued the first num- 
ber of the Boston Magazine in 1783, and the first Boston 
Directory in 1789. Stauffer’s “American Engravers’ says 
that he was the first to attempt a portrait of George Wash- 
ington, which he engraved about 1779. It was this John 


BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE 303 


Norman who was sponsor for the publication of the books by 
Abraham Swan and the first book of William Pain in 1792. 
He died intestate in Boston, June 8, 1817, aged 69 years. His 
widow, Alice Norman, petitioned on June 23, 1817, to have 
James Fullick appointed to administer the estate, which ac- 
cording to inventory amounted to $620.47. 


The Town and Country Builder’s Assistant: . . . illustrated by upwards 
of 200 Examples, Engraved on 60 folio Copper-plates. By a Lover of 
Architect. Boston: N. E. Engraved Printed and Sold by J. Norman. 
This work, a compilation from English sources, contains the same fron- 
tispiece that appeared in Isaac Ware’s ‘The Complete Body of Archi- 
tecture,’ London 1756. Folio. 
Copies: MHS, WGB, LC, BPL, RTHH, MMA, OC, 


WILLIAM PAIN 


architect and carpenter, according to the London Architects’ 
Journal of March 5, 1919, was the author of seven volumes. 
Of his antecedents nothing is definitely known and he died 
no one knows when. He had a son, James, who became a 
builder and surveyor. In 1763 he published at London ‘The 
Builder’s Pocket Treasure or Palladio Delineated and Ex- 
plained,’ which thus made easy for the village joiners the 
doctrines of Palladio. 
The Practical Builder, or Workman’s General Assistant: . .. The 
Fourth Edition, Revised and Corrected by the Author William Pain, 
Architect and Joiner. Engraved on eighty-three plates. Boston: Printed 
and sold by John Norman, No. 75 Newbury-street. M,Dcc,xcII. 4to. 

First American edition of Pain’s books. 

Copies: NYPL, YU, BPL, NYHS, EI, WGB. 
The Builder’s Pocket-Treasure . . . correctly engraved on_ fifty-five 
plates. ... A New Edition, London Printed: Boston Reprinted, and 
sold by William Norman, at his shop No. 75, Newbury-street. MDCCXCIV. 
12mo. 

Copy: BPL. 
The Practical House Carpenter; or, Youth’s Instructor: . . . The whole 
illustrated, and made perfectly easy, by 148 Copper Plates,... The 
First American from the Fifth London Edition, with Additions. Boston: 
Printed and sold by William Norman, Bookseller and Stationer, No. 75, 
Newbury-Street. 1796. 4to. 

Copies: BPL, AAS, EI, HCL. 


304. ALEXANDER J. WALL 


[Same.] The sixth Edition, with additions. Philadelphia: Printed by 


Thomas Dobson . . . 1797. 4to. 
Copies: NYPL, HSP, UP, RTHH, LC, CC, WGB. 


The Carpenter’s Pocket Directory; ... Engraved on Twenty-four 
plates, ... Philadelphia: Published by J. H. Dobelbower, and J. 
Thackara. 1797. 8vo. 
Copy: NYPL (lacks two plates). 
ASHER BENJAMIN 

of whom little has been known, issued the first original work 
on architecture produced in America. He was a carpenter- 
architect working in Greenfield, Deerfield, and surrounding 
Massachusetts towns. He was born in Greenfield, Mass., 
June 15, 1773, perhaps the son of Caleb who lived in Mon- 
tague, Mass., and who married, first, November 30, 1797, 
Achsah Hitchcock, born in Brookfield March 16, 1773, and 
second, in August, 1805, Nancy Bryant, born January 16, 
L7S7. ; 

_ In his book on the ‘ Practice of Architecture,’ 1833, he says: 
“Tn the year 1795 I made the drawings and superintended the 
erection of a circular staircase in the State House at Hartford, 
Conn., which I believe was the first circular rail that was ever 
made in New England.” It was invented by Peter Nicholson 
of England and published in 1792. Wardner in his “Old South 
Meeting House,’ Windsor, Vermont, says that Asher Ben- 
jamin proposed starting a school of architecture in Windsor, 
where he owned a dwelling, in 1802, and that his influence was 
felt and followed in much of the building in the Connecticut 
Valley. In 1803 his name appears in the Boston Directory and 
there he continued to live until his death in 1845. His will, 
dated November, 1844, was probated September 8, 1845. He 
owned two dwelling-houses on the east side of West Cedar 
Street, Boston, between Mt. Vernon and Pinckney Streets, 
and bequeathed them to his two daughters, Sarah Smith Ben- 
jamin and Elizabeth Augusta Bliss. His two sons, James and 
John Bryant Benjamin, both died without issue. The family 


BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE 305 


burial-place was at Mount Auburn, His daughter, Elizabeth 
A., was born January 4, 1800, and died at Springfield, Mass., 
June 22, 1877. She was the wife of William Bliss, a graduate of 
Harvard in 1818. Their grandson is Chester W. Bliss, now of 
New London, Conn. Asher Benjamin published a number of 
books, editions of which continued after his death. A com- 
posite reprint of his books was issued in 1917 by Aymar Em- 
bury II. Those issued to 1830 are as follows: 


The Country Builder’s Assistant: containing a Collection of New De- 
signs of Carpentry and Architecture; . . . correctly engraved on thirty 
copper plates: . . . Printed at Greenfield, (Massachusetts). By Thomas 
Dickman. m,pDcc,xcvil. 8vo. : 
Mr. G. C. Gardner in ‘The Georgian Period,’ vol. 3, p. 105, refers to 
a 1796 edition of this work, which is incorrect, as 1797 is the earliest 
date of publication. 
Copies: AAS, GCG. 


The Country Builder’s Assistant . .. thirty-seven copperplates. ... 
Boston: Printed by Spotswood and Etheridge, for the Author, sold by 
him, and by Alexander Thomas, Worcester, 1798. 8vo. 

Copies: NYHS, YU, NYSL, LC, EJ, HCL, CE, WGB, ELE. 


The Builder’s Assistant; . . . thirty-seven Copperplates. . . Third Edi- 
tion. Greenfield: Printed by Thomas Dickman. 1800. 8Vvo. 
Copy: AAS. 


The Country Builder’s Assistant: . . . thirty-seven copperplates. ... 
Greenfield, Mass. Printed by John Denio. 1805. 8vo. 
Copies: NYPL, AE. 


The American Builder’s Companion; or, a new system of Architecture: 
particularly adapted to the present style of building in the United States 
of America. Containing, forty-four engravings,... By Asher Ben- 
jamin, Architect and Carpenter, and Daniel Raynerd, Architect and 
Stucco Worker. Boston: Published by Etheridge and Bliss, Proprietors 
of the Work. S. Etheridge, Printer, Charlestown. 1806. 4to. 

Copies: NYHS, LC, BPL, WGB, HCL, AAS, HSP, WL, AE. 


The American Builder’s Companion; .. . fifty-nine copperplate en- 
gravings. Second Edition, corrected and enlarged. . . . Charlestown. 
Printed by Samuel Etheridge, Junr. 1811. 4to. 

Copies: BA, OC. 
The American Builder’s Companion . . . fifty-nine copperplate en- 
gravings. Third Edition, corrected and enlarged. ... Boston: Pub- 
lished by R. P. & C. Williams, for the author. Printed by Thomas G. 


Bangs. April 1816. 4to. 
Copies: NYPL, AAS, RTHH, WGB, GSM & T. 


306 ALEXANDER J. WALL 


The American Builder’s Companion; .. . sixty-one copperplate en- 
gravings. Fourth Edition, corrected and enlarged. ... Boston: Pub- 
lished by R. P. & C. Williams, Cornhill Square; (Between No. 58 and 59 
Cornhill, opposite the Old State House.) 1820. 4to. — 


Copies: NYHS, AAS, NJHS, UP. 


The American Builder’s Companion; . . . Sixty-Three Copperplate En- 
gravings, Fifth Edition, Corrected and Enlarged. ... Boston: Pub- 
lished by R. P. & C. Williams, Cornhill Square, . . . 1826. 4to. 


Copy: MMA. 


The American Builder’s Companion; . . . seventy Copperplate Engrav- 
ings. Sixth Edition. Corrected and Enlarged. ... Boston: Published 
by R. P. & C. Williams. Cornhill Square; . . . Dutton & Wentworth, 
Printers. 1827. 4to. 


Copy: WGB. 


The Rudiments of Architecture: being a treatise on practical geometry, 
on Grecian and Roman Mouldings; . . . thirty-two copperplates. Bos- 
ton, Printed for the Author, by Munroe and Francis, No. 4, Cornhill. 
1814. 8vo. 


Copies: NYPL, PU, NYSL, BPL, AAS, WGB, MMA, AE, NYHS. 


The Rudiments of Architecture: .. . thirty-four copperplates. Second 
Edition, . . . Boston: Published by R. P. & C. Williams, Cornhill- 
oquare, . .. 0.18208 svo, 


Copies: AAS, GCG, WGB. 


The Practical House Carpenter. Being a complete development of the 
Grecian Orders of Architecture, . . . sixty-four large quarto copper 
plates. .. .. Boston: Published by the Author, R. P. & C. Williams, 
and Annin & Smith. 1830. 4to. 


Copies: BA, YU, LC, AAS, EI, OC, GCG. 


WILLIAM NORMAN 


a bookseller and stationer of Boston, issued one book which 
in all probability he compiled. Little is known concerning 
him, but that he was related to John Norman (perhaps his 
brother) seems apparent from the fact that in the Boston 
Directories from 1798 to 1805 his address was the same as 
that of John Norman. He published Pain’s ‘ Builder’s Pocket 
Treasure’ at Boston in 1794 and Pain’s ‘Practical House 
Carpenter,’ Boston, 1796. 


BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE 307 


The Builder’s Easy Guide, or Young Carpenter’s Assistant: containing 
a great variety of useful designs in carpentry and architecture; ... To 
which is added, a list of the price of Carpenter’s Work, in the Town of 
Boston . . . forty-eight copper plates, . . . Boston: Printed and Sold 
by William Norman, Book and Chart-Seller. Oct. 1803. 4to. 

The list of carpenter’s prices referred to in the title is lacking in the 

only known copy of this book, which is in the New York Society 

Library. 

BATTY LANGLEY 

the son of Daniel and Elizabeth Langley, was born at Twick- 
enham, England, in 1696, and died at Soho, March 3, 1751. 
He issued a number of books in England and had a consider- 
able following. A sketch of his life with a reproduction of his 
portrait is contained in Chancellor’s ‘The Lives of the British 
Architects,’ London, 1g11. Only one of his books was re- 
published in America prior to 1830. 
The Builder’s Jewel; or the Youth’s Instructor, and Workman’s Remem- 
brancer . . . 200 Examples, engraved on 100 Copper Plates. By B. and 
T. Langley. The First American Edition. Charlestown: Printed by 
S. Etheridge, For Samuel Hill, Engraver, No. 2, Cornhill, Boston. 16mo. 

This is a pocket-size volume, issued without date; an advertisement 

in the Salem Gazette of March 7, 1800, announces that it had just been 

published. The printer Etheridge began printing at Charlestown in 


1799. The engraver’s name, Hill, is an error for Samuel Hall. 
Copies: AAS, HCL, WGB, CE. 


OWEN BIDDLE 


the son of Owen and Sarah Parke Biddle, was born in Phila- 
delphia, April 28, 1774 and died May 25, 1806. An architect 
and builder, he built the old bridge over the Schuylkill River 
at Market Street, which was opened in 1804. He married 
Elizabeth Rowan, May 2, 1798. He taught the rudiments of 
architecture, and published one book, which went through 
four editions before 1830, three of them after his death. 


The Young Carpenter’s Assistant; or, a system of Architecture, adapted 
to the style of Building in the United States. By Owen Biddle, House 
Carpenter, and teacher of architectural drawing, ... Philadelphia: 
Printed and Sold by Benjamin Johnson, No. 31, Market-Street. 1805. 


4to, 44 plates. 
Copies: LCP, AAS, HCL, NYHS, WGB, CC. 


308 ALEXANDER J. WALL 


The Young Carpenter’s Assistant; ... Published by Johnson and 
Warner, . . . Philadelphia. . . . Printed by Robert and William Carr. 
1810. 4to, 44 plates. 

Copies: AAS, BPL, NYHS. 


The Young Carpenter’s Assistant; . . . Published by Johnson and Warner, 
Philadelphia . . . William Brown, Printer, . . . 1815. 4to, 44 plates. 
Copy: YU. 


The Young Carpenter’s Assistant; . . . Published by Benjamin Warner, 
. . . Philadelphia. . . . William Dickson, Printer, Lancaster, Pa. De- 


cember, 1817. 4to, 44 plates. 
_ Copies: NYSL, WGB, RTHH. 


PETER NICHOLSON 
was born at Prestonkirk, East Lothian, England, July 20, 
1765, and died at Carlisle, England, June 18, 1844. He was 
a writer on practical architectural subjects and published a 
number of books listed in the ‘Dictionary of National Biog- 
raphy,’ London, 1895, which gives a good sketch of his life. 
He did not come to America, but one of his books was re- 


published here. 
The Carpenter’s New Guide: being a complete book of lines for carpentry 
and joinery ... eighty-four copper-plates: ... The eighth edition, 


from the sixth London edition. Philadelphia: Printed and Published by 
M. Carey & Son, No. 126, Chesnut Street, June, 1818. Griggs & Co. 
Printers. 4to. 

(Editions of this book were printed after 1830.) 

Copies: NYSL, GSM & T. 


STEPHEN WILLIAM JOHNSON 


was associated with three others in a brewery business in New 
Brunswick, New Jersey; they borrowed their capital in 1796 
from John Jacob Astor. Johnson was connected by marriage 
with Jacob Klady, the potter, who deeded land in trust for 
Johnson’s wife Mariah and his brother Thomas Johnson, drug- 
gist, of London. This land was clay land for the pottery. 


Rural Economy: containing a treatise on Pisé Buildings; . . . on the 
Culture of the Vine; and on turnpike roads. With [8] plates. New 
Brunswick, N. J. Printed by William Elliot. For I. Riley & Co. No. 1, 
City-Hotel, Broadway, New-York. 1806. 8vo. 
Copies; NYHS, NYPL, BA, SHSW, PU, LC, HEH, NJHS, LCP, 
RCL, NYSL. 


BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE 309 


MINARD LAFEVER 

was born near Morristown, New Jersey, in 1797 and died at 
Williamsburg, Long Island, September 26, 1854. He worked 
as a carpenter, and later became an architect and the author 
of several books on architecture, all but one published after 
1830. He erected a large number of private and public build- 
ings in New York, New Jersey, New England, and Upper 
Canada, and nearly forty sacred edifices, a number of which 
are in Brooklyn, New York. He is buried in Cypress Hills 
Cemetery. 

The Young Builder’s General Instructor; containing the five orders of 
architecture, . . . sixty-six elegant copper-plate engravings. By Minard 
Lafever, Architect, and Practical Builder in the City of New York. New- 


ark, N. J. Printed by W. Tuttle & Co. 1829. 4to. 
Copies: NYPL, YU, LC. 


JOHN HAVILAND 
born near Taunton, England, December 15, 1792; died in 
Philadelphia, March 28, 1852. He came to the United States 
in 1816 and became noted as a designer of prison buildings, 
planning the Halls of Justice, New York City, the United 
States Mint, and the Eastern Penitentiary in Philadelphia. 


The Builder’s Assistant, containing the five orders of Architecture . . . 
150 copperplates. By John Haviland, Architect, and engraved by Hugh 
Bridport, Artist. Vol. I [II & III]. Philadelphia: Published by John 
Bioren. . . . 1818-1824. 8vo. 

Copies: LCP, FI, GSM & T, CC. 


A Description of Haviland’s Design for the New Penitentiary, now erect- 
ing near Philadelphia . . . Philadelphia: Published by Robert Desilver, 
No. 110, Walnut Street . . . 1821. 8vo. 

Copy: LCP. 


The Practical Builder’s Assistant; . . . 150 engravings. Second Edition. 
Baltimore, F. Lucas Jr., [1830]. 8vo, 4 vols. 
Copies: YU, LC. 


A Description of Tremont House, with Architectural Illustrations. . . . 
Boston: Published by Gray and Bowen. M,pccc,xxx. 4to, 31 plates. 
Copy: NYHS. 


310 ALEXANDER J. WALL 


This book, published without an author’s name, is included 
in the list although no general search for other copies was 
made. Other books of a related interest are the House Car- 
penters’ Books of Prices, and Cabinet-Makers’ Price Books, 
A few of these came to the attention of the compiler and they 
indicate that the principal cities, New York, Boston, and 
Philadelphia, had each its society of tradesmen, which pub- 
lished ‘Rules of Work’ that specified the amount to be charged 
for all construction work. Of these books I have met with 
two published in Boston in 1774 and 1800, four in Phila- 
delphia, in 1786, 1801, 1808, 1827, one in Carlisle, Pennsyl- 
vania, in 1795, and one in New York, in 1817. 

The above list may not be complete. It is possible that 
some books and authors may yet come to light, that are not 
mentioned in this article. The newspapers covering the period 
are still to be examined for possible publication announce- 
ments, and further search may reveal other copies. It is the 
intention of the compiler to continue this work and eventually 
to reprint it in a more complete form, with additional biblio- 
graphical details. I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to 
the collectors and librarians who so kindly responded and as- 
sisted in this work. In particular I am indebted to Mr. R. T. 
Haines Halsey for the loan of his books, and to Mr. W. Gedney 
Beatty of New York for his kindness and generosity in placing 
at my disposal not only his books but many notes upon this 
subject, which formed the foundation on which I built. 


BOOKS ON ARCHITECTURE C1 tie 


List oF ABBREVIATIONS 


Aymar Embury, New York. 
American Antiquarian Society. 
Boston Atheneum. 

Boston Public Library. 

Carpenter’s Company, Philadelphia. 
Charles Ewing, New York. 

Columbia University (Avery Library). 
Essex Institute. 

Edmund L. Ellis, New York. 
Franklin Institute, Philadelphia. 
George C. Gardner, Springfield, Mass. 


. General Society Mechanics and Tradesmen. 


Harvard College Library. 

Henry E. Huntington Library. 

Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 
Library of Congress. 

Library Company of Philadelphia (Ridgeway Branch). 
Massachusetts Historical Society. 
Metropolitan Museum of Art. (See OC.) 
New Jersey Historical Society. 

New York Historical Society. 

New York Public Library. 

New York Society Library. 

Ogden Codman Library in the Metropolitan Museum 
of Art. 

Princeton University Library. 

Rutgers College Library. 

R. T. Haines Halsey, New York. 

State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 
University of Pennsylvania Library. 

W. Gedney Beatty, New York. 
Watkinson Library. 

Yale University Library. 


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ISAAC EDDY, PRINTER-ENGRAVER 


By HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


Assistant Librarian, Dartmouth College Library 


HE history of printing in Vermont is both interesting 

and unusual. The first press in the State was the famous 
Dresden Press of 1778 and 1779, located at Dresden, now Han- 
over, New Hampshire, when that town with sixteen others 
east of the Connecticut River was a part of Vermont. 

The Daye Press on which were printed the Dresden items 
was located successively in three or four Vermont villages: 
Windsor, probably Westminster, Weathersfield, and finally 
Woodstock. In 1814 Alden Spooner sold the press to Isaac 
Eddy “by whom it was repaired, and again put in use, after 
enjoying a respite from labour for many years. By Mr. Eddy 
it was transferred to David Watson of Woodstock.” ! Later it 
was rescued from oblivion and is now in the collection of the 
Vermont Historical Society at Montpelier. From some of the 
smaller Vermont towns, now scarcely known except for their 
interest to collectors of Americana, came very interesting im- 
prints. Such places as Fair Haven, the home of the famous 
Matthew Lyon, Barnard, Danville, Peacham (now well known 
as the birthplace of the Honorable George Harvey),and Weath- 
ersfield were the homes of printing presses, the output of which 
was small in number. Gilman in his “Bibliography of Vermont’ 
credits Weathersfield with six imprints. Five additional titles 
(including one not printed by Eddy) have been discovered. An 
examination of the copyright records of the State of Vermont 
reveals no further imprints of this town.’ 

1. Vermont Journal, May 22, 1826. 


2. These valuable records are available in the office of the clerk of the District 
Court of the United States, District of Vermont, at Burlington, Vermont. 


314 HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


Weathersfield, named from Weathersfield, Connecticut, is 
situated in the Connecticut River Valley north of Bellows Falls 
and just south of Windsor, a veritable center of early printing. 
The town was chartered in 1761 and in 1810 had a population 
of 2115. The little hamlet of Greenbush where Isaac Eddy en- 
gaged in printing is located in the western part of the town 
near the Cavendish line. In 1815 it boasted of a tavern, and in 
1818 of a store. In 1820 a post-office was established there.? 
To-day it is a hamlet of not over a dozen houses.‘ 

Although Isaac Eddy has many descendants living to-day, 
little authentic biographical data regarding him is to be found. 
He was born in Weathersfield, Vermont, February 17, 1777, 
and died at Waterford, New York, July 25, 1847. He appar- 
ently lived in Weathersfield until 1826 when he moved to Troy, 
New York, and later to Waterford. He married first Lucy 
Tarbell, who died March 8, 1828, and second Susannah Foster, 
who died in 1855. He was the father of thirteen children. One 
printed account refers to him as a portrait painter ® in early 
life; another as an engineer.® 

“The History of Windsor County, Vermont” by Aldrich 
and Holmes mentions the hamlet Greenbush, and states that 
“Isaac Eddy, an inventor, about this time (1815) erected a 
building where he experimented with perpetual motion. He 
afterward converted it into a printing and copper-plate en- 
graving establishment publishing wall maps. This building in 
1838 was made into a church.” The statement that Eddy 
made wall maps is probably incorrect. Some confusion may 
have arisen from the fact that in this little village wall maps of 


3. Aldrich, L. C., and Holmes, F. R., The History of Windsor County, Vermont. 
Syracuse, N. Y., 1891. 

4: An early industry of the town of Weathersfield possibly located at Greenbush 
was “‘a printing ink establishment where is manufactured a very superior quality of 
engraving ink.” — Zadock Thompson, History of Vermont, Natural, Civil and 
Statistical. Burlington, 1842. 

5. Genealogy of Eddy Family, by Charles Eddy. Brooklyn, 1881. 

6. The Eddy Genealogy, Boston, 1884. 


ISAAC EDDY 315 


New Hampshire and Vermont were made at a later period by 
George White. Further confusion, also, may have developed 
from the fact that Lewis Robinson of Reading lived for a while 
in Greenbush, later moving to South Reading where he engaged 
in making maps and Biblical wall pictures in colors. As will be 
seen later, Robinson and Eddy had business dealings with each 
other. Then too there is extant a folio wall map of New Hamp- 
shire with an inset view of Bellows Falls, Vermont, signed 
O. T. Eddy, Walpole, New Hampshire. This O. T. Eddy was 
Oliver T. Eddy, the oldest son of Isaac. According to an old 
newspaper clipping (date unknown) he was associated with his 
father in Vermont “‘in a printing office, the son doing the en- 
graving.” This clipping makes the erroneous statement that 
Oliver made the first copper-plate map of Vermont and New 
Hampshire. Later in life he was a portrait painter and in- 
vented the “Typographer.” Mr. E. W. Butterfield of Con- 
cord, New Hampshire, a native of Weathersfield, has in his 
possession the sales book of Castor Cowles of Weathersfield 
Centre for the years 1816-17. In this are some interesting 
records of Isaac Eddy. On May 29, 1816, there was charged 
against him “Garden seeds 3 cents, one pair suspenders, § 
cents and one roll of Black Boll, 13 cents.”” On April 26, 1817, 
Eddy bought one half mug of sling for thirteen cents, and one 
meal of bread and cheese for seventeen cents. 

Eddy must have been considered a man of learning and im- 
portance, for we find that in 1805 when only twenty-eight 
years old he delivered an oration in his native town, “An | 
Oration, | Delivered At Weathersfield, | In February 1805.| 
On Fatality And Predestination, | Or the Predeterminate and 
Irrevocable decrees of God, | Relative To The Dispensation | 
Of All Events And Terminating Results | Incident To The 
Several States Of Our Existence, To Which In Poetry, | 
Adapted To The Preceding Subject, | Is Added, | A Solitary 
Meditation |On The | Starry Heavens |The Infinity Of God, 


316 HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


And The Blindness | And Frailty Of Man;]| Also, |On The 
Almighty Power, | And | Supreme Dignity Of God|. This 
was “printed for the subscribers,” by Nahum Mower, Wind- 
sor, 1805. This item unknown to Gilman bears the following 
“Prefatory Address, to The Brethren And Audience”, which 
gives us a measure of his intellectual ability. 


Worthy and Respectable Brethren, and Audience, 

Deeply affected and impressed as I feel at this time, having a serious, 
awful and solemn sense of the Almighty power and infinite wisdom of God, 
marvellously displayed, and in splendid brilliancy discovered to us, in the 
stupendous and wonderful works of Creation and Providence, and in cope- 
ous effusions to us more recently revealed in the regular succession, contin- 
uation, and preservation of all things, being, and life; and having also a 
fresh view of the shortsightedness and frailty of man — It is therefore, that 
I now appear in public to reveal in a thetorical manner, a few faint ideas I 
have arranged on the subject of Fatality and Predistination, or the Pre- 
determinate decrees of God, relative to the dispensation of all occurences, 
all events, and terminating results in both our mortal and immortal states 
of existence, and to the means of the original apostacy of the human family 
and the plan of Redemption, in the gospel, represented to us through Jesus 
Christ our Lord. 

It may appear singular, however, that one in my humble condition, and 
of my rank, should presume even the most distant attempt to engage in a 
work of so vast importance. 

Literature, you are sufficiently apprised, all common and even the most 
ordinary privileges of which to obtain, I have ever been deprived, — and to 
display this science could not have been the stimulating motive — pride 
nor ambition, it seems, could not have excited it. 

But, my friends, fate has ordained and prompted me to move in that 
elevated sphere. 


Of the ten known Eddy Weathersfield imprints, five of 
which are local in character, three bear the imprint Isaac Eddy 
and the others that of Eddy and Patrick. The Eddy and 
Patrick imprints were printed in the years 1814 and 1815. 
Apparently sometime in 1815 the partnership was dissolved. 
Two items issued in this year were printed by Eddy alone. 
The latest known imprint bears the date 1816. Patrick, who 
was Eddy’s partner in the years 1814-15, was probably Sam- 
uel Patrick, Jr., either a resident of Windsor at one time, or 
possibly a journeyman printer. References relating to him are 
also found in the Cowles Account Book. 


ISAAC EDDY 317 


The Eddy and Patrick imprints are as follows: 1. Abell’s 
Almanac for 1815. 2. Dutton’s ‘Thoughts on God.’ 3. Peck’s 
“A Short Poem,’ etc. 4. ‘A Plain Answer.’ 5. ‘History of 
Water Birds.’ 6. Merritt’s ‘Discourse on the War.’ 7. Cottin’s 
“Elizabeth.’ The imprints by Eddy alone are: 1. Winchester’s 
“An Elegy.’ 2. Translation of Secundus. 3. Roberson’s ‘Dia- 
logues.’ The circumstances of the printing of each of these 
items is given below with as much detailed information as it 
has been possible to gather. 

The issue of Spooner’s Vermont Fournal (Windsor) for Oc- 
tober 24, 1814, centains the following advertisement: 


Doct. Abell’s New-England Farmer’s Almanac for 1815 is out of the 
Press, and will be ready for Sale in a few days by the Thousand, Gross, 
Dozen, or Single, by most of the Printers, Booksellers and Merchants, in 
New-Hampshire and Vermont. .. . Weathersfield, Oct. 21, 1814. 


No printer’s name, however, is given. Abell’s Almanac for the 
next year, 1816, was printed in Windsor. 

Another imprint for 1814 is ‘Thoughts on God, Relative to 
His Moral Character, in Comparison with the Character, 
which Reputed Divines Have Given Him.’ The author, 
Salmon Dutton, was one of the leading citizens of the border- 
ing town of Cavendish and was the author of other works. As 
a preface this book has an “advertisement by another hand” 
signed S. C. L. [Samuel C. Loveland.] 

The rarest Weathersfield imprint is ‘A Short Poem Contain- 
ing a Descant on the Universal Plan. By John Peck. Also, 
The Wrestler, who found an Evil Beast, contended with him, 
and threw him, being an answer to Peck’s Poem on the Uni- 
versal Plan. By Samuel C. Loveland.’ This is the title given 
in Richard Eddy’s ‘Universalism in America.’ Gilman has en- 
tries for this pamphlet under Loveland and Peck, but his titles 
do not exactly correspond to that given by Richard Eddy. 
Then, too, the title found in the newspaper advertisement 
varies somewhat from that given by Eddy. No copy of this 
pamphlet has been located in any collection of Americana. 


318 HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


Another rare title is “A Plain Answer to “A Sermon De- 
livered at Rutland West-Parish in the year 1805”; entitled, 
“Universal Salvation: A Very Ancient Doctrine: With Some 
Accounts Of The Life, And Character Of Its Author. By 
Lemuel Haynes, A.M.” In Prose And Poetry Composition.’ 
Gilman attributes this to S. C. Loveland, whereas Richard 
Eddy attributes it to Hosea Ballou. From evidence in the 
preface it is probable that Ballou was not the author. 

The author of these rare pamphlets was likewise a local man 
of repute. The Reverend Samuel C. Loveland, ordained in 
1814, resided for a while in the neighboring town of Reading, 
Vermont. He was the author of several other pamphlets, and 
of ‘A Greek Lexicon adapted to the New Testament with Eng- 
lish Definitions’ Woodstock, 1828, and was editor of the Chris- 
tian Repository, an important Universalist magazine in its day. 
In the Vermont Republican for February 18, 1815, appeared an 
advertisement: 


Just Published, price fifteen cents single, and for sale at the Book-Store 
of Jesse Cochran, in Windsor. The Famous Poem of John Peck, On the 
universal plan; — also The Wrestler, Who Found an evil beast, contended 
with him, and threw him; being an answer to Peck’s Poem on the Universal 
Plan; both in one book. By Samuel C. Loveland. Likewise A Plain An- 
swer to a sermon delivered at Rutland, West Parish, in the year 1805 en- 
titled, Universal Salvation, a very ancient doctrine, with some accounts of 
the life and character of its author, by Lemuel Haynes, A.M., in prose 
and poetic composition. .. . The Author of the Plain Answer, is called a 
preacher of the Universalian Order; yet was never willing to own the devil 
as father or brother in his ministry, but always denied him, and has now 
written publicly against him. 

Those of all denominations of christians, who feel opposed to that old, 
cunning, laborious and very presumptuous preacher, the devil and have 
fourteen cents to spare, are solicited by the author to call and purchase one 
of the above mentioned books. 

PrapicaTuR UNIVERSALIS 


‘A History of Water Birds’ (cover title), a child’s book not 
mentioned by Gilman, contains crude woodcuts “copied pre- 
cisely from Bewick’s celebrated birds.” These may have been 
engraved by Isaac Eddy. 


ISAAC EDDY 319 


It is impossible to account for the publication in Weathers- 
field of Timothy Merritt’s ‘Discourse on The War With Eng- 
land Delivered in Hallowell, On Public Fast, April 7, 1814,’ 
printed in 1815. There was a press in Hallowell, Maine, at this 
time, and in these days of infrequent mails it is difficult to de- 
termine why this local Maine item should have been printed in 
an obscure Vermont hamlet. Merritt was a Universalist min- 
ister and author of several publications. 

‘Elizabeth, or the Exiles of Siberia’ by Madame Cottin was 
apparently a popular book of the day. It is interesting to note 
that this book, although printed by Eddy and Patrick, was 
published by P. Merrifield of Windsor. 

Of the items printed by Eddy alone there is “An Elegy Upon 
Messrs. John and Charles Wesley, George Whitefield, and 
John de la Fletcher, eminent ministers of the Gospel, written by 
Mr. Elhanan Winchester.’ Winchester was a well-known Uni- 
versalist divine and author who died in 1797. Possibly Mr. 
Loveland was instrumental in having this item printed. An 
engraving of Mr. Winchester, made in 1831, has also been 
attributed to Eddy. 

It is likewise impossible to account for the publication of 
“The Portal to the Cabinet of Love; consisting of the Basia of 
Johannes Secundus.’ It would be interesting to know who 
made this translation of the first American edition of Secundus. 
This book bears the imprint, “Printed and Published by 
Isaac Eddy.”’ It is the only item naming Eddy alone as both 
printer and publisher. 

The last of the Eddy imprints is ‘Select And Original Dia- 
logues, Orations And Single Pieces Designed For The Use Of 
Schools,’ by Lewis Roberson, “published by the author.” 
Lewis Roberson was Lewis Robinson of the neighboring town 
of Reading. He was born August 19, 1793. Ina sketch of him 
by his son Calvin 7 we find the following: “Soon after he came 


4. Centennial Celebration, together with an historical sketch of Reading, Wind- 
sor County, Vt., by Gilbert A. Davis, Bellows Falls, 1874. 


320 HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


of age and began the world for himself, he engaged in the busi- 
ness of book publishing, establishing a printing office at Green- 
bush. He published a number of works there, mostly educa- 
tional, which were well up to the times in merit, and style and 
finish. But he soon after went into the copper-plate printing 
and the publication of maps and scriptural paintings, at South 
Reading, which proved much more remunerative.” Of the 
works published by Robinson there has been located only this 
volume and one other, a child’s book ‘The | Robber, | or | 
Sons of Night: | a True story. | Weathersfield: | Published by 
L. Roberson. | A. D. Pier, Printer. | 1816.’ | Wyman Spooner, 
son of Alden, states that Eddy sold his press to David Watson 
of Woodstock. So it is difficult to account for this one item 
printed by A. D. Pier. No reference is made to this book in 
Gilman, nor is any other Pier imprint known. It is possibly 
the only Pier imprint and may have been printed on the Eddy 
press, before it. was moved to Woodstock. 

As an engraver Isaac Eddy is best known by the extremely 
crude engravings on copper which he made for the first edition 
of the Vermont Bible. Stauffer * states that Isaac Eddy made 
“several exceedingly crude line engravings” for the first Ver- 
mont Bible, but lists only one ‘Elijah and the Widow’s Son.’ 
He also credits to him and to James Wilson an engraving ‘The 
Epochs of History.’ In Fielding ® we find six additional en- 
‘gravings attributed to Eddy: a portrait of Eliza Wharton, a 
portrait of Elhanan Winchester, a view of the Vermont State 
Prison, and three Bible engravings, The Holy Family, St. 
John, and St. Matthew. O’Callaghan gives a very careful 
detailed description of this Bible listing seven engravings, 
omitting the St. Matthew. Gilman likewise lists only seven 
engravings. Perfect copies of this Bible contain seven engrav- 


8. Stauffer, American Engravers on Copper and Steel. New York, 1907. 

9. Fielding, American Engravings on Copper and Steel. Philadelphia, 1917. 

10. O'Callaghan, A List of Editions of the Holy Scriptures and parts thereof 
printed in America previous to 1860. Albany, 1861. 


ISAAC EDDY Sat 


ings by Eddy and one by James Hill. The engravings in the 
various copies seen are not always opposite the same pages. 
They vary slightly in size but are approximately 73 X 6 inches. 
In the revised edition of Dunlap ™ brief mention is made of 
Eddy and his engravings “‘which are the crudest specimens of 
engraving we have seen.” 

Each of these Bible plates with the exception of ‘Jesus of 
Nazareth which was crucified’ [The Resurrection] which is by 
James Hill, and the St. Matthew are surmounted with the 
words “First Vermont Edition.” These two, strange to say, 
are surmounted by the words “Vermont First Edition.” At 
the bottom of the plates are the words “Isaac Eddy sculpt. 
Weathersfield Vt. Windsor Published by Merfield [sic] and 
Cochran, 1812.”’ The word “Vt.” is omitted from the Elijah 
engraving. 7 

In the Washingtonian for October 22, 1810, we find the fol- 
lowing proposals for publishing this first Vermont Bible. 


VERMONT BIBLE 
PROPOSALS 
BY MERRIFIELD AND COCHRAN 
FOR PUBLISHING 
AN ELEGANT QUARTO EDITION 
OF THE 
HOLY BIBLE 


. .. It is but a few years, since a Bible was printed in America — it has 
never before been attempted in Vermont. In commencing this great and 
interesting work, the Publishers will spare neither pains nor expense to 
have the Vermont Bible of good materials, and made perfectly correct; and 
to have the execution in a style of decency and elegance. . . . In short, it is 
believed, that every Family, in this state, will feel an ambition to be fur- 
nished with a copy of the first Bible printed in Vermont. 


11. Dunlap, A History of the Rise and Progress of the Art of Design. A new 
edition illustrated and edited with additions by F. W. Bayley and C. E. Goodspeed. 
Boston, 1918. 


3a HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


ConDITIONS 


1. It will be printed on good paper and a new type. 
2. The price to Subscribers, neatly bound and lettered, will be Five 


Dollars. 
3. Those who subscribe and become accountable for ten copies, shall 


have an eleventh gratis. 
4. Asa liberal subscription is anticipated, the work will be put to press 


immediately, and forwarded with all possible speed. 
Winpsor, Vr., Oct. 1810. 


Subscriptions received at the Washingtonian Office. 

The next information regarding the Bible is found fourteen 
months later in the issue of the Washingtonian for January 6, 
1812: 

Gentlemen holding subscriptions for the Vermont Bible are requested to 
turn them in to the publishers, for the first of March, 1812. 

In the issues of the Washingtonian for August 17 and fol- 
lowing dates we find the final notice as follows: 


BIBLES 
SUBSCRIBERS TO THE 
VERMONT BIBLES 


are requested to call and receive their books. For the accomodation of 
those who have not had an opportunity to subscribe for this work, the 
Publishers have concluded to sell them to companies of ten or over, at the 
subscription price, viz. 

Without PiaTes, $5.00 

With 8 plates 5.50 

— 8 plates & Map 5-75 
The price to non subscribers, will be enhanced fifty cents. 


MERRIFIELD AND COCHRAN 
Winpsor, Aug. 1812. 


Heretofore there has been dispute as to the first edition of 
this Bible, some making the claim that the issue with plates 
was the first. This notice proves that both variants were 
issued simultaneously. 

In the same year 1812, Eddy also made an engraving for 
John Russell’s ‘An Authentic History of the Vermont State 
Prison.’ This engraving appears as a folding frontispiece, 
thirteen by five and one-half inches in size and bears above the 


ISAAC EDDY 393 


picture the caption ‘An Oblique Front View of the Vermont 
State Prison’ and below the words “Isaac Eddy sc. Weathers- 
field, Vt.” Of the eight copies of this book which have been 
examined, only three contain the frontispiece. John Russell, 
the author, was born in Cavendish, Vermont, a town bordering 
on Weathersfield, July 31, 1793, and was only nineteen years 
old at this time. His proposals for publishing this history are 
found in the Washingtonian for June 29, 1812, and in the two 
following issues: 


AN AUTHENTIC HISTORY 
OF THE 
VERMONT STATE PRISON 


From the Passing of the Law for its erection in 1807 to July, 1812.... 
BY JOHN RUSSELL, JUN. 
CONDITIONS: 


This work will contain nearly 150 duodecimo pages, and shall be printed 
on good paper and a fair type, and neatly bound and lettered. 

It will contain an elegant Copper-plate engraving of the State’s Prison. 
Price to subscribers 50 cents — non-subscribers, 75. Subscriptions re- 
ceived at this office. The work will be put to press immediately. 
Windsor (Vt.), July 27, 1812. 

In the Apology to this work the author states in part: 


It was not the unpardonable vanity of becoming an AuTHoR, but “‘neces- 
sity the mother of invention,” that produced the present work. 

The only motive for writing the History of the Vermont State Prison 
was, the aid that the sale of the copyright would afford the author in ob- 
taining a collegial education. ... 

It is said that with the sales of this book and his ‘History of 
the War between the United States and Great Britain,’ the 
author paid his expenses at Middlebury College. 

One of the most interesting of the signed Eddy engravings 
is a large folio engraving issued in two sections with the cap- 
tion ‘Chronology Delineated to illustrate the History of 
Monarchial Revolutions.’ Stauffer lists this under James 


Wilson as ‘The Epochs of History.’ Apparently he had 


12. Stauffer, No. 3400. 


324 HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


never seen the upper section of this engraving which bears the 
caption mentioned above. Although the engraving is signed 
1813, the earliest newspaper reference to it is found in the Wash- 
ingtonian for May 23, 1814. Likewise in the clerk’s records 
at Burlington, Vermont, we find “‘ Beit remembered that on the 
third day of February in the thirty-eighth year of the Inde- 
pendence of the United States of America Isaac Eddy of the 
said district hath deposited in this office the title of a Chart... 
chronology delineated ...’’ The prospectus is as follows: 


CHRONOLOGY DELINEATED 
To illustrate the History of Monarchial Revolutions. 


Isaac Eddy, Engraver and Copper Plate Printer, Weathersfield, Ver- 
mont, has just published, and offers for sale, by the Hundred, Dozen, or 
Single a CuRoNOLoGIcAL Cuarr, 
to illustrate the History of Monarchical Revolutions. This Chart is the 
work of an eminent French Historian and Chronologer, and was first pub- 
lished at Paris. The encouragement it has met with among men of genius 
‘and learning is no small proof of its general utility. Since its first publica- 
tion it has passed through twelve large editions in France, besides several 
in Great Britain. It is engraved on a copper plate, upward of three feet in 
length, and about two feet in width, and the work much finer than usual in 
works of this size... . 

It is represented by a Tree at the root of which is a Frontispiece, repre- 
senting about 30 Beasts, Birds, etc. and the first man Adam giving names 
to them, as represented in the Book of Genesis. This has never been in- 
serted in any European edition, and is executed in an excellent manner. ... 

In short, it is the most concise and accurate system of chronology ever 
published, and intelligible to every person capable of reading. Nothing in 
the power of the Publisher, has been wanting to render the present edition 
accurate, and the impression elegant. Without arrogating too much to 
himself, he thinks he can safely affirm, that, in point of elegance, this edi- 
tion is vastly superior to any before published, and, in this affirmation, he 
is supported by the opinion of Engravers of the first eminence. 

To the Patrons of the Fine Arts, this work is addressed, — and since 
Literature in general is encouraged, and the fine arts are patronized; since 
the present is the first American edition, of a work so justly celebrated in 
Europe; and since it is at once useful, amusing and ornamental; the Pub- 
lisher hopes to secure their approbation, and meet with liberal encourage- 
ment in this attempt to disseminate useful knowledge. 

Gentlemen holding Subscription Papers, are desired to call or send, and 
receive their Copies, within three months, otherwise the Publisher will not 
consider himself holden to deliver them at the subscription price. 
Weathersfield, May 9g, 1814. 


ISAAC EDDY 325 


The upper section, inside the borders, is twenty-one inches 
in width by eighteen and three-fourths in height; the lower, 
twenty-one inches in width by seventeen inches in height. The 
plate impression in the bottom half makes it appear like a com- 
plete engraving, but in the upper half the plate impression 
runs off the lower edge so that the sheet may be pasted to- 
gether making an engraving thirty-six by twenty-one inches. 

An unsigned folio engraving entitled ‘Maria,’ sixteen inches 
in height by twenty-one inches in width, has been attributed 
by some to Eddy. This crude engraving represents the forlorn 
Maria seated beside the trunk of a large tree. In the distant 
background to the left is a high mountain, to the right a small 
village. Below the engraving proper is a poem of six stanzas. 
Several years ago, Mr. Frank W. Coburn of Lexington dis- 
covered in a Vermont farmhouse several fresh copies of this 
engraving together with several fresh copies of the ‘Chronol- 
ogy. From the association of these remainders it has been 
assumed by some that the ‘Maria’ is the work of Eddy. 

The above are all the known engravings signed by Isaac 
Eddy. The Eliza Wharton portrait is signed “Engraved and 
printed at Pendletons. Eddy”’; and the Elhanan Winchester 
“Eddy sc... 1831.” Both were published in Boston. An- 
other engraving signed Eddy is found as a vignette on the 
title-page of Jacob Abbott’s ‘The Young Christian.’ These 
engravings, both of a later period, are so far superior in work- 
manship to the Bible and other known engravings of Isaac 
Eddy that we are forced to conclude that they must have 
been by another hand. By some they have been attributed to 
James Eddy, an engraver of portraits who is known to have 
worked in Boston. The name of Isaac Eddy does not appear 
in the Boston directories for the years 1818 to 1847, during 
which years these engravings were made. The name “James 
Eddy, engraver and lithographer, 1 Graphic Court,” does how- 
ever appear at various intervals in the directories for these 


326 HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


years. This evidence would seem to prove that the engravings 
signed “Eddy sc... . Boston” are the work of James Eddy. 

It has become more or less customary for the compilers of 
auction catalogues and others to attribute to Isaac Eddy any 
and all unsigned engravings published in Windsor and Wood- 
stock. It is probable that Eddy did more work than we know 
of, and quite possible that he illustrated some of the many 
chapbooks published in these places, but care should be taken 
not to attribute to him all Vermont engravings of this period. 

In the town of Weathersfield there is a tradition concerning 
Eddy and his work which has been traced to the ‘History of 
Reading, Windsor County, Vermont,’ volume 2, by Gilbert A. 
Davis. Mr. Davis reprints an unsigned article from the April 
goo issue of the Interstate Fournal (White River Junction, Vt.) 
regarding Hank White, a famous New England Minstrel 
Singer. “His parents were of more than ordinary intelligence, 
his father George White working in his younger days with the 
Eddys, who resided in Weathersfield, and were among the early 
printers of Vermont. They printed the entire Bible with en- 
gravings in which the Apostles are depicted in modern garb, 
with stovepipe hats. Mr. White was afterwards an engraver 
and printer of maps.” No evidence can be found that a Bible 
was ever printed in Weathersfield. The reference is no doubt 
to the Windsor Bible that Eddy illustrated, although there we 
find no Apostles with stove pipe hats. 

Abner Reed of Connecticut and James Hill of Boston made 
engravings for books published in Windsor. The engraving by 
James Hill for the Vermont Bible is as crude as any work done 
by Eddy. Since various children’s books printed in Woodstock 
and Windsor contain identical cuts, it is possible that the 
original woodblocks passed from one printing press to another. 
Then too the name E. Hutchinson is signed to a few old maps 
and to an early Masonic engraving. Hutchinson was Ebenezer 
Hutchinson, a publisher, of Woodstock and Hartford, Ver- 


ISAAC EDDY 327 


mont. In Abell’s ‘New England Farmers’ Diary and Almanac 
for 1823’ Hutchinson advertises: “He likewise gives notice 
that Copperplate Engraving is still carried on at his factory in 
Queechee Village, Hartford, Vermont, by Mr. Moody M. Pea- 
body. Also the Copper Plate Printing and Comb Making 
Business, in their various branches — where are also kept for 
sale Maps of various sizes.” Peabody’s crude engraving ‘The 
Unjust Sentence of the Jews Against Jesus Christ, the Saviour 
of the World’ ® published in 1823 was either engraved by 
Peabody in Queechee, Vermont, or more probably in Reading 
at which place he was residing April 28, 1823." 

In this article, which the author realizes is incomplete, an 
attempt has been made to collect all the published legends and 
facts regarding Isaac Eddy and to add to this knowledge some 
new facts, but only a beginning has been made. Several prob- 
lems remain unsolved for future bibliographers to undertake. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY OF EDDY PUBLICATIONS 


Copies of all except numbers three and four, owned by the author; no 
copy of number three located; a copy of number four in Tufts College 
Library. 


ABELL, TRuMAN. The| New-England Farmer’s | Diary, | And |Almanac, | 
For The Year Of The Creation, According To Sacred | Writ, 5777, And The 
Christian Era, | 1815. | Being the third after Bissextile or Leap Year, and 
the thirty | ninth of American Independence. | Containing, | Besides the 
usual Astronomical Calculations, a great variety | of Matter that’s Curi- 
ous, Useful and | Entertaining. | Fitted to the Latitude and Longitude of 
the town of Windsor, | (Vt.) but will serve for any of the adjacent States 
without | sensible variation. | By Truman Abell. | [Woodcut.] [Poem of six 
lines.] Weathersfield, Vt.| Printed by Eddy and Patrick. | Price, 7} 
Dolls. per gross — 75 cts. per doz. — and Io Cts. single. | 211 X 127 mm. 
48 pp. (unnumbered), wrappers. (1) 
Durron, Satmon. Thoughts !On God, | Relative To His Moral Character, 
|In Comparison With The Charac-| ter, Which Refuted Divines | Have 
Given Him. | To Which Is Added A Short Supplement. | On The | Doc- 
trine of Free Agency;| Also, A Few Observations On | Prayer. | By 
Salmon Dutton, Esq. | Printed By Eddy And Patrick, | Weathersfield, 
Vt. | 1814. | 163 X 105 mm. 102 pp., boards. (2) 


13. Stauffer, No. 2422. 14. Vermont Journal, April 28, 1823. 


328 HAROLD GODDARD RUGG 


Loveanp, Samuet C. A short poem, containing a Descant on the Uni- 
versal Plan. By John Peck. Also, The Wrestler, who found an Evil Beast, 
contended with him and threw him, being an answer to Peck’s Poem on 
the Universal Plan. By Samuel C. Loveland. Weathersfield, Vt. 16mo. 
16 pp., 16. [Title taken from Richard Eddy’s “Universalism in America,” 


p- 497.] (3) 


[Loveanp, Samuet C.] Attributed by Richard Eddy to Hosea Ballou. 
A | Plain Answer | To | “A Sermon, | Delivered at Rutland West-Parish, | in 
the year 1805”; | Entitled, | “Universal Salvation: | A Very Ancient Doc- 
trine; With |Some Accounts Of The Life, And | Character Of Its | Author, | 
By Lemuel Haynes, A.M.” | In Prose And Poetic Composition. | [Biblical 
quotation] | Weathersfield, Vt.| Printed by Eddy and Patrick. | 1816. | 
203 X 124 mm. 27 pp., wrappers. (4) 


A|History, | And Description Of | Water Birds; | Consisting chiefly of the 
most rare | and singular kinds; with accu- | rate drawings and engravings 
of | each; copied precisely from Be- | wick’s celebrated Birds. | [Woodcut.] 
Weathersfield, Vt.| Printed And Sold By|Eddy And Patrick. | 1815. 
165 X 10omm. 24 pp., wrappers. Printing on cover reads History | Of 
Water Birds.| [Cuts.] (5) 


Merritt, Timothy. A | Discourse | On| The War With England. | De- 
livered | In | Hallowell, | On| Public Fast, | April 7, 1814. | By Timothy 
Merritt. | Weathersfield, Vt.| Printed By Eddy And Patrick. | 1816. | 
180 X 108 mm. 22 pp., wrappers. (6) 


Cortin, Mapame. Elizabeth;|Or, The | Exiles Of Siberia: | A Tale 
Founded Upon Facts. | From the French of Madame Cottin. | Windsor: 
Published by P. Merrifield. | Eddy and Patrick, Printers | 1815. | 102 X 
76mm. 174 pp., boards. (7) 


WINCHESTER, Evuanan. An| Elegy Upon| Messrs. Fohn and Charles 
Wesley, George Whitefield, | and fohn de la Fletcher, eminent Ministers of | 
the Gospel, | Written | By Mr. Elhanan Winchester. | [Two Biblical quota- 
tions.] | Weathersfield, Vt.| Printed by Isaac Eddy. | 1815. | 200 X 121 
mm. II pp., wrappers. (8) 


Secunpus. The | Portal | to the | Cabinet Of Love; | consisting of the | 
Basia of Johannes Secundus, | newly translated into english verse. | with the | 
Epithalamium. | Also, | Fragments . . . Being Some Poetical | Pieces On 
the Kiss, | &c. | Weathersfield, Vt. | Printed And Published By Isaac Eddy.. 
| 1815. | 148 X 90mm. 98 pp., boards. (9) 


Rozerson, Lewis. Select | And Original | Dialogues, | Orations | And | 
Single Pieces, | Designed For The Use Of Schools, | By Lewis Roberson. | 
[Quotation.] | Weathersfield, Vt.| Published by the Author. | Isaac Eddy, 
Printer. | 1816. | 166 X 100mm. 180 pp., boards, | (10) 


ISAAC EDDY 329 


AUTHENTICATED Eppy ENGRAVINGS 


The following seven engravings more fully described in the text, are 
from the Holy Bible, first Vermont edition, Windsor, 1812. The copy 
described is in the Library of the American Antiquarian Society. 


Elijah Raising the Widow’s Son. Opposite p. 260. 
Holy Family. Opposite title-page of New Testament. 
St. Matthew. Opposite page 765. 

St. Mark. Opposite page 789. 

St. Luke. Opposite page 806. 

St. John the Evangelist. Opposite page 832. 

St. Paul. Opposite page 877. 


An oblique Front View of the Vermont State Prison, folding frontis- 
piece to “A History of the Vermont State Prison...” by John Russell Jr. 
Windsor. 1812. 

Chronology Delineated to illustrate the History of Monarchial Revolu- 
tions, published by Isaac Eddy. Weathersfield, Vermont 1813. With the 
privilege of copyright. Engraved by Fames Wilson, Bradford and by Isaac 
Eddy, Weathersfield, Vermont. Large folio engraved sheet. [Vt. Hist. Soc. 
& H. G. R.] 


LAWS \ 
FOR THE 
BETTER GOVERNMENT OF CALIFORNIA. NG 


“THE PRESERVATION OF ORDER, 


4ND THE 
Protection of the Bights of the Inhabitants,” 
a 
DURING THE MILITARY OCCUPATION OF THE 
COUNTRY BY THE FORCES OF THE 
UNITED STATES. 


ee N 
BY AUTHORITY OF R. B. MASON, 
Col. Ist U. S. Drags. & Governor. 





San Francisco: 
PUBLISHED BY S. BRANNAN 


1848. 





THE FIRST CALIFORNIA LAWS PRINTED IN 
ENGLISH 


By CHESTER MARCH CATE 
Assistant Librarian of the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California 


N discussing the confusion in legal procedure that prevailed 
in California during the period immediately subsequent to 
the conquest of that country by the United States, one writer 
says: “ Before the end of the war Mexican laws not incompati- 
ble with United States laws were by international law supposed 
to be in force; but nobody knew what they were, and the 
uncertainties of vague and variable alcalde jurisdictions were 
increased when Americans began to be alcaldes and grafted 
English common-law principles, like the jury, on Californian 
practice. Never was a population more in need of clear laws 
than the motley Californian people of 1848-1849.” ! 
_ The attitude of the people, the press, and the Governor, with 
reference to this situation, makes an interesting study. At the 
beginning of 1848, Governor Richard B. Mason found himself 
in a position of much uncertainty as to events in the immediate 
future. Mexico and the United States were still at war. Sepa- 
rated as he was by a matter of months from information from 
Washington and Mexico, he knew at the beginning of April 
nothing of the peace treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo of Febru- 
ary 2d. The ‘Supplement’ of the California Star, however, 
contained on April 1st news from Mazatlan as late as Febru- 
ary Ist mentioning rumors of a speedy prospect of peace, and 
there was a general feeling that the war with Mexico would 
soon terminate in favor of the United States. In the event of 
peace, Mason, a military governor, had every right to suppose 
that he would cease to function as such, that his rule would be 
succeeded by a civil administration, and that laws similar to 


1. Encyc. Brit., vol. v (1910), p. 19. 


gee: CHESTER MARCH CATE 


those in the United States would come into force. In the an- 
ticipation of such a sequence of events he no doubt felt that 
the labor of preparing and putting into operation a civil code — 
for which the necessity might pass even before its completion 
— was a work of supererogation. 

That pressure of public opinion was eventually sufficient to 
induce Governor Mason to prepare a code of civil laws, and 
that these laws were actually printed, was until recently un- 
known. From the sale of the library of William H. Winters, a 
former librarian of the New York Law Institute, in March of 
1923, the Henry E. Huntington Library came into possession 
of what is believed to be the only known copy of these laws. 
Notices of the discovery of this volume which appeared at the 
time of the sale were generally erroneous; in one the place of 
publication was given as Monterey; in another it was described 
as “the first book printed in San Francisco”; and even in the 
sale catalogue the inscription on the title-page was wrongly 
interpreted. The title-page is shown herewith in facsimile. 
The collation is A-H *, I ?; and the correct reading of the in- 
scription is: | Not published in consequence of | the news of 
peace | J. L. Folsom |. Mr. Folsom was the Collector of Cus- 
toms at San Francisco. 

Apparently Governor Mason made no secret that he was at 
work on these laws. Brannan, in an editorial in the California 
Star of April 22d, says: 


Governor Mason, we are credibly informed, has commenced the judicial 
organization so long talked of, and so absolutely required. We sincerely 
hope that the new system, whatever it may be, may soon be developed. A 
judiciary system, and a judicious code of laws, adapted to the peculiar 
wants and interests of our people, are all that California now requires to 
insure her present happiness and future prosperity as a territory, and her 
ultimate power, magnificence and grandeur as a state. 


The Californian, in the issue of April 26th, has an editorial 
to the same effect: 


Civil Code of Laws. — Some time ago we received an intimation from a 
valuable correspondent at Monterey that Governor Mason would probably 


THE FIRST CALIFORNIA LAWS 333 


soon commence the judicial organization so much needed in this territory, 
and from time to time, we have heard the same rumor repeated; but we 
have refrained from giving it publicity until we could be more positively 
informed on the subject. We are now enabled to state on good authority, 
that the organization spoken of has actually commenced. This properly 
executed, and California may be considered as fairly set out on the road to 
prosperity and greatness. 

Between April 26th and May 3d something seems to have 
occurred which caused Mason to reconsider the advisability 
of continuing his work, for on the latter date the Californian 
has this comment: 


The Civil Organization. — We have been credibly informed that Gov. 
Mason has relinquished the project of a civil organization which we men- 
tioned last week as being in process, as he is in daily expectation of a com- 
munication from Washington, probably appointing a governor and fur- 
nishing a pattern code of laws. 

This news seems to have brought forth considerable protest. 
The Californian of May 17th devotes a column and a half toa 
discussion of the situation. The editor says that the amount of 
space at his disposal is not sufficient to publish all the com- 
plaints he has received on this subject; ‘“‘the proper course to 
be pursued by the people undoubtedly is to address their peti- 
tions directly to the Governor”; even if the two governments 
have commenced negotiations for peace, he cannot believe, in 
view of the long time which must necessarily elapse before a 
territorial government can be established, that the Governor 
has again changed his views upon this subject. In conclusion 
he repeats his former request that the people should “forward 
their petitions to the Governor, fully representing their neces- 
sities and asking His Excellency’s immediate action in refer- 
ence to the matter”’ 

Even more drastic criticism is voiced by Brannan in the 
California Star of May 20th: 


If there is, as is feared, a disposition to delay this long-talked-of organ- 
ization, on the part of Gov. Mason, in expectation of a relief from the dis- 
charge of what is viewed, apparently, as a responsible and hazardous piece 
of service, we are of the opinion the day is hastening on that will demand 


334 CHESTER MARCH CATE 


the prompt administration of active and efficient laws, for the security of 
person and property, and the most stringent measures become advisable, 
that, had a code of laws been seasonably framed, and their mild and per- 
suasive influence earlier felt, might have been avoided. What hope is held 
out — what well based and reasonable belief can there exist that California 
will, within the next three years, enjoy the beneficent result of the intro- 
duction of laws from the seat of the U. S. Government? 


Does the Governor fear to overstep his authority? 


Gen. Kearny, it appears, came here with abundant authority conferred 
upon him to establish any system of laws which he believed the state of the 
country would require. . .. Undoubtedly the powers, assumed by his suc- 
cessor, are the same at this time. We can express astonishment, therefore, 
that to this time no movement has been made towards executing the will of 
our government. We trust its accomplishment will receive the attention of 
our present governor before unpleasant consequences arise from past 
neglect. The people of this territory are now awaiting the promised ad- 
ministration of decisive law. — They require it — they expect it, and to it 
they are entitled. 


Such criticism, together with the numerous petitions that 
must have come to him personally, seems to have had an im- 
mediate effect on Governor Mason. By this time his compila- 
tion must have been completed and his ‘Laws’ ready for the 
press, for on May 21st we have a letter from him to Captain 
Folsom in which he says: 


SIR: 

I send Mr. Hartnell, the government interpreter, to San Francisco, to 
attend to the correctly printing of the Spanish translation of some laws, 
&c., that I intend to publish. The Spanish printing heretofore done in San 
Francisco has generally been so full of errors that it is important that Mr. 
Hartnell should attend to the proof sheet of this himself. I desire that you 
will have a number of copies, both in Spanish and English, struck off and 
stitched together, so that they can be distributed in that way together. 
Send me, if it be possible, one or more copies so as to reach me before the 
arrival of the Anita, and an English copy without the Spanish, if the latter 
will cause any delay. I hope, by the printer using his utmost exertions, 
that he may get this printing done before the sailing of the Anita. I wish 
the manuscript copy returned to me, and not a copy of the printing re- 
tained in the printer’s office, or be suffered to go abroad. . 


On the ist of June the Governor evidently appeal that 
Folsom and Hartnell were busy in San Francisco carrying out 
his instructions. In a letter of that date to John Townsend, 


THE FIRST CALIFORNIA LAWS 335 


with reference to the settlement of the Leidesdorff estate, he 
says: 

... There are now in process of printing some laws touching the settle- 
ment of estates, &c.; and therefore the bond . . . should be in accordance 
with such laws as are now, or may be hereafter, applicable to such account- 
ability and settlement. 

Just at this time, however, printing in San Francisco was, 
owing to the general exodus to the gold fields, nearly at a 
standstill. On the 2d of June the editor of the Ca/ifornian, in 
the “triple character of editor, printer and devil,”’ suspended 
publication with a broadside announcing the signing of the 
treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo just four months previous. And 
on the 14th of June the California Star appeared “before the 
remnant of a reading community” for the last time. Under 
such circumstances it is not surprising to find that by August 
Ist the “Laws’ seem still not to have been printed, — at least 
no copy had reached Governor Mason, — for we have a letter 
of that date from H. W. Halleck, Secretary of State, to James 
A. Hardie, in which Halleck says: 


SIR: 7 
In reply to your letter of July 28th, relative to the settlement of the 
estate of the late William A. Leidesdorff, I am directed to inform you that 
as soon as the printing of the laws can be completed, a court will be or- 
ganized which can take cognizance of this matter. .. . The governor wishes 
you to hurry the printing as much as possible... . 

Five days later, however, occurred an event of major im- 
portance in its bearing on Mason’s Code. On the 6th of 
August Mason was officially notified of the existence of peace, 
and on the 7th he issued his proclamation conveying the news 
to the people of California. Work on the laws must have been 
stopped at once for on the 12th Hartnell seems to have re- 
turned to Monterey. 

What became of the printed laws? The fact that from the 
date of their printing up to the present time only the copy 
which belonged to Captain Folsom has been brought to light, 
makes it seem likely that most of the impression was destroyed. 


336 THE FIRST CALIFORNIA LAWS 


Probably not many copies were printed; and it is possible that 
the copy here described is the only survivor. If this is the 
“English copy without the Spanish” which Governor Mason 
on May 21st requested Folsom to send him, it must have come 
again into Folsom’s hands and have been inscribed by him at 
a later date, for there seems no reason for his inscribing on a 
copy intended for the Governor a note recording a fact with 
which the Governor was already familiar. It seems more likely 
that this is a copy which Folsom kept for his own and anno- 
tated for future reference or for the information of someone 
other than Governor Mason. If this is true, a second copy may . 
be still in existence. 

Writing later in the year to L. W. Hastings, under date of 
October 24th, Mason says, 

... | had prepared a code of laws, and a judicial organization; and, al- 
though they were sent to the press in due season, I did not succeed in get- 
ting them printed before I received official notification of the ratification of 


the treaty of peace between the two republics, owing to the stopping of the 
presses upon the discovery of the gold mines, &c. 


How much clearer this letter would have been had Mason sub- 
stituted for ‘“‘before”’ the words “until after”! Worded as it is, 
it certainly gives the impression that his code of laws was not 
printed at all; and, in the absence of any copy, this no doubt 
seemed a logical conclusion. 

The analysis of the subject-matter of these laws will be left 
to the legal historian who must from now on consider Mason’s 
Code a fundamental document among his printed sources. 
Norte: Quotations for which special authority has not been given are from the 


Executive Documents of the Senate or House of Representatives, 31st Congress, 
Ist Session. 


ANN FRANKLIN OF NEWPORT, PRINTER, 
1736-1763 


By HOWARD MILLAR CHAPIN 
Librarian of the Rhode Island Historical Society 


HE entrance of women into business and politics has 

been so marked and so extensive in this twentieth cen- 
tury that we are prone to think of it as something novel and to 
forget that in colonial days there were women shopkeepers, 
women brewers, women printers and even women pirates. 
Ann Franklin, the subject of this paper, was one of that group 
of colonial women, often skilled practical printers, who by the 
operation of presses contributed signally to the enrichment of 
the literary, political, and economic life of the country. 

Ann or Anna Smith, the daughter of Samuel Smith and 
Anna his wife, was born in Boston on October 2, 1696. Asa 
child she played about Boston town, saw its rapid growth, at- 
tended church and helped with the household duties, picking 
up what scanty education the period and the circumstances of 
her life permitted. Boston was a small town when Ann Smith 
was a child. Her earliest recollections of it must have been of 
the thrilling days of Queen Anne’s War. It was in 1707, when 
Ann was eleven years old, that the soldiers returning from the 
unsuccessful attempt on Port Royal were derided, mocked, and 
insulted by the women of Boston, as they marched crestfallen 
through the streets. She must also have remembered the jubi- 
lation three years later when Port Royal finally fell. In 1711 
the huge English fleet of warships and transports, gathered for 
the Quebec expedition, anchored for many days in Boston 
harbor and thrilled the inhabitants with what Judge Sewall 
tells us was ‘“‘a goodly charming prospect.” In 1721 the terri- 
ble scourge of smallpox visited Boston, infecting nearly six 
thousand persons and causing nearly a thousand deaths. 


338 HOWARD MILLAR CHAPIN 


Of more personal interest to her, however, must have been 
the trouble between James Franklin, publisher of the New 
England Courant, and the local authorities. In June, 1722, the 
energetic young printer was imprisoned, and in the following 
January he was forbidden to publish his paper, except after 
submitting its issues to the censorship of the authorities. To 
circumvent this order the paper appeared after February 11, 
1722-23 in the name of his brother and apprentice, Benjamin. 
On February 4, 1723, one week before this device which de- 
ceived nobody was put into effect, Ann Smith and James 
Franklin were married,’ and for several months at least the 
young wife had the privilege of living in the same house with 
one of the great men of his age. In view of Benjamin’s dissatis- 
faction with his brother’s treatment of him during these 
months, it is doubtful whether she found him an agreeable 
companion, but it may be that in these first days of her wedded 
life she began to learn the details of a craft in which later she 
became proficient. 

Boston was not a particularly good place for James Frank- 
lin to do business. He never recovered entirely from the effects 
of his clash with the authorities, and upon the invitation and 
advice of his brother John and of some other inhabitants of 
Newport he decided to remove to a town where he would be 
free both from competition in his trade and from the enemies 
whom he had made among the Massachusetts officials. The 
exact date of the removal of the Franklins from Boston to 
Newport is not known. Franklin certainly printed at Boston 
in 1726 and at Newport in 1727, and in the latter town, with 
the practical help of his wife, he continued to practise his craft 
for the next eight years. 

1. By the Reverend John Webb, pastor of the New North Church, Boston. 
Their children were five in number: James; Ann, who died Nov. 2, 1730, aged 2 


years and 8 months; Abiah; Elizabeth (called Sarah by Benjamin, but Elizabeth 
in the Newport records), and Mary. 


ANN FRANKLIN 339 


The most difficult piece of type-setting done by the Frank- 
lins at Newport was the “Perpetual Almanac,” a broadside 
that was printed about 1730. It is impossible not to associate 
Ann’s nimble fingers with the intricate detail of this work. In 
1732 they started the first Rhode Island newspaper, the Rhode 
Island Gazette, which was not financially a success and was 
soon discontinued. 

February 4 was a fateful day in James Franklin’s existence, 
for on that day he was born and married and on that day he 
died. He passed to his rest in 1735, leaving his young family 
and his printing establishment to the care of his widow. Ann 
Franklin took up the burden of her responsibilities with char- 
acteristic resolution and determination. She involuntarily 
became the first New England woman printer, and quite natur- 
ally during the first year of her widowhood confined herself 
mostly to commercial job printing. 

The record of only one item printed by Ann Franklin in 
1735 has come down to us, but that is not strange for we have 
knowledge of only three items printed by James Franklin in 
the preceding year, although it is certain that these did not 
represent his entire output. The 1735 item was a piece of early 
American poetry entitled “A Brief Essay on the Number 
Seven. A Poem. By a Well-wisher to Truth.’ In his ‘Bibli- 
ography of Newport’ (1887), Hammett mentions this poem 
and describes it as a duodecimo, but neglects to say whether it 
is a broadside or a pamphlet. The printing of this fugitive 
piece, which has since disappeared, was probably paid for by 
its anonymous author. 

The Widow Franklin became “colony printer”’ and in 1736 
printed at least one proclamation for the colony. The earliest 
work still extant ? that bears her imprint is ‘The Rhode Island 
Almanack for the Year 1737.’ The Franklins had printed a 

2. Beaven’s Essay listed as 1736 in Rhode Island Imprints and by Evans was 


“Re-Printed by James Franklin” and the year date 1736 erroneously ascribed to it 
was doubtless based on the note in Hammett’s Bibliography. 


340 HOWARD MILLAR CHAPIN 


Rhode Island Almanac annually from 1728 to 1735. James 
Franklin’s death broke up the series and no almanac was issued 
in 1736. These Almanacs seem to have been profitable, so that 
as soon as Ann Franklin had made herself at home in the busi- 
ness that had been thrust upon her, she decided to continue 
the series. She employed Joseph Stafford to prepare the Alma- 
nac for her and printed it in the early days of 1737. The im- 
print reads “Newport: Printed and sold by the Widow Frank- 
lin at the Town School-House. 1737.” ? It is a leaflet of six- 
teen pages and contains items of local interest as well as poetry 
and astronomical calculations. 

The Widow Franklin’s printing establishment was in the 
basement of the town schoolhouse on the north of the Parade, 
now Washington Square, Newport. A picture of the building 
can be seen in Newell’s ‘View of Newport.’ 

As colony printer, the Widow Franklin printed the Supple- 
mentary Pages to the Digest of 1730, pages 245 to 283, cover- 
ing the period 1732 to 1736-37. The arms of the colony, a 
woodcut owned by the Franklins, appears at the head of this 
publication. ‘Instructions for Right Spelling,’ a pamphlet by 
G. Fox, has been described as a Newport, 1737, imprint, but 
the writer rather doubts this, as some of the type ornaments 
are not found in any other Franklin imprints. Another Staf- 
ford Almanac was issued by the Widow Franklin for the yea 
1738. | 

Basing our deductions on extant examples, a procedure of 
course not particularly accurate, it would appear that in 1738 
the Widow Franklin went more extensively into book printing 
as a speculation. Religious discussion was perhaps the leading 
topic of the day, so we are not surprised to find religious books 
bearing her imprint. “The Christian’s Daily Exercise’ a poem 
of 12 pages by the Reverend Mordecai Matthews, and the 
Reverend Ebenezer Parkman’s ‘Zebulon Advised’ were issued 


3- This item is placed under 1736 instead of 1737 in Rhode Island Imprints. 


ANN FRANKLIN 341 


and sold by her during this year. The latter was the most ex- 
tensive work (as far as we know) that she had attempted up to 
this time. It is a sixteenmo of 92 pages. The introduction is 
by the popular Newport Congregational preacher, the Rever- 
end Nathaniel Clap. | 

In putting in type the writings of Newport’s leading citi- 
zens, clergymen, governors, and literary lights, the widow 
Ann must have come into personal contact with them and 
have been inspired and stimulated by the association. The 
contact between the writer and the type-setter in those days 
was more direct than now and hence gave the latter somewhat 
the feelings and advantages of a professional man, raising the 
work, particularly in a small establishment, from that of a 
trade to something approaching a profession. 

Stafford prepared an almanac for Boston for 1739, leaving 
Ann Franklin the alternative of not issuing one for Rhode 
Island or of preparing it herself. Undaunted, she chose the 
latter alternative and so became one of the earliest women 
almanac-writers. Her husband had published some six alma- 
nacs under the pseudonym of “Poor Robin” and the Widow 
decided to revive “Poor Robin” for her almanac, as it would 
come with better grace as a pseudonymous publication than 
under her own name. She had doubtless helped her husband 
with his “Poor Robins” and so could turn her former experi- 
ence to her present necessity. She continued this series of 
almanacs for at least three years, perhaps longer. 

In 1741 she printed as a broadside a curious poem by William 
Chandler, who surveyed the colony’s boundary. It isa metrical 
‘Journal’ of his work in this survey. Most of the known works 
from her press have been listed in ‘Rhode Island Imprints’ and 
in Evans, and so need not be recounted here. She printed the 
writings of such local celebrities as the Reverend James 
MacSparran, the Reverend John Callender, Governor Richard 
Ward and Governor William Greene. 


342 HOWARD MILLAR CHAPIN 


In addition to the books and broadsides listed, we know that 
she printed many legal forms, though few of these have come 
down to our day. The examples which have been located are 
a mortgage deed (1741), a commission (1746), a custom-house 
permit (1744), a ship’s registration (1742), a warrant (1742) 
and a power of attorney (1744). Ann Franklin also printed the 
earliest extant Rhode Island “prox,” as the printed ballots 
were called in those days. This was used in the election of 
1744. 

The most extensive piece of printing that Ann Franklin 
issued is the ‘Acts and Laws’ of Rhode Island, a folio of over 
300 pages, printed in 1744. These were the stirring days of 
King George’s War, when Newport was a bustling seaport, 
crowded with privateersmen and sailors engaged in illicit 
trade. Ann must have seen these brave adventurers sail out 
the harbor, later to return laden with the rich spoils of war. 
She must have seen the troops embark that participated in the 
capture of Louisbourg, one of the world’s strong fortresses, and 
she must have often heard the drummers beating up for volun- 
teers, when the colony sloop Tartar or impressed privateers 
were sent forth on the emergency of an expected raid by enemy 
vessels. jeer 

James Franklin the younger returned from an apprentice- 
ship with his uncle Benjamin at Philadelphia and took up the 
burden of the Newport printing establishment in 1748. The 
Widow Ann then retired from the management, leaving the 
business in the hands of her son. 

It is hard to imagine such an able woman suddenly giving 
up all participation in a business that had been her livelihood 
for more than a decade, and we must picture her rather as ad- 
vising and assisting her son with the experience that she had 
gained in those laborious years. Indeed we find bills made out 
in the name of a partnership, “Ann & James Franklin,” in 
1758, although we do not find this partnership name appear- 
ing on any extant imprints. 


ANN FRANKLIN 343 


They printed the colony’s currency and in 1758 established 
a weekly newspaper which is still issued, The Newport Mercury. 
It had always been the hope of James Franklin, Sr., to estab- 
lish a successful newspaper at Newport. His widow carried on 
his hopes and ambitions, and according to Thomas she made 
some attempts to revive the Gazette. Over twenty years after 
his death she achieved this ambition of her departed hus- 
band. 

The Franklins attended Dr. Ezra Stiles’s church and the 
death of James Franklin, Jr., is recorded by Stiles as April 21, 
1762, in the thirtieth year of his age. This corrects Thomas, 
who gave his death as August 22. By James Franklin’s death 
the responsibilities of the printing establishment were again 
thrust upon the Widow Franklin’s shoulders. She carried on 
the business under the name of Ann Franklin, this imprint 
appearing on the Newport Mercury for May 11,1762. She now” 
became a full-fledged newspaper publisher and editor and suc- 
cessfully carried on the Mercury. She was also colony printer, 
printing the acts and resolves at the end of each session, as 
well as printing books and various forms and blanks. 

The Widow Franklin, now in her sixty-seventh year, found 
the printing business much more arduous than it had been 
twenty years earlier. She took Samuel Hall * into partnership 
and the imprint of “A. Franklin and S. Hall” appears on the 
Mercury for August 17, 1762, and so continued until April 18, 
1763. It is rather curious that at this very time there was in 
existence in Philadelphia another printing firm of Franklin 
and Hall, a more celebrated partnership, of which Benjamin 
Franklin was the senior member. 

Ann Franklin passed to her rest on April 19, 1763, and 
the following obituary appeared in the next issue of the Mer- 
cury: 

4. Mason, in Reminiscences of Newport, p. 84, erroneously states that Ann 
Franklin married Samuel Hall, her partner. 


344 ANN FRANKLIN 


TuHE 1gth Instant departed this Life, Mrs. ANN FRANKLIN, in the 68th 
Year of her Life. She had a fine Constitution, firm and strong; — was 
never sick, nor ailing, scarcely in the whole Course of her Life, ’till a few 
Months before her Dissolution; nor did she ever take any sort of Medicine 
in all that long Space of Time, ’till that Sickness seized her, which brought 
her down to the Grave. When she reflected, in Health, on the Goodness of 
her Constitution, she was at a Loss to guess what Part would be attack’d 
by Sickness in order to bring on her Dissolution — But in her we see an 
Instance of the Truth of that Word, “The strong Men shall bow them- 
selves’? — She was a Widow about 29 Years — And tho’ she had little to 
depend upon for a Living, yet by her Oeconomy and Industry in carrying 
on the Printing Business, supported herself and Family, and brought up 
her Children in a genteel manner; — all of whom she bury’d sometime 
before her Death. — She was a Woman of great Integrity and Uprightness 
in her Station and Conversation, and was well beloved in the Town. She 
was a faithful Friend, and a compassionate Benefactor to the Poor, (beyond 
many of great Estates) and often reliev’d them in the Extremity of Winter. 
— And, she was a constant and seasonable Attendant on public Worship, 
and would not suffer herself to be detain’d by trivial Family-Concerns: 
Herein she excell’d most of her Sex. 

She enter’d into the Christian Life in her early Youth, and has, ever 
since, adorn’d her Profession by an exemplary Conversation. And, under 
all the varying Scenes of Life, and some shocking Trials laid on her in the 
Wisdom of Divine Providence, she maintain’d a noble Fortitude of Mind, 
mixt with Patience and Submission to the Will of God; though not without 
Imperfection. , 

For several Weeks before her Death she was in great Darkness and Dis- 
tress of Mind; but it pleased God, a few Days before her Departure, to 
shine in upon her Soul, and lift up the Light of his Countenance upon her, 
and thereby to give her that Peace of God, which passeth all Understanding. 

And so she pass’d from Time to Eternity in the lively View and Prospect 
of eternal Life, through Faith in the Son of God, who gave-his Life a Ran- 
som for Sinners; that they, and they only, who believe on Him, and obey 
Him, might have and enjoy a glorious happy Life without End, in the 
open vision, and full Fruition of the Author of their Being and Blessedness. 

“The Memory of the Just is blessed.” 

Her Remains were interr’d on Thursday last. 


Isaiah Thomas wrote of her: 


She was aided in her printing by her two daughters and afterward by 
her son when he attained to a competent age. Her daughters were correct 
and quick compositors at case; and were instructed by their father whom 
they assisted. A gentleman, who was acquainted with Ann Franklin and 
her family, informed me that he had often seen her daughters at work in 
the printing house, and that they were sensible and amiable women. 


The press which Ann Franklin used is still preserved and is 
on exhibition at Mechanics Hall, Boston. 


THE WORK OF HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 


By ALBERT CARLOS BATES, M.A. 


Librarian of the Connecticut Historical Society 


ARTFORD, the capital of the State, was the third town 

in Connecticut in which a printing office was estab- 
lished. The first was New London, where a press was set up 
in 1709 by Thomas Short, who was succeeded three years later 
by Timothy Green of Boston, son of Samuel the second printer 
at Cambridge, Massachusetts. The second town was New 
Haven where printing was established in 1755 by James 
Parker, the imprint changing during the year to James Parker 
& Company. Parker himself remained in New York, where 
he conducted a printing office, and the firm was represented in 
New Haven by his partner, John Holt. When Holt returned 
to New York in 1760 to aid Parker in the work there, the press 
in New Haven was left in charge of Thomas Green, who had 
probably been employed in the office for two or three years 
previous to that time. 

Thomas Green, grandson of the senior Timothy Green of 
New London and son of Samuel of the same place, was born 
in that town August 25, 1735. He was bred to the trade of a 
" printer, and doubtless received practical experience in the edit- 
ing and publishing of a newspaper while working as a young 
man in the office of his grandfather. When left in charge of 
Parker’s printing office in New Haven, his duties included not 
only a general printing and publishing business but the editing 
and issuing weekly of Parker’s newspaper, The Connecticut 
Gazette, then beginning its sixth year, and also serving in Holt’s 
place in the capacity of postmaster of the town. Four years 
later the publication of the Gazette was discontinued with the 
issue of April 17, 1764, and Parker “resigned the business,”’ 
as Isaiah Thomas expresses it, of his printing office to Benja- 


346 ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


min Mecom, a printer by trade, whom his uncle Benjamin 
Franklin had appointed postmaster at New Haven. 

Thus thrown upon his own resources, Thomas Green re- 
moved with his wife and two children to Hartford and there 
set up a printing office, probably late in the summer of 1764. 
It seems a reasonable assumption that he bought the whole or 
a part of the furnishings of the New Haven office. Presses, 
types, and paper were alike difficult to procure at this time 
and to have ordered these from England would have caused 
many months delay. 

Having established himself in business in Hartford, Green 
appears to have diligently pursued his chosen work of a printer. 
He first issued an almanac, an article desired by almost every 
household. Next he established a newspaper, which he edited 
and published. This was The Connecticut Courant, a paper 
whose owners to-day are proud of its distinction as the oldest 
paper in this country continuously published under the same 
name in the same town. This newspaper must have taken 
much of Green’s time; but in addition he found time to issue 
almanacs, election, funeral and other sermons, religious and 
political tracts, an agricultural tract, a petition to the king, 
official proclamations, poetical broadsides and pamphlets, a 
prophecy, perhaps an Indian captivity, and a politico-religious 
volume of above 250 pages. 

After laboring at his trade in Hartford for three years, 
Thomas Green in 1767 entered into partnership in New Haven 
with his brother Samuel Green, who had opened a printing 
office there the previous year. In October they issued the first 
number of The Connecticut Fournal and New Haven Post-Boy, 
“Printed by Thomas and Samuel Green, at the Printing Office 
in the Old State-House.” 

Early in 1768 Green removed his family from Hartford to 
New Haven, and on April 18 his name appears for the last 
time on the Courant as its sole printer or publisher. After that 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 347 


the imprint became Green & Watson, although Green states 
that his “Connections with the Printing Business there [in 
Hartford], in some Measure, still subsists.” This connection 
was probably only a financial one, and after three years Green’s 
‘name disappears from the Courant and Ebenezer Watson, who 
is said to have been taught the printer’s trade by Green, be- 
came its sole proprietor. Green continued in the printing busi- 
ness in New Haven until January 1809, when he retired from 
the firm, which for ten years had been Thomas Green & Son,. 
leaving his son and namesake to carry on the work. He died 
in New Haven three years later, in May 1812.1 

No effort has heretofore been made to compile a careful 
bibliographical list of Thomas Green’s Hartford imprints. It 
is not expected that the list is absolutely complete or perfect, 
and perhaps a few items in it should have been omitted; but 
it will at least serve as a basis for future work. The fact that 
a majority of the imprints which make up the list are credited 
to the Connecticut Historical Society (CHS) should not be 
taken as indicating that these are the only copies known; but 
only that the collations were made from copies in the library 
of that Society. The collations of other imprints are from 
copies in the Library of Congress (LC), the New York His- 
torical Society (NYHS), the Vermont State Library (VSL), 
the Watkinson Library of Reference in Hartford (WLR), and 
the Library of Yale University (YUL). 


1. A more extended sketch of Thomas Green may be seen in the Papers of the 
New Haven Colony Historical Society, vol. vim. 


348 ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


List or THomAsS GREEN’S HarTFORD [mMPRINTS, 1764-1768 
’ 4 


1764 

Ames, NatuanieLt. An Astronomical Diary: Or, | Almanack | For the 
Year of our Lord Christ, | 1765. | Being the first after Bissextile or Leap- 
Year. | Calculated for the Meridian of Boston, New- | England, Lat. 42. 
Deg. 25 Min. North. | Containing, | Eclipses; Ephemeris; Aspects; Spring- 
Tides; Judg- | ment of the Weather; Feasts and Fasts of the Church; | 
Courts in Massachusetts-Bay, New-Hampshire, Con- | necticut, and 
Rhode-Island; Sun and Moon’s Rising | and Setting; Time of High-Water; 
Roads, with | the best Stages or Houses to put up at. — An Elegy on | the 
Death of the late Dr. Ames. — Some practical | Rules for Husbandry.| 
By Nathaniel Ames. | [Twelve lines of verse.] 

Hartford: | Re-printed and Sold by Thomas Green, at | the Heart and 
Crown, near the North-| Meeting-House. | 12mo, in 4s: signatures [A], 
ByCyave. CHS (1) 

"In the Courant of December 3, 1764, appears the advertisement: ‘“‘ Ames’s 

Almanack, for 1765. To be sold by the Printer hereof, by Wholesale and 

Retail, on the most reasonable Terms.” 


Connecticut Courant. The Connecticut Courant. | Monday, October 
29, 1764. (Number oo.) | [— Dec. 31, 1764.] 
Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and Crown, | near 
the North-Meeting-House. | Folio; 2 ff. CHS (2) 
This “Specimen”’ issue was followed, probably four weeks later on 
Monday, November 26, by number 1, no copy of which is known to ex- 
ist. Number 2 bears date Monday, December 3, and the other numbers 
follow in regular succession; seven issues appearing during the year. 


ELisworTH, SAMUEL. An Astronomical Diary: | or, an | Almanack | For 
the Year of our Lord Christ | 1765. | Being the first after Bissextile or 
Leap-Year. | Calculated for the Meridian of Hartford, in New- | England, 
Lat. 41 Deg. 56 Min. North, 72 Deg. | 48 Min. West Long. | Wherein is 
contained, the Rising and Setting of the Sun | and Moon, Eclipses, Judg- 
ment of the Weather, Time | of High Water, Aspects, Observable Days, 
Courts in| New England, Roads, &c. | By Samuel Ellsworth | Of Sims- 
bury. 
Oft have I view’d in Admiration lost,| 
Heav’ns sumptuous Canopy, and starry Host, | 
With levell’d Tube, and astronomic Eye, | 
Pursu’d the Planets whirling thro’ the Sky. | 
Hartford: Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart | and Crown, near 
the North-Meeting-House. | 12mo, in 8s; 8 ff. YUL (3) 
So far as is known this almanac is the first thing printed in Hartford. 
In the preliminary issue of The Connecticut Courant (Number oo.) dated 
October 29, 1764, it is advertised as follows: ‘Just Published, and to be 
sold by the Printer hereof, Ellsworth’s Almanack for the Year 1765. 
Calculated for the Meridian of Hartford.” 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 349 


1705 
Ames, NATHANIEL. An | Astronomical Diary; | Or, | Almanack | For the 
Year of Our Lord Christ | 1766;| Being the Second after Bissextile or 
Leap-Year. | Calculated for the Meridian of Boston, | New-England, Lat. 
42 Deg. 25 Min. North. | Containing, | Aspects; Spring tides; Judgments 
of the Weather; Feasts | and Fasts of the Church; Courts in Massachu- 
setts-Bay, | New-Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode-Island, Sun and| 
Moon’s Rising and setting; Moon’s Place; Time of | high water; Public 
Roads, with the best Stages or | Houses to put up at; Eclipses, with a 
Representation of | the solar Eclipse. | By Nathaniel Ames. | [Ten lines of 
verse. | 
Hartford: | Printed and sold by Thomas Green. | 12mo, in 4s: signa- 
tures unmarked; 12 ff. CHS (4) 
This issue was printed from the same forms as the edition printed and 
sold by Timothy Green at New London, with change of imprint only; 
and notwithstanding its imprint it was no doubt printed at New London. 
It differs in general style from the other almanacs that bear the imprint 
of Thomas Green, and certain of the astronomical signs differ slightly 
from those used by him. 


Cuurcn, Benjamin. Liberty and Property vindicated, | and the St-pm-n 
burnt. | A Discourse | Occasionally made, | On burning the Effigy of the | 
St-pm-n, in New-London, in| the Colony of Connecticut. | By a Friend 
_to the Liberty of this Country. | 
Published by the desire of some of the Hearers, |in the Year 1766. | 
Small 4to, in 2s: signatures [A], B, C: collation; title, 1 p.; The Epistle 
Dedicatory, I p.; text, pp. 3-11; 1 p. blank. WLR (5) 
The authorship of this publication is credited to Benjamin Church. The 
Stampman was Jared Ingersoll. Trumbull’s ‘List of Books Printed in 
Connecticut’ gives New London as the place of printing, while Evans’ 
‘American Bibliography’ credits it to Thomas Green of Hartford. The 
rather elaborate head piece and type ornaments appearing on page 3 
have not been observed elsewhere, and 'are not found on any publica- 
tion known to have been issued in Hartford. It seems extremely doubt- 
ful if this was printed by Thomas Green. A reprint was issued in Boston 


in 1766. 


Connecticut Courant. The Connecticut [Cut] Courant. | Tuesday, 

January 8, 1765. (Number 7.) | [— Dec. 30, 1765.] 
Hartford: Printed by Thomas Green, at the Sign of | the Heart and 

Crown, near the North Meeting-House. | Folio, 2 ff. CHS (6) 
This number appeared a day later than the regular time of publication; 
but the later issues, so far as they are known, appeared on Monday. 
The issues of August 5, no. 37; August 19, no. 39 (probably); September 
23, no. 44; October 14, no. 47 (probably) were of one leaf only. No 
copies are known of January 28, no. 10; February 4, no. 11; 11, no. 12; 
18, no. 13; 25, no. 14; March 18, no. 17; April 8, no. 20; 15, no. 21; 22, 


350 ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


no. 22; or of nos. 48, 49, 50, 51, §2. A skip of five weeks was made 
between no. 47 on October 14 and no. 53 on December 30. It is reason- 
able to presume that it was caused by inability to procure paper. The 
imprint varies with different issues and in that of May 13 first shows the 
new location of the printing office that had removed “to the Store of 
Mr. James Church, opposite the Court-House, and next Door to Mr. 
Bull’s Tavern.” 


Dorr, Epwarb. The Duty of Civil Rulers, | to be nursing Fathers to the | 
Church of Christ. | A | Sermon | Preached before the | General Assembly, | 
Of the Colony of | Connecticut, | At Hartford; | on the day of the | Anni- 
versary Election; | May 1x‘, 1765. | By Edward Dorr, A. M. | Pastor of 
the first Church in Hartford. 

Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and | Crown, oppo- 
site the State-House. | 8vo, in 4s and 2s: signatures [A‘], B-D4, E?: colla- 
tion; half title, 1 f.; title, 1 p.; request for copy for printing, I p.; text, pp. 
5-343 1 f. blank. CHS (7) 

This is the first election sermon printed in Hartford. The number 

printed is not known; but the usual edition at this period was 300 copies. 


Dorr, Epwarp. A _ Discourse, | Occasioned by the| Much lamented 
Death, | of the honorable | Daniel Edwards, Esq; | of Hartford; | A Mem- 
ber of His Majesty’s | Council, for the Colony of Connecticut; And One | 
of the Assistant Judges of the Honorable, the | Superior Court, for said 
Colony. | Who departed this Life, | (at New-Haven);|September 6¢, 
1765. | In the txv Year of his Age. | Delivered soon after his Decease. | 
By Edward Dorr, A. M. | Pastor of the First Church in Hartford. | 
Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green. | Small 4to, in 2s: signatures 
[A], B-F: collation; half title, 1 f.; title, 1 p.; dedication, 1 p.; text, pp. 
§-23; 1 p. blank. CHS (8) 


ELiswortH, SAMUEL. An Astronomical Diary, | or | Almanack, | For the 
Year of our Lord Christ | 1766. | Being the Second after Bissextile or 
Leap-Year. | Calculated for the Meridian of Hartford, Lat. | 41 Deg. 56 
Min. North, 42 Deg. 48 Mi. West Long. | Wherein is Contained, | The 
Rising and Setting of the Sun and Moon, | Eclipses, Judgment of the 
Weather, Time of High- | Water, Aspects, Observable Days, Courts, &c. | 
By Samuel Ellsworth. | [Six lines from Pope.] 

Hartford; | Printed and sold by Thomas Green, at the | Heart and 
Crown, opposite the State- | House, and next Door to Mr. Bull’s Tavern. | 
I2mo, in 4s: signatures, [A], B, C; 12 ff. CHS (9) 


Fircu, THomas. An | Explanation | of | Say-Brook Platform; | or, | the 
principles of the consociated churches |in the colony of Connecticut: | 
collected from their plan of union. | By One that heartily desires the Order, 
Peace and Purity of these | Churches. | 

Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and Crown, 1766. | 
Small 4to, in 2s: signatures [A] (first and last ff., placed outside of the 
others), B-I, K: collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-39; 1 p. blank. CHS (10) 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 351 


The authorship of this pamphlet is accredited without question to 
Governor Thomas Fitch. It is advertised in the Courant of May 27 as 
“Lately Published, and to be sold at the Printing Office.” 


Ho ty, Israzev. A Word in Zion’s Behalf; | or, | Two Mites cast into the 
Church’s | Treasury. | Being | A Short Discourse | Upon Matthew xxi 
g. | Wherein is briefly shewn, | The Right and Duty of private | Judgment, 
without Controul from Human Autho-| rity, in Matters of Religion, as 
founded on the | Authority of Christ; commanding us to call no | Man 
Father upon Earth: With the necessary Con-| sequence thereof, con- 
sidered, in the Rise, Formation, | Privileges and Power of Particular 
Christian Churches. | With some | Remarks on Mr. Beckwith’s Letter; | 
In Which he asserts, That he has proved, that no Or-|daining Power was 
ever given to the Church by | Jesus Christ. | By Israel Holly, | Pastor of a 
Congregational Church in Suffield. | [Five lines of scripture.] 

Printed at the Heart and Crown, in Hartford. | Small 8vo, in 4s and 2s: 
signatures, A-H’, I?: collation; title, 1 p.; To the Reader, 1 p.; text, pp. 
3-68. CHS (11) 

The pamphlet by Reverend George Beckwith on ‘The Invalidity, or 

Unwarrantableness of Lay Ordination,’ to which this was an answer, 

was printed in 1763; and this ‘Word’ was answered by Beckwith in ‘A 

Second Letter,’ printed in 1766. This pamphlet is assigned to 1765 by 


Henry M. Dexter in his ‘Congregationalism as seen in its Literature.’ 


Metuop of Raising | Hemp, | In Lancaster County, | Pennsilvania. | 
Hartford, | Printed and Sold at the Heart and Crown | 1765. | Small 

8vo; 8 pp. YUL (12) 
It is advertised in the Courant of April 29, 1765, thus, ‘“‘Just Published, 
And to be sold at the Heart and Crown, in Hartford. (Price 4 Pence.) 
Some short, and plain Directions for the raising of Hemp.” 


Wuiraker, NatuHanier. A | Sermon | Preached at the | Ordination | Of 
the Reverend | Mr. Isaac Foster, | At Stafford Second Society, | In the Col- 
ony of Connecticut; | On the 31st Day of October, 1764. | By the Reverend 
| Nathaniel Whitaker, A.M. | Pastor of the Church of Christ at Chelsey, in 
Norwich. | [Nine lines from Saint Paul.] 
‘Hartford: | Printed by T. Green. MDCCLXYV. | 16mo, in 4s: signatures, 
A-G-+: collation; title 1 p.; request for copy to print, I p.; text, pp. 3- 
6+. 
: Private collection (13) 
Probably only signature H, which may have consisted of only four pages, 
is wanting. 


1766 


Ames, NaTHANIEL. An | Astronomical Diary; | or, | Almanack | For the 
Year of our Lord Christ | 1767; | Being the Third after Bissextile, or Leap- 
Year. | Calculated for the Meridian of Boston, | New-England, Lat. 42° 
25’ North. | Containing, | Aspects; Spring-tides; Judgment of the Weather; 
| Feasts and Fasts of the Church; Courts in Massa- | chusets-bay, New- 


352 ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


Hampshire, Connecticut and Rhode- | Island; Sun and Moon’s rising and 
setting; Moon’s | Place; Time of High Water; Public Roads, with | the best 
Stages or Houses to put up at; Eclipses; | Quaker’s Meetings; an Account 
of the supreme | executive Courts that are held in England, &c. &c. | By 
Nathaniel Ames. | [Ten lines of verse.] 

Connecticut: | Printed and sold by Thomas Green, in Hartford; | 
Timothy Green, in New-London; And, | Samuel Green, in New-Haven. | 
12mo, in 8s and 4s: signatures unmarked; 12 ff. CHS (14) 

The work is issued in the style of Thomas Green’s printing and he was 

no doubt the printer of it. A note on the last page requests those who 

incline to encourage paper manufacture to save their old cotton and 
linen rags “for which they may have a good Price, at the Paper Mill at 

Norwich, or the Printing-Office in Hartford.”’ It is advertised in the 

Courant of December 15, 1766. 


Connecticut Courant. The Connecticut Courant. | Monday, January 6, 

1766. No. 54.|[— Dec. 29, 1766.] 
(Hartford: Thomas Green.] Folio, 2 ff. CHS (15) 
The first imprint of this year is on the issue of May 2: “Hartford; 
Printed by Thomas Green.” It was regularly issued each Monday. The 
issues for March 17, no. 64 (probably); April 21, no. 69 (probably); 
September 29, no. 92 were of one leaf only. A supplement of one leaf 
was added to the issue of September 15, no. go. No copies are known of 
June g, no. 76; July 7, no. 80; 21, no. 82; August 25, no. 87; October 27, 
no. 96; November 17, no. 99; 24, no. 100. 


Davies, SaMUEL. Little Children | Invited to | Jesus Christ. | A Sermon, | 
Preached in Hanover County, Virginia, | May 8, 1758. | With | An Account 
of the late remarkable | religious Impressions among the | Students in the 
College of | New-Jersey. | By Samuel Davies, A. M. | The Fifth Edition. | 
Hartford: | Printed and sold by T. Green, at the Heart | & Crown, 
opposite the Court-House, 1766. | (Price Six Coppers.) | 16mo, in 6s: 
signatures A, B: collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-24. CHS (16) 
Advertised in the Courant of October 6, 1766. “Price 4d.” A sixth 
edition, Boston, 1770, was “Printed for Knight Sexton at Hartford.” 


Davies, SAMUEL. Little Children | Invited to | Jesus Christ. | A Sermon, | 
Preached in Hanover County, Virginia, | May 8, 1758. | With | An Account 
of the late remarkable | religious Impressions among the | Students in the 
College of | New-Jersey. | By Samuel Davies, A. M. | The Fifth Edition. | 
Hartford: | Printed for, and sold by Shem Chapin, of | Springfield, 
1766. | (Price Six Coppers.) | 16mo, in 6s: signatures A, B: collation; title, 
I f.; text, pp. 3-24. CHS (17) 
This was printed from the same forms as the other issue of the fifth edi- 
tion, with change of imprint only. 
Dext, Wituiam. The Trial lof | Spirits, | both in | Teachers and Hearers. | 


Wherein is held forth | The clear Discovery, and certain Downfal, | of the 
Carnal and Anti-christian Clergy | of these Nations. | Testified from the 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 353 


Word of God, to the University | Congregations in Cambridge. | [By] 
William Dell, Minister of the | Gospel, and Master of Gonvil and Caius | 
College in Cambridge. | 
[London: First printed in the Year 1666.] 12mo, in 4s: signatures, A-H: 
collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-62+. CHS (18) 
Advertised in the Courant of September 15, 1766, as “Just Re-Printed, 
and to be sold by Thomas Green, at the Printing-Office, in Hartford.” 
The imperfect copy described above is no doubt one of the issue adver- 
tised by Thomas Green in 1766, and was no doubt printed by him at 
Hartford. The printer’s blocks at the top of page 3 are of a form much 
used by him at this time, and the book contains the autographs of two 
Windsor people. Unfortunately the lower part of the title, containing 
the imprint, is missing from the copy seen. The original imprint has 
been added in brackets from the advertisement, in the belief that it 
appeared on this issue. Comparison with a copy of another edition 
shows that the missing portion of the text at the end would occupy only 
one printed page (63), and so that only the fourth folio of signature H 
is missing. Whether this issue bore Green’s imprint is not known. 


Devotion, Joun. The Necessity of a constant Rea- | diness for Death. | A 
Discourse, | Preached at Hartford North-Meeting-House,|May 25%, 
1766. | Occasioned by that | Alarming Providence, | The sudden | Demo- 
lition of the School- | House, by Gun-Powder; | Whereby about Thirty 
Persons were wounded, | Six of whom are since dead. | By the Reverend | 
John Devotion, A.M. | Of Say-Brook; providentially present. | [Five lines 
of quotations.] 

Hartford: | Printed and Sold by Thomas Green, at the| Heart and 
Crown, opposite the State-House. | 12mo, in 4s and 2s: signatures, A‘, B?, 
C‘, D?: collation; title, 1 p.; author’s acknowledgments, 1 p.; Preface 
signed by E. Dorr, pp. 3, 4; text, pp. 5-24. CHS (19) 

Advertised in the Courant of September 29, 1766. 


Epwarps, JonaTHan. Ruth’s Resolution: |A| Discourse, | Delivered | 

By the late Reverend | Jonathan Edwards, | Of Northampton. | 
Hartford: | Re-printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and | Crown, 

opposite the Court-House. | 12mo, in 8s: collation; title, 1 p.; text, pp. 

2-16. CHS (20) 
Probably issued in 1766 or 1767. 


ELisworTH, SAMUEL. An Astronomical Diary; | or, | Almanack, | for the | 
Year of our Lord, 1767. | Being the Third after Bissextile, or Leap-Year. | 
Calculated for the Meridian of Hartford, |in Connecticut. | Wherein is 
contained, | The Rising and Setting of the Sun and | Moon; Eclipses; 
Judgment of the Weather; | Time of High Water; Aspects; observable 
Days;| Courts, Roads, &c.| By Samuel Ellsworth. | [Ten lines from 
Young.] 
Hartford: | Printed and Sold by Thomas Green. |12mo, in 8s; 8 ff. 
CHS (21) 
Advertised in the Courant of October 13, 1766. 


aba ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


Farrand, Daniet. Redemption From Death; Or, | Christ triumphing 
over the Grave.|A|Sermon,| Delivered at the | Funeral, | of | Mrs. 
Sarah Gold, |late wife of the| Rev. Hezekiah Gold, | Of Cornwall. | 
August 30, 1766.| By Daniel Farrand, A.M. | Pastor of the Church at 
Canaan. | [Scripture quotations, three lines.] 

Hartford; Printed by Thomas Green. | 12mo, in 2s, 4s and 6s: signa- 
tures [A’], B*, C*: collation; title, 1 f.; To the People of Cornwall, 1f.; 
text, 18 pp.; probably rf. blank, wanting. CHS (22) 


Fircu, THomas. Some Reasons | that influenced | The Governor | to take, 
and | The Councillors | to administer | The Oath, | Required by the Act of 
Parliament; commonly | called the Stamp-Act. | Humbly submitted to the 
Consideration of the Publick. | Mpccrixv1. 

Hartford; | Printed and sold by Thomas Green. | Small 8vo, in 4s: sig- 
natures A, B: collation; title, 1f.; text, pp. 3-14; 1f. blank. CHS (23) 

Advertised in the Courant of March 17, 1766. 

The author of these “‘Reasons’’ was Governor Thomas Fitch. 


Hooker, Natuaniet. The religious Improve-| ment of Harvest. | A| 
Sermon, | Preached, July 27%, | 1766.| By Nathaniel Hooker, A. M. | 
Pastor of a Church in Hartford. | [Three lines of quotation.] 
Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, Mpccixv1. | Small 8vo, in 6s: 
signatures, A, B: collation; title, 1 p.; To the Reader, 1 p.; text, pp. 3-24. 
CHS (24) 
Advertised, “In a few Days will be Published,” in the Courant of Sep- 
tember 1, 1766. 


A Petition | to | His Majesty King George the Third. | Small 4to, prob- 
ably in 4s (two sheets) and 2s; signatures unmarked: collation; title, 1 f.; 
Petition, pp. I-5; 9 pp. blank; Power of Attorney, 1 p.; 3 pp. blank. 
VSL (25) 
Both the Petition and the Power of Attorney are dated at the end “ New- 
England, November, 1766.” The petition ends about midway on page 5. 
The remainder of that page and the four blank pages next following con- 
tain autograph signatures. The three blank pages following the Power 
of Attorney also contain autograph signatures. All of the known copies 
of this petition are bound together into one volume. Three of them lack 
the last four pages, containing the Power of Attorney and the blank 
pages following it. This brings up the query whether or not the Power 
of Attorney should be considered as a separate publication from the 
Petition. There seems, however, to be no sufficient reason for consider- 
ing it a separate publication. The type ornaments at the beginning of 
the petition are the same as those used by Thomas Green and the man- 
ner of their arrangement is in his style. There would seem to be no 
question that this Petition was printed at Hartford by Thomas Green in 
1766. 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 356. 


ProciamaTion. By the Honorable | William Pitkin, Esq; | Governor of 
His Majesty’s English Colony of Connecticut, in New-England, | in 
America. | A Proclamation. | [Appointing June 26, 1766, as a day of public 


thanksgiving.] 
Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and Crown, opposite the State- 
House, in Hartford. | Broadside; print 9 X 15% inches. YUL (26) 


Remincron, E. [Cut] |] A Short Account | of Three Men that were kill’d 

by | Lightning, at Suffield, May 20, | 1766, Viz. | Samuel Remington, | 

James Bagg, | Jonathan Bagg. | 
Broadside; print 7 X 11% inches. Private collection (27) 
Below the cut and title are 41 numbered verses of four lines each ar- 
ranged in two columns, the last verse followed by the date and author’s 
name — “August 26, 1766. E. Remington.” The cut, which is at the 
left of the seven lines of the title, shows Death, Gabriel and a vault con- 
taining three coffins. This cut had been used by Timothy Green, uncle 
of Thomas, in a juvenile issued by him in New London in 1762, and had 
previously been used in Boston at least as early as 1749. As Suffield is 
less than twenty miles from Hartford, it seems extremely probable that 
this is a Hartford publication. 


SALTER, RicHarpD. The gospel-ministry a warfare, with the | manner in 
which it is to be managed, | and the motives the gospel sug- | gests to influ- - 
ence thereto: | represented in a | Sermon, | preached at the | Ordination | - 
Of the Reverend | Eleazer Storrs, | at | Sandisfield,| February 26%, a.p. 
1766. | By Richard Salter, A. M. | Pastor of the first Church of Christ in 
Mansfield. | [Four lines of scripture.] 

Printed for, and Sold by Lieut. John Stil- | man, of Sandisfield. | 12mo, 
in 4s and 2s: signatures [A‘], B*, C*, D?: collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3- 
24. CHS (28) 

Lieut. John Stilman removed from Wethersfield, which is adjacent to 

Hartford, to Sandisfield, Mass., as early as 1754. 

The type ornaments and the general style of the printing indicate that 

this is the work of Thomas Green. 


Watts, Isaac. A Wonderful Dream. By Doct. Watts. 

Sold at the Printing office in Hartford. 12mo:12 pp. No title page. (29). 
Advertised in the Courant of Feb. 24, 1766, as follows: 

“Just published, and to be sold at the Printing-Office in Hartford. A 
wonderful Dream or Vision, concerning America. ‘Your Old Men shall 
dream Dreams.’” Possibly printed in New London, as an edition 
“Printed and sold in New London” was advertised in the New London 
Gazette of Feb. 7, 1766. The title, imprint and collation given above are | 
from Trumbull’s ‘List of Books printed in Connecticut.’ No copy of this 
edition is known. Evans’ ‘American Bibliography’ describes a 12mo, 
12 page edition of this work printed at New London in 1770 as a poem 
of 68 stanzas. 


356 ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


1767 


Ames, NaTHANIEL. An Astronomical diary; or, Almanack for the year of 
our Lord Christ 1768 ... by Nathaniel Ames... 
Hartford: Printed and sold by Thomas Green. 12mo. (30) 
This entry is copied from Evans’ ‘American Bibliography.’ No copy is 
known; it is not advertised in the Courant, and it seems very doubtful if 
there was such an issue. 


BarTHOLOMEW, ANDREW. A Proof and Explanation of | the Decree of 
God: | A| Sermon, | Delivered before |The Association | Of | Litchfield- 
County, | In Goshen, | October 24, 1766.| And now made Public at the 
Desire and Cost of | Some of the Hearers.| By Andrew Bartholomew, 
M. A. | Pastor of the Church of Christ in Harwinton. | 

Hartford; | Printed and Sold by T. Green, at the Heart | and Crown, 
1767. | 12mo, in 4s: signatures [A], B-D: collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 
3-32. CHS (31) 

Advertised in the Courant of July 27, 1767. | 


Bates, WiLi1aM. Christ in the Clouds, | Coming to | Judgment; | or, the | 
Dissolution of all Things. | Wherein is plainly set forth, | The Second Com- 
ing of Christ | to Judgment. | As also, the Arraignment, Trial, Condemna- 
tion, | and most dreadful Sentence that shall be past | upon all impenitent 
Sinners. | With the happy and glorious Condition of those that have | re- 
pented, believed, and preferred Christ above All. | Being the Substance of 
a Sermon preached | by that Reverend Divine | Dr. Bates. | 

Hartford: | Printed and sold by Thomas Green, at the] Heart and 
Crown. | 12mo, in 8s: collation; title 1 p.; text, pp. 2-16. LC'32) 

Advertised in the Courant of August 10, 1767, as “Just Re-printed,” 

price 4d. 


Connecticut Courant. The | Connecticut Courant; | and the | Weekly 

Advertiser. | Monday, January 5, 1767. Numb. 106. | [— Dec. 28, 1767.] 
Printed by Thomas Green, at the Printing-Office, opposite the State- 

House, in Hartford. | Folio, 1 f. (?2 ff.) CHS (33) 
A cut of the heart and crown design separates the two words in each of 
the three lines of the title. In the last issue of the year a cut of the Royal 
Arms takes the place of the former cut. It was regularly issued each 
Monday. The issues of January 5, no. 106 (perhaps); January 19, no. 
108 were of one leaf only. A supplement of one leaf was added to the 
issues of March 30, no. 118; April 6, no. 119; April 20, no. 121; June |, 
no. 127. No copies are known of July 6, no. 132; December 7, no. 154. 


EE.is, Epwarp. Christ, the Foundation of the Salvation | of Sinners, and 
of civil and ecclesiasti- | cal Government; | illustrated in a! Sermon, | 
preached before the | General Assembly | of the Colony of | Connecticut, | 
on the Day of the| Anniversary Election, | May 14%, 1767. | By Edward 
Eells, M. A.| Pastor of the Second Church in Middletown. | [Scripture 


quotations, six lines.] 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 357 


Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart & Crown, | opposite 
the Court-House. | 12mo, in 4s: signatures [A], B—-D: collation; title, 1 p.; 
official request for copy to print, I p.; text, pp. 3-30; 1 f. blank. CHS (34) 


ELisworTH, SAMUEL. An Astronomical diary; or Almanack, for the year 
of our Lord 1768 ... by Samuel Ellsworth... 
Hartford: Printed and sold by Thomas Green. 16mo. (35) 
This entry is copied from Evans’ ‘American Bibliography.’ No copy is 
known; it is not advertised in the Courant, and it seems very doubtful if 
there was such an issue. 


FROTHINGHAM, EsBENEzER. A Key, | To unlock the Door, | That leads in, 
to take a| Fair View| of the| Religious Constitution, | Established by 
Law, in the Colony of | Connecticut. | With a short Remark upon Mr. 
Bartlet’s | Sermon, on Galatians iti. i.| Also, A Remark upon Mr. Ross, 
against | the Separates and Others. | With a short Observation upon the 
Expla- | nation of Say-Brook-Plan; and Mr. Ho- | bart’s Attempt to estab- 
lish the same Plan. | By Ebenezer Frothingham. | [Scripture quotations, 
eleven lines.] 

Printed in the Year 1767. | 12mo, in 4s and 2s: signatures, A-I, K-N4, 
OF GO tno, LV2,X* ¥?, 74, Aa’, Bb4, Cc? Dd‘, Ee’, Ff, Go?, Hh* 
Ti?, Kk, Ll?, Mm4, Nn?, Oo‘, Pp?: collation; title, 1 f.; “Preface,” pp. 3-8; 
“The Author’s Apology,” pp. 9-42; “Some Remarks, upon the | Religious 
Constitution, of | the Colony of Connecti-| cut, established by Law, | 
&c. |,” pp. 43-252; “Errors, to be corrected,” 1 f. CHS (36) 

The first signature is printed on different and poorer paper than the rest 

of the book. Page 64 is followed by page 67. A design, surrounding a 

capital letter, made up of 32 type ornaments irregularly arranged in a 

pattern, on page 43, is identical with a design appearing in the Courant 

of September 7, 1767, and also with one in Bartholomew’s sermon 
printed by Green in 1767. The three are printed from the same set up of 
type ornaments. This apparently proves that the volume was printed in 

Hartford by Thomas Green, and refutes the commonly accepted state- 

ment that Bernard Romans’ Annals of the Troubles in the Netherlands, 

vol. 1, 1778, was the first book of more than one hundred pages printed 
in Hartford. 


Gay, Esenezer. The Sovereignty of God, in de- | termining Man’s Day’s, 
or the | Time & Manner of his Death; | Illustrated and Improved, | in a | 
Sermon, | Preached at Suffield, May 224 1766.| At the Funeral of | 
Three Young Men, | Who were killed by Lightning, | May 20%, 1766. | By 
Ebenezer Gay, A.M.| Pastor of a Church in Suffield. | [Four lines of 
scripture.] 

Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and | Crown, oppo- 
site the Court-House, | M,pcc,Lxvi.| 8vo, in 4s; signatures, [A], B, C; 
collation; half-title 1 p.; author’s reason for printing, 1 p.; title, 1 f.; text, 
pp. 5-24. Private collection (37) 

This is probably the first edition. 


358 ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


Gay, EBENEZER. The Sovereignty of God, in deter- | mining Man’s Days, 
or the Time | and Manner of his Death: | Illustrated and improved, | in a [: 
Sermon, | Preached at Suffield, May 224, 1766, | At the Funeral of | Three 
Young Men,| Who were killed by Lightning, | May 20%, 1766.| By 
Ebenezer Gay, A.M. | Pastor of a Church in Suffield. | [Three lines of 
scripture.] 

Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and Crown, | oppo- 
site the Court-House, 1767. | 8vo, in 4s; signatures, [A], B: collation; title, 
I p.; author’s reason for printing, I p.; text, pp. 3-16. CHS (38) 

Advertised in the Courant of July 27, 1767; but which edition is there 

advertised cannot be told. 


Ho uistErR, Isaac. A brief narration of the captivity of Isaac Hollister 
who was taken by the Indians Anno Domini 1763. Written by himself. 
Hartford: Printed by Thomas Green. [1767.] (39) 
The above entry is copied from Evans’ ‘American Bibliography,’ where 
also is given an edition with the imprint “New-London: Printed by 
Timothy Green.” [1767.] Apparently neither of these issues was seen 
by Mr. Evans, as he gives no collations of them. Evans also notes the 
following edition: 
A brief | Narration | of the | Captivity | of | Isaac Hollister, | Who was 
taken by the | Indians, | Anno Domini, 1763. | Written by himself. | 
Hartford. | Printed for, and Sold by Knight Sexton. | 12mo, in 4s: colla- 
tion; title, 1 p.s'text, pp. 2-8. 
As the only copy of this Sexton edition seen by Evans (CHS) has an 
owner’s name with the date 1770, he assigns the issue to that year. In 
the Courant of April 17, 1769, Knight Sexton of Hartford has an ad- 
vertisement giving a long list of books for sale by him, among which 
is the “ Brief Narration of the Captivity of Isaac Hollister.” This brings 
up a number of questions. Was the edition advertised by Sexton the one 
“Printed for, and Sold by” him? If so, was it then just printed, or had 
it been printed a year or more before the date of the advertisement, 
making it the work of Thomas Green rather than of Green and Watson? 
If printed previous to the middle of April, 1768, was the edition printed 
for Sexton identical with the unseen edition credited by Evans to Thomas 
Green in 1767? The style and the printer’s ornaments appearing in the 
Knight Sexton edition indicate that it is the production of the press in 
Hartford. 


Hotty, Israeu. The Substance of a discourse delivered on the day of the 

funeral of three young men who were killed by lightning at Suffield, 

May 20, 1766. : 
Hartford: Printed by Thomas Green, 1767. 12mo. (40) 
This entry is taken from Evans’ ‘American Bibliography.’ 
No evidence is found as to the date of issue of any of the five editions 
with the exception of the fourth, which is dated 1767. It seems not im- . 
probable that one or more of the earlier editions were issued in 1766, and 
the fifth edition may have been issued in 1768. | 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 359 


Ho tty, Isratyt. The Substance of a discourse delivered on the day of the 

funeral of three young men who were killed by lightning at Suffield, 

May 20, 1766. The second edition. 
Hartford: Printed by Thomas Green, 1767. 12mo; 27 pp. (41) 
The above from Evans’ ‘American Bibliography.’ 
An imperfect copy of perhaps this edition in CHS lacks probably the 
first and last folios. It is (now) in signatures [AJ]*, B?, C4. D%. It begins 
on p. 111 in the midst of an introduction which ends in the middle of p. Iv 
and is signed I. H. The text begins with the heading “Youth liable to 
sudden Death” on p. § (and has the same words for running headline) 
and ends with a row of printer’s blocks near the bottom of p. 26. Both 
the fourth and fifth editions have a hymn by Isaac Watts following the 
discourse. It is probable that the hymn appeared on the recto of the 
missing leaf at the end of signature D, and that the verso of the leaf was 
blank. 


Ho tty, Israet. The Substance of a discourse delivered on the day of the 
_ funeral of three young men who were killed by lightning at Suffield, May 
20, 1766. The third edition. 
Hartford: Printed by Thomas Green, 1767. 12mo. (42) 
This entry is taken from Evans’ ‘American Bibliography.’ 


Ho ty, IsraEv. Youth liable to sudden Death; | Excited seriously to con- 
‘sider thereof, and speedily | to prepare therefor. | The Substance of a | 
Discourse, | Delivered on the Day of the | Funeral of three Young Men, | 
Who were killed by Lightning, at Suffield, | May 20, 1766. | Published at 
the Request of Many. | By Israel Holly. | Preacher of the Gospel in Suf- 
field. | {Scripture quotations, six lines.] The Fourth Edition. | 

Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green, 1767. | 12mo, in 4s: signatures, 
[A], B, C: collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-24. CHS (43) 


Hotty, Israet. Youth liable to sudden Death; | Excited seriously to con- 
sider thereof, and speedily to| prepare therefore. | The substance of a | 
Discourse, | Delivered on the Day of the | Funeral of Three Young Men, | 
who were | Killed by Lightning, | At Suffield, May 20, 1766. | By Israel 
Holly, | Preacher of the Gospel in Suffield. | [Scripture quotations, six 
lines.] The Fifth Edition. | 

Hartford: | Printed by Thomas Green. | 8vo, 1 f., followed by two un- 
marked signatures in 4s: collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-18. Probably 
lacks either a half-title or a blank leaf at the end in the same signature as 
the title. CHS (43) 


Liperty IN Sravery: | Or, | The Idolatrous Christian. | Some | Poetical 
Thoughts, | Occasioned by the late | Public Rejoicings | at Hartford, | On 
the News of the Repeal of the | Stamp-Acct. | 
Tall 16°, in 4s: collation; title, 1 leaf; text, pp. 3-8. NYHS (45) 
Heading of text reads ““Some Poetical Thoughts, &c.” Contains 38 
numbered verses of four lines each, followed by the word Finis. The 


360 ALBERT CARLOS BATES 


form and style of arrangement of the printers’ ornaments on the title 
page, above the heading of the text and after Finis are characteristic of 
Thomas Green’s work. 


Perry, JosepH. The Character of Moses illustrated and | improved: | in 
a | Discourse, | Occasioned by the Death of the Honorable | Roger Wol- 
cott, Esq;| of Windsor, who, for several Years, was | Governor of the 
Colony of Connecticut; | And died May 17, 1767, | In the 89% Year of his 
Age. | Preached the first Opportunity after his Funeral. | By Joseph Perry, 
A.M. | Pastor of the Second Church of Christ in Windsor. | [Scripture quo- 
tations, seven lines.] 

Hartford; Printed by Thomas Green. | Small 4to, in 2s: signatures [A], 
B-G; collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-28. CHS (46) 


Prociamation. By the Honorable | William Pitkin, Esquire. | Governor 
of His Majesty’s English Colony of Connecticut, in | New-England, in 
_America. | A Proclamation. | 
Hartford: Printed by Thomas Green. | Broadside; print 10} X 163 
inches. YUL (47) 
Appointing April 8, 1767, as a day of fasting and prayer. 


SmitH, Corton Matuer. Jesus Christ, a Comforter to | humble Mourn- 
ers: | A | Discourse, | Delivered at Sharon,|On Account of the | Much 
lamented Death of | Mrs. Sarah Day, | Late Consort of | Mr. Jeremiah 
Day. | Who died of a | Child-Bed Fever, | On the 25» of August, 1767. | 
Published at the earnest Request of the Friends | By Cotton-Mather 
Smith, A.M. | Pastor of the Church in Sharon. | [Scripture quotation, one 
line. ] 
Hartford; | Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart & | Crown, 1767. | 
12mo, in 4s: signatures, A-C: collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-24. 
CHS (impf.) (48) 


THompson, J. The lost and undone | Son of Perdition; | or, the | Birth, 
Life and Character | of | Judas Iscariot, | Faithfully collected from several 
ancient Authors of | undoubted Credit. | By J. Thompson. | [Small cut.] | 
Hartford; Printed and Sold at the | Heart and Crown. | 12mo, in 4s: 
signatures [A], B; collation; title, 1 f.; text, pp. 3-15; 1 p. blank. 
CHS (48) 
Evans’ “American Bibliography’ notes a New London edition of 1767, 
and it is thought probable that this edition was printed during the same 
year. 


HARTFORD’S FIRST PRINTER 361 
I768 


Connecticut Courant. The| Connecticut [Royal Arms] Courant. | 

Monday, Jan. 4, 1768. (Numb. 158.) | [— Dec. 26, 1768.] 
Hartford: Printed by T. Green. | Folio, 2 ff. (50) 
It was regularly issued each Monday by Green to and including April 18, 
no. 173. After that the imprint became Green and Watson to and in- 
cluding March 12, 1771, after which Green’s name is dropped and Ebene- 
zer Watson continues alone as the printer. A supplement of one leaf was 
added to the issue of March 21, no. 169. No copies are known of March 
28, no. 170; April 4, no. 171. Some copies of no. 165, February 22, were 
by error dated February 29. The subscription price is given in the issue 
of May 2 as six shillings lawful money per year. 


Prociamation. [Royal Arms] | By the Honorable | William Pitkin, Esq; | 
Governor of His Majesty’s English Colony of Connecticut, in New-Eng- 
land, | in America. | A Proclamation. | [Appointing April 6, 1768, as a day 
of fasting and prayer.] 
Hartford; Printed by Thomas Green, at the Heart and Crown, opposite 
the Court-House.| Broadside; print 83 X 12% inches. 
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WRITINGS OF REV. JOHN COTTON 


By JULIUS H. TUTTLE 
Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society 


HIEF among the guiding spirits of the first generation of 

the Massachusetts Bay Colony in New England was the 
Reverend John Cotton, teacher of the First Church in Boston. 
While vicar of St. Botolph’s Church in Boston, England, he 
gave warm encouragement to the adventurers who were cour- 
ageously and surely shaping the affairs of the Bay Company in 
London. This was during the long months of their preparation 
before Governor John Winthrop and his associates set sail in 
March, 1630, for the new plantation bringing with them their 
Royal Charter. 

Cotton was then in middle age, with a quarter of a century 
of service in that pulpit behind him; and his heart and soul 
were with the faithful ones who were taking their all into the 
wilderness of New England. His sermon, preached in 1630 to 
this Company on their leaving Southampton, was their fare- 
well on leaving for the New World; and it gave valid reasons, 
drawn from Gospel sources, for their entering into their great 
enterprise and their rights in the settlement. 

Cotton followed the large tide of emigration from their Eng- 
lish homes to the New World, and reached Boston on Septem- 
ber 4, 1630, having taken passage on the ship Griffin, with 
Hooker, and Stone, Mr. Peirce, Mr. Haynes (a gentleman of 
large estate), and others, who, according to Governor Win- 
throp, in his Journal, “gat out of England with much diff- 
culty, all places being belaid to have taken Mr. Cotton and 
Mr. Hooker, who had been long sought for to have been 
brought into the high commission.” 

He brought with him his library which “was vast, and vast 
was his acquaintance with it; but although amongst his read- 


364 JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


ings he had given a special room unto the fathers, and unto the 
school-men, yet at last he preferred one Calvin above them 
all.” He was immediately ordained as Teacher of the First 
Church in Boston, and continued in this service until his 
death on December 23, 1652. An enduring memorial of the 
“Patriarch of the Massachusetts Theocracy,” in the form of a 
life-size recumbent portrait statue by the late Bela Lyon 
Pratt, was placed in a recess in the south wall of the nave in 
the First Church, by some of his descendants in 1906. The 
marble base incloses tracery from the walls of St. Botolph’s 
Church, Boston, England where he was vicar from 1612 to 
1633. 

Cotton Mather in his ‘Magnalia’ (I, 280; 1853) says of his 
grandfather, that “his printed works, whereof there are many, 
that praise him in the gates, though few of them were printed 
with his own knowledge or consent.” 

An effort has been made to list some of the copies of each 
of these titles. 
[1630.] Gods | Promise | to his | Plantation. |... {] London, | Printed by 
William Jones for John Bellamy, and | are to be solde at the three Golden 
Lyons by the | Royall Exchange. 1630. (1) 

Sig.: A‘ (first leaf, probably blank, wanting), B4, C4, D*. (1), (4), 20 p- 


Title, v. blank; 4 p. To the Christian Reader, signed I. H. (probably 
John Humphrey); 1-20, text, 2 Sam. 7.10. Copies: BM; HC; MHS; Y; 
JCB. 


Joshua Scottow in his Narrative of the Planting of the Massachu- 
setts Colony Anno 1628 (Boston, 1694), says “Some of their choice 
Friends, as the Reverend Mr. Cotton, and others, went along with them 
from Boston in Lincolnshire to Southampton, where they parted, and he 
Preacht his Farewel Sermon.” John Rous in his Diary (Camden So- 
ciety, 1856, 66: 53) records on June 7, 1630, that “some little while since 
the company went to New England under Mr. Wintrop. Mr. Cotton, 
of Boston in Lincolnshire, went to theire departure about Gravesend, 
and preached to them, as we heare, out of 2 Samuel, vii, 10.” Samuel 
Fuller’s entry in his letter of June 28, 1630, relating to this incident, 
reads: “Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Cottington, a Boston man, who 
told me, that Mr. Cotton’s charge at Hampton was, that they should 
take advice of them at Plymouth.” } 


1 Reprinted in 1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Sce., III, 75. Entered in the Stationers’ 
Register, July 3, 1630. 


JOHN COTTON 365 


The writer of the Preface says that “‘many may either not know, or 
doe not consider upon how full a ground and warrant out of the word of 
God that undertaking (which was the occasion of this Sermon) hath 
hitherto proceeded,” and that leave to print was obtained “with some 
difficulty” from “the Reverend Authour,” also that “Erelong (if God 
will) thou shalt see a larger declaration of the first rise and ends of this 
enterprise.” Coddington in his ‘Demonstration of True Love,’ 1674, 
says that this sermon and the “Planter’s Plea” were printed by John 
Humphrey, their Agent. 


[1630-1634.] Gods] Promise | to his | Plantations]... || [same to]... 

sold... 1634. (2) 
Sig.: A?, B?, C4, D4. (1), (2), 20 p. Title, v. blank; 2 p. To the Christian 
Reader; [continues same]. Copies: BP; C; HC; Y. 

[1630-1686.] God’s | Promise | [same to] .. . 1634. | Reprinted at Boston in 

New-England, by Samuel Green; and | are to be sold by John Usher. Anno. 

1686. eA) 
Sig.: A*-C4 (last leaf, probably blank, missing). Title, v. blank; 1-20, 
text (continues same). Copies: AAS; BA; BP; MHS; Y. 

[Before 1633.] A short discourse . . . touching the time when the Lordes 

day beginneth whether at the Eveninge or in the Morninge. Manu- 

script. (4) 

A photograph of the first page of this manuscript, of which no printed 

copy has been found, was exhibited by Dean Chester N. Greenough at 
the meeting of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, on April 17, 1917.1 
The original is at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, England. Dean 
Greenough called attention to Cotton Mather’s statement in the ‘Mag- 
nalia’ that “The sabbath he [John Cotton] began the evening before: 
for which keeping of the Sabbath from Evening to Evening, he wrote 
arguments before his coming to New England: and I suppose, ’twas from 
his reason and practice, that the Christians of New England have gen- 
erally done so too.” 

[1634.] [Election sermon, Mass. Gen. Court.] (5) 
No copy of this first Massachusetts Election sermon is known to be 
extant. 


[1634-1713.] A | Treatise | I. Of Faith. | II. Twelve Fundamental Articles | 
of | Christian Religion. | III. A Doctrinal Conclusion. | IV. Questions and 


answers upon | Church-Government |—|Taken from Written Copies 
long since de-|livered by the late Reverend Mr. John | Cotton, . . . || 
Printed in the Year 1713. (6) 


Sig.: A*-C4, D?. 28 p. Copies: BP; Y. 

The “Questions” bear date “25. 11m. 1634,” and were the first prepa- 
ration of what appeared in ‘The True Constitution,’ and in ‘The 
Doctrine of the Church,’ 1642. These are the “first of a long and valua- 
ble series of statements and discussions from his pen touching the general 


1 Published, Col. Soc. Mass., 19:366. 


ROGE a. © JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


question of Church life and Order,” according to the Reverend Henry 
M. Dexter in his manuscript copy made on April 5, 1866, now in Yale 
University Library. 
[1634-1642.] The True | Constitvtion | Of | A particular visible Church, 
proved by Scripture. |. . . || London: | Printed for Samuel Satterthwaite, 
at the Signe of the black Bull | in Budge Rowe, neare to Saint Antholines | 
Church. 1642. (7) 
Sig.: A‘, B4. (1), 13 p. Title, v. blank; 1-13, text. Copies: JCB; BM; 
B; BP; C; HC; MHS. 
The Thomason copy is dated July 18. 


[1634-1642.] The | Doctrine | of the Church, ... |—|| London: | Printed 
for Samuel Satterthwaite, at the signe of the | black Bull in Budge Row. 
1642. (8) 
Sig. same as in “The True Constitution,” and collation. 
Same; pages after 6 missing. 
Copy: B. 
In the heading of the text the word “Constitution” is crossed out with 
a pen, and the word “Doctrine”’ written above it. This heading in the 
next imprint is changed to “The | Doctrine | of the | Church, | And in 
| Government.” 


[1634-1643.] The| Doctrine | of the | Church, | To which are committed 
the Keys of the | Kingdome of Heaven. | ... | — |The Second Edition: | 
Printed according to a more exact copy; the Marginall | proofes in the 
former Edition misplaced, being herein placed more | directly; . . . || Lon- 
don, | Printed for Ben: Allen & Sam: Satterthwaite, and are to be sold in 
Popes- | head Alley and Budge-row. 1643. (9) 
Sig.: A*B4. (1), 13 p. Title, v. blank; 1-13, text; last page blank. 
Copies: JCB; BM; MHS; Y. 
[1634-1644.] [Same to]... | To which is committed ...| The Third Edi- 
tion. More exactly corrected, the Marginall proofes in | the former Edition 
misplaced, being herein placed| more directly; and many other faults 
both in the|Line and Margent are here corrected. | — || London, 
Printed for Ben: Allen, and are to be sold in Popes-head Alley. 1644. (10) 
Sig.: A‘, B4. (1), 14 p. Title, v. blank; 1-14, text. Copies: JCB; C; 
HC; MHS; Y. - 
[1636-1713.] Sermon |... Deliver’d at Salem, 1636.| .. . || Boston: 
Printed in the year, 1713. (11) 
Sig.: 11., and At E‘. (1), 40 p. Title, v. blank; 1-40, text, “By the 
Reverend, Old Mr. John Cotton, | At Salem, June, 1636.” Copies: 
BP; MHS. 7 


[1640-1655.] An | Exposition | upon | The Thirteenth Chapter | of the | 
Revelation. | ... Taken from his mouth in Short-writing, and some | part 
of it corrected by Himselfe soon after the Prea-| ching thereof, . . . but 
nothing of the sense al- | tered. | — || London, | Printed by M. S. for 
Livewel Chapman, at the Crown | in Popes-head Alley, 1655. (12) 


JOHN COTTON 367 


Sig.: [A] 4 (first leaf blank) — LI (last leaf blank), Mm* (last leaf 
blank). (1), (4), 262, (6) p. Title, v. blank; 4 p. To | the Reader, signed 
Thomas Allen, at Norwich, | the 1. day of | the 1. month, 1654-5; 1-262, 
text, An | Exposition |... ;2p.blank;6 p. A Table, ending with Errata 
in twelve lines. Mr. Allen states that “(having lived in that American 
wildernesse about 13. or 14. yeares in the Towne next adjoyning to 
Boston, and so had thereby the happy priviledg of enjoying the benefit of 
the precious labours of Mr. Cottons, in his Lecture upon every fifth day 
in the week) I say I do here declare and testifie unto the world that 
these Sermons... were published by ... Mr. John Cotton, about the 11. 
and 12. moneths (if I mistake not) of the year, 1639, and the first and 
second of the yeare 1640. upon his weekly Lecture at Boston”’; and that 
“the publisher of this Exposition, who having the pen of a ready Writer, 
did take those Notes from the Mouth of the Preacher.” Copies: BM; 
BP; MHS; Y. , 
Thomason copy is dated June 19. 


[1640-1656.] [Same to]... and | some part of it Corrected by himself soon 
after the | Preaching thereof, ... but nothing of the | Sense altered. | — || 
London, | Printed for Tim. Smart, at the Hand and Bible in | the Old- 
Bayly. 1656. (13) 
Sig.: [1st in 4, first leaf missing]; *,* in 2; B*-LI¢ (last leaf blank); Mm‘ 
(last leaf missing) [same to] 1654-5; 2 p. The Analysis of the 13. Chap- 
ter; 2p. The Reader is desired to correct with his pen these faults | 
(amongst others) which Through precipitance of the | Press have fallen 
to the prejudice of the sence; [continues same.] Copies: JCB; BP; HC. 


[1641.] An| Abstract | or the | Lawes | of | New England, | as they are 
now established. | — | [Printer’s device] || London, | Printed for F. Cowles, 
and W. Ley at Paules Chain, | 1641. (14) 
sig.: A‘, B4, C*, (1), 15, (2) p. Title, v. blank; 1-15, text; 2 p. The 
Table; last page blank. Copies: BP; MHS; JCB; HC. 
This was offered to the General Court, but never adopted. 


[1641-1655.] An| Abstract | of | Laws | and Government. |... | — |Col- 

lected and digested into the ensuing Method, by|... John | Cotton,... 

|— | And now published after his death, by | William Aspinwall. . . . || 

London, | Printed by M. S. for Livewel Chapman, and are to be sold | at 

the Crown in Popes-head Alley, 1655. (15) 
Sig.: A*-E4, F4 (last leaf blank). (1), (5), 35. Title, v. blank; 5 p. To 
the Reader, signed Will. Aspinwall; v. blank; 1-35, text; v. blank; 1 p. 
An Analysis of Lawes and Government accommodated to New-Eng- 
land; 1 p. These are the principall faults which have es- | caped the 
Presse, sixteen lines. Copies: JCB; HC; MHS; Y. 


[1641.] A| Coppy | of | A Letter | of M:. Cotton of | Boston, . . . || Printed 

in the yeare 1641. (16) 
Sig.: A‘. (1),6p. Title, v. blank; 1-4, text, signed John Cotton; 5, 6, 
Questions put to such as are admitted to| the Church-Fellowship. 
Copies: B; JCB; BM; HC; MHS; Y. 


368 JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


[1641.] Gods | Mercie | Mixed with his | Ivstice, |... || London, | Printed 

by G. M. for Edward Brewster, and Henry | Hood at the Bible on Fleet- 

Bridge, and in | S. Dunstanes Church-yard, 1641. (17) 
Sig.: At-S*. (1), (6), 135 p. Title, v. blank; 6 p. To the Christian 
Reader, signed by Mat. Svvallovve, From my Study in London, | May 
20, 1641.; I-26, Gods | Mercy in his | Peoples deliverance.; 27-49, The | 
Saints | Deliverance | ; v. blank; 51-72, Gods | Mercie Ma-| nifest in 
his | Ivstice.; 73-135, The Wickeds | Craft; v. blank. Copies: JCB; 
BP; C; HC; MHS; BM. 

Entered in the Stationers’ Register, March 5. 


[1641-1658.] The | Saints | Support & Comfort, |... [Printer’s device] || 

London, | Printed and are to be sold by Thomas Basset in | St. Dunstans 

Church-yard in Fleet-street. 1658. (18) 
Sig.: .,and B*S4, (1), 135 p. Title, v. blank; 1-26. Gods | Mercy. 
[continues same to end]. Copies: BM; HC; Y. 


[1641.] The way of Life. | .. . || London, | Printed by M. F. for L. Fawne, 
and S. Gellibrand, at the Brasen | Serpent in Pauls Church-yard. 1641. 
(19) 
Sig.: 44, B&-Gg’, Hh4. (1), (6), 481 p. Title, v. blank; 6 p- To the 
Reader, signed, William Morton; 1-122, The Povring ovt | of | the Spirit; 
123-197. Sinnes | deadly VVound; v. blank; 199-253, The | Christians | 
Charge; v. blank; 255-481, The | Life of| Faith; v. blank. Copies: 
B; JCB; BM; BP; C; HC; MHS; Y. 
Entered in the Stationers’ Register, December 14, 1640. 


[1642.] A Brief | Exposition | Of the Whole Book of | Canticles, | or, | 

Song of Solomon; | . . . {| London, | Printed for Philip Nevil, at the signe of 

| the Gun in Ivie-Lane, 1642. (20) 
Sig.: 11, and B&—R%, S4. (1), 264 p. Title, v. blank; 1-264, text. 
Copies: JCB; BP; HC; Y. 


[1642-1648.] A Briefe [same to]... Solomon: |... ||London, | Printed by 

J. Young for Charles Green, and are to be | sold at the Signe of the Gun in 

Ivie-Lane. 1648. (21) 
Sig.: A-O%, (1), 256 p. Title, v. blank; 1-256, text, The | Canticles, | or | 
Song of Songs | opened and explained [continues in headings for each of 
eight chapters.] Copies: BP; C; HC; MHS. 


[1642.] The | Churches Resurrection, | . . . || London: | Printed by R. O. 

& G. D. for Henry Overton, | and are to be sold at his Shop in Popes-head- 

Alley, | 1642. (22) 
Sig.: A*-D* (last leaf blank) 30 p. Title, v. blank; 3-30, text. Copies: 
B; JCB; BA; BM; BP; C; HC; MHS; Y. 

[1642.] A Modest and Cleare | Answer | to | M*. Balls Discourse of | set 

formes of Prayer.|. . . || London, | Printed by R. O. and G. D. for Henry 

Overton, | in Popes head-Alley, 1642. (23) 
Sig.: A*-G4, (1), (2), 49, (1) p. Title, v. blank; 2 p. To the courteous 
Reader; 1 p., Advertisements | Vpon the Discourse; followed by 1-49, 


JOHN COTTON 369 


text; v. blank; 1 p. Courteous Reader, I intreat thee take paines to | 
correct these faults escaped: sixteen lines; v. blank. Copies: JCB; BM; 
B:C: HC; MHS; Y. 


[1642-1642?] A| Modest | and | Cleer Ansvver | to] Mr. Ball’s Discourse 

| of | Set Formes | of | Prayer. |. . . || London; Printed for H. Overton in | 

Popes-Head Alley. [1642?] (24) 
Sig.: A®-E®, F8 (last two leaves, probably blank, missing). go p. Title, 
v. blank; 2 p. To the Courteous Reader; [5], 6, Advertisements | upon | 
The Discourse; followed by 6-go, text. Copies: BP; JCB. 


[1642.] The | Powrring | ovt of the | Seven Vials: |... || London, | Printed 

for R. S,! and are to be sold at Henry Overtons shop | in Popes-head Alley. 

1642. (25) 
Sig.: A?, BWE4, F2; A*-C4; At-C4; At-F4, F2; At B4, Bbé [2d leaf Aaa], 
Cc4 [2d leaf Bb2, last leaf blank]; Aaa*, Bbb4, Ccc? [last p. blank]. (1), 
(2), 35, 24, 24, 43, 16,14, 19 p. Title, v. blank; 2 p. To the Christian 
Reader, signed I. H. (probably John Humphrey); 1-16, Viall I; 17-35, 
The Second | Viall; 1-24. The Third | Vial; 1-24, The Fourth | Vial; 
1-13, The Fift Viall; 14-26, The Sixth Viall; 27-43, The second part of 
the sixth Viall, 1-16, The Third Sermon; 1-14, The Fourth Part; 1-13, 
The | Seventh and | Last Viall| opened, last p. blank. Copies: AAS; 
B; JCB; BM; BP; C; HC; MHS; Y. 

The Preface speaks of this as ‘“‘a taste of the ordinary Weeke-daies 
exercise, .. . taken from his owne mouth, whose Pen would have more 
fully answered thy greatest expectations could his time (drunke up with 
continuall waighty, and various imployments) afforded him more liberty 
and leisure, to have fyled over his owne notions: . . . which was not in- 
tended, when first delivered, for any more publike use, then of his owne 
private Auditorie.” 

The Thomason copy is dated April. 


[1642-1645.] The| Powring | Out of the Seven | Vials:|.. .|| London, | 

Printed for R. S. and are to be sold at Henry Overtons | Shop in Popes- 

head Alley. 1645. (26) 
Sig.: At-V‘4 (1), (2), 156 p. Title, v. blank; 2 pp. To the Christian 
Reader, signed I. H.; 1-156, text. Copies: BM; BP; JCB; C; HC; 
MHS; Y. 


[1643.] A|Letter| of | Mr. John Cottons|. . .|to| Mr. Williams a 
Preacher there.| . . . | —| Imprimatur, John Bachiler | —|| Printed at 
London for Benjamin Allen. 1643. (27 

Sig.: A‘, B4. Title, v. blank; 1-13, text; v. blank. Copies: BM; BP; HC. 


[1644.] The|Keyes|Of the Kingdom of | Heaven,|. . .|| London, 
Printed by M. Simmons for Henry Overton, and are to be sold at his | 
Shop entring into Popes-head Alley, out of Lumbard-street, 1644. (28) 
aiges Ad, ‘a’, B4-H4, I2. (1), (10), 59 p. Title, v. blank; 10 p. To the 
Reader, signed, Tho: Goodwin. | Philip Nye; 1-59, text, Of the Keys, 


1 Perhaps Ralph Smith. 


370 JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


followed on page 59 by This is licensed and entred according to Order. 
Copy: BM. 
Thomason copy dated 14 June. 


[1644.] The | Keyes | [same] |] London, Printed by M. Simmons for Henry 

Overton, at his Shop | entring into Popes-head Alley out of Lumbard- 

street. 1644. (29) 
Sig.: A‘, A?, B*-H4, I?. (1), (10), 59 p. Collation same. Copies: BP; 
HC; MHS. 


[1644.] The | Keyes|. . . || London, | Printed by M. Simmons for Henry 
Overton, and are to be | sold at his Shop in Popes-head-Alley, 1644. (30) 
Collation and pagination same. Copies: BA; HC; MHS. 


[1644.] The | Keyes |... [continues same]. (31) 
Copies: B; JCB; C; HC; Y. 
According to a note by Dr. Dexter in the Yale copy, the British Museum 
copy is exactly like the Yale copy with the exception that on page 7 a 
marginal reference to Heb. 4.3 appears in the former. The John Carter 
Brown Library has two issues, corresponding apparently to the Yale and 
BM copies. In addition to the variation observed by Dr. Dexter, the 
following are noted in the JCB copy of the BM variant: 

In the Yale copy, the second paragraph on page 6 has ten lines; in 
the BM copy it has eleven lines. In the BM copy, on page 7, in lines 14, 
15, 16, 17, and 36, several words have been italicized which in the Yale 
copy are in roman type. These additions to text and typographical im- 
provements seem to indicate that the Yale issue is the earlier. There 
was no resetting of type even of the pages in which variations occur. 
The JCB copy corresponding to the BM or second issue is a BM dupli- 
cate. 


[1644~1843.] The|Keyes|...1644 ]—|| Boston: Reprinted by Tappan 

and Dennet, | 1843. (32) 
Sig.: 21, 1-98 iv, 108 p. Title, v. blank; (iii), iv, Preface | to | the 
American Edition, signed The Editor, Boston, May 24, 1843; 1-18, To 
the Reader, signed Tho: Goodwin, | Philip Nye; 19-108, text. Copies: 
MHS; and other libraries. : 


[1644.]  The| Keyes|.. .[same to] Discipline. | |The second time 
Imprinted. |— | [six lines quotations] — | —| Published | by Tho. Goodwin, 
[Philip Nye. | — || London printed by M. Simmons for Henry Overton, 
and are to be | sold at his shop in Popes-head-Alley. 1644. (33) 
Collation and pagination the same, but set up anew. Copy: Y. 
[1644.] The | Keyes|. . . [same to] Discipline | —| The second time Im- 
printed. | — |... || London, | Printed by M. Simmons for Henry Overton, 
at his Shop | entring into Popes-head Alley, out of Lumbard-street, 1644. 
Collation and pagination same. Copy: MHS. - (34) 
[1644.] Sixteene | Questions | of Seriovs and | Necessary Consequence, | 
Propounded unto Mr. John Cotton . . . | Printed according to Order. | — | 
[Printer’s device] | — |] London: | Printed by E. P. for Edward Blackmore 
at the signe of | the Angel in Pauls Church-yard. 1644. (35) 


JOHN COTTON 371 


Sig.: A‘, B4. (1), 14 p. Title, v. blank; 1 p. Deare and Reverend Sir; 
v. blank; 3-14, text, Certain | Questions |. Copies: B; JCB; BM; BP; Y. 

Entered in the Stationers’ Register September 11. Thomason copy 
dated September 13. 


[1644-1647.] Severall | Questions |. . . || London, | Printed for Thomas 

Banks, and are to bee sold in Black- | Friers on the top of Bride-well 

Staires, and in West- | minster Hall, at the signe of the Seale. 1647. (36) 
Sig.: A‘, B?. (1), 10 p. Title, v. blank; 1-10, text. Copies: JCB; BM; 
B; BP; MHS. 

The Thomason copy is dated Feb. 22, 1646-7. 

The date in the British Museum Copy has been changed by pen to 
1646. The copy in the Massachusetts Historical Society is bound in 
contemporary binding with fifty-four leaves added on which some con- 
temporary hand has written as follows on the leaf following the title: 
Reverend & Beloved Brethren | For an Answer to your (Interrogatories 
shall I call them or) | Questions, . . . | I have here (by the help of Christ) 
sent you (according to your | desire) a plain & homely Answer to each 
particular. |...| The printed Part I corrected by y® MSS. Original; 11- 
25, The Elders Reply; 26-97. Mr: Cottons Rejoynder; 98-116, Mr: 
Cottons Revisall. 


[1645.] The | Covenant | of | Gods free Grace, |. . . | Whereunto is added, 
A Profession of Faith, made | by the Reverend Divine, Mr. John Daven- 
port, in | New-England, at his admission into one of | the Churches there. | 
—|Imprimatur, John Downame. | — || London, | Printed by M. S. for 
Iohn Hancock, and are to be sold | at his Shop in Popes-head Alley, 1645. 
(37) 
Sig.: [A]}?, B*-E4. (1), (2), 40 p. Title, v. blank; 2 p. To all who have 
Interest in the | Covenant of Grace; 1-33, text; 34-40, A Profession of 
Faith. Copies: BM; JCB; HC. 

The Preface says that “These comfortable Notes being in the hands 
of a friend to the Authour, who commending the worth and excellence of 
them, thought not good to smother them by burying them in oblivion.” 

Entered in the Stationers’ Register September 22. Thomason copy 
dated September 23. 


[1645.] The| Way of the Churches | of Christ | in New-England. |... || 

London, | Printed by Matthew Simmons in Aldersgate-streete. | Wee (38) 
Sig.: A*-Q‘. Title, v. blank; 5 p. The Epistle to the Reader, | signed by 
N.H. | I. H; v. blank; I-I 16, text; 3 p. An Alphabeticall Table; v 
blank. Copies: B; BA; JCB; BM; ee HC; MHS; Y. 

The writers of the Epistle state that “The unwillingnesse of Licencers 
to licence our tracts, and the earnest endeavours of some, to move com- 
plaints two or three of our most moderate books, that with hard travell 
gat a convoy of Licences, to cut through the Presses, are not dumb wit- 
nesses how much our way is barred, and our hands tyed short. And for 
Plaintiffs to burne records, or to lock up records, and then to importune 
the Defendants to produce those records, are two things that cannot in 


372 JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


our apprehension be said to hold no analogie. Yet with much sweat, and 
wiles, some messengers have got through that Court of Guard, to antici- 
pate, or satisfie (if it might be) those clamourers for a larger Narration. 
... If all things in this Treatise, as now printed, doe not answer punctu- 
ally word for word, to the first written Copie, let the reverend Authour, 
and the candid Reader pardon us, because we had not the fairest Copie, 
nor knew wee, till the Book was neer done, that there was a better to be 
had, nor to this day yet ever saw it .. . Diverse Objections formerly laid 
against the Printing of this Book (to the sadding of the Authour). . 
Some whereof are now answered by the late season of printing it. Others, 
by the necessitie of them, that conscientiously and candidly cry out for 
information. Others, by the fore-printing of the Keyes, to open the full 
minde and whole sphere of the Authors Judgment in this. Others, by 
that putting forth in print of an answer to this Book, before this was 
mid-wifed by the Presse into the world.”’ In John Owen’s Defence of 
John Cotton (1658), it says that this manuscript was written several 
years before he wrote the “Keyes” (1644), carried to England and 
printed there without the author’s privity, and to his regret. 


[1645.] The | Way of the Churches | .. . [continues same]. (39) 
Collation and pagination same; but set up anew. Copy: MHS. 
[164-.] In Domini Nortoni Librum, ad Lectorem | Prefatis Apologetica. 
Sig.: CeF Dit 41-56 pb, (40) 
A part of ‘Massachusetts | or | The first Planters of New-England,’ | 
. . . signed on page 56, Johannes Cotton |in Ecclesia Bostoniensi | 
Presbyter docens. Copies: BP; HC; MHS. 


[1646.] A| Conference | Mr. John Cotton | held at| Boston | With the 
Elders of | New-England, |. . . | — | Written by Francis Cornwell, | . . . || 
London, Printed by J. Dawson, and are to be sold | by Fr. Eglesfield, at 
the signe of the Mary-gold | in Pauls Church-yard. 1646. — (41) 
Sig.: A’, at, BS-D®. (1), (16), (5), 48 p. Title, v. blank; 16 p. To the 
| Honovrable | and | True-hearted lover of | his Countrey, Sir Henry | 
Vane Junior, Knight, sometimes | Governour of New-England; . . . 
signed Fran. Cornwell, Orpington, in Kent, | the ninth Month, | 1645; 
5 p. To all the Churches . .. signed Fran. Cornwell; v. blank; 1-48, A 
| Conference that Mr. | Iohn Cotton had | with the Elders . . . | touching 
three Questions | that are here dis- | cussed on: Copies: BP; HC. 
The copy at the Boston Public Library has a second title, as follows, 
and contains the handwriting of “Samuel Sewall; Febr: 9. 1712/13.” 


[1646.] Gospel | Conversion: |. ..|— | Opened | By John Cotton, at a 


Conference in | New-England | — | Together, | With some Reasons against 
| stinted Formes of praising God | in Psalmes, be | Now published for the 
generall good, | Francis Cornwell, | Minister of the Gospel | — || London, 
Printed by J. Dawson. | 1646. (42) 


Signatures and pagination, same. Copies: BP; HC. 

This title is pasted on the stub of the preceding title, ‘A Conference,’ 
in the HC copy, which apparently makes this a second issue. It follows 
“Twelve Reasons” and “A Description” by Cornwell. 


JOHN COTTON 373 


[1646.] The | Controversie | Concerning | Liberty of Conscience | in | 
Matters of Religion, |... | — || London, Printed by Thomas Banks, and 
are to be sold at | his shop in Black-Fryers on the top of Bride-well | 
Staires. 1646. (43) 
Sig.: A‘, B4. (1), 14 p. Title, v. blank; 1-14, text, Scriptures and Rea- 
sons written long since by a... | close prisoner in Newgate, . . . sent 
some while since to Mr. Cotton, by a friend; signed John Cotton. Copies: 
B; JCB; BP; BM; HC; MHS; Y. 
The Thomason copy is dated Oct. 9. 


[1646-1649.] [same] . . . |—]|| London: Printed by Robert Austin, for 
Thomas Banks, and | are to be sold at Mrs. Breaches Shop in West- | 
_ minster-Hall. 1649. 44 
Sig.: A4, B4. (1), 14 p. Title, v. blank; [continues same]. Copies: BM; 
Baicu- PE: NYP. 
[1646.] Milk | For | Babes. | Drawn | Out of the Breasts of both | Testa- 
ments. | Chiefly, for the spirituall nourishment | of Boston Babes in either 
England: | But may be of like use for any | Children.|. . . || London | 
Printed by J. Coe, for Henry Overton, | and are to be sold at his Shop, in | 


Popes-head Alley. | 1646. (45) 
Sig.: A® (1), 13 p. Title, v. blank; 1-13 text. Copies: BM; HEH. 

[1646-1648.] Milk for Babes... London... 1648. (46) 
Copy: BM. 


Mr. Eames mentions this title in his ‘Early New England Catechisms,’ 
page 24. 
[1646-1656.] Spiritual | Milk | for | Boston Babes | In either England... |] 
Cambridg: Printed by S[amuel] G[reen] for Hezekiah Vsher at Boston in 
New England. | 1656. (47) 
(1), 13 p. Copy: NYP (Livermore copy). 
On the back of the title this copy bears the signature of Jno. Hull, 
master of the Mint and member of the First Church, in 1648, which 
Mr. Eames has noted in his ‘Catechisms,’ page 24. 


1646-1665.] Spiritual Milk for Babes. (48) 

Mr. Eames has reasoned from the entry “Corrected in Quotations by 

L. H. 1665” in the title-page of the 1672 edition that there probably was 
an edition printed this year (page 25 of his ‘Catechisms’). 


[1646-1668.] Spiritual | Milk | for | Babes, |. . . |[London:| Printed for 


Peter Parker, near | Cree-Church. 1668. (49) 
(1), 13 p. Copy: BP. 

[1646-1672.] Spiritual | Milk | for | Babes]. . . || London: | Printed for 

Peter Parker, in | Popes-head-Alley. | 1672. (50) 
Copy: LCP. 


Mr. Eames’s ‘Catechisms,’ page 25. 
[1646-16907] Milk for Babes... [Boston: Printed by Samuel Green] (51) 
14 p. 


374 JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


Thomas Prince in his manuscript catalogue says “Mr. Bartholomew 
Green says — It was wrote by Mr. Cotton Mather & Printed by Mr. 
Samuel Green.” 


[1646-1691.] Spiritual Milk for Babes. (52) 
This appeared with Grindal Rawson’s Indian Catechism, ‘Nashauanit- 
tue Meninnunk,’ Cambridge, 1691. Copies: AAS; NYP. 


[1646-1720.] Spiritual Milk for Babes. (53) 
This appeared in the ‘Indiane Primer,’ Boston, 1720, at pages 30-46, 
with Grindal Rawson’s translation into Indian language. Noted by 
Mr. Eames, page 65. Copies: AAS; NYP; BP. 


[1646-1747.] [Same.] (54) 
In the same, Boston, 1747. Noted by Mr. Eames, page 66. Copies: 
AAS; NL; NYP. 


[1647.]  The| Bloudy Tenent, | washed,|. . . | Whereunto is added a 

Reply to Mr. Williams | Answer, to Mr. Cottons Letter. | — || London, | 

Printed by Matthew Symmons for Hannah Allen, at the Crowne in | 

Popes Head-Alley. 1647. (55) 
Sig.: 11, B4-Z4, Aa‘, Bb‘, Cc?; Aat-Ss‘. (1), 195,144 p. Title, v. blank; 
I~195, text, The | Bloody Tenet | 1-144, text, A Reply to | M'. Williams 
his | Examination; | And Answer of the Letters sent | to him by John 
Cotton. Copies: B; JCB; BP; BM; C; HC; MHS; Y. 

The copy in the Massachusetts Historical Society belonged to Rev. 
Peter Bulkeley, October 26, 1647, given him then by Mr. Cotton; and 
was later owned by Rev. Ezra Stiles; by the Edwards Church Ministe- 
nial Library at Northampton; and by Samuel Wells, Northampton. 

The Thomason copy is dated May 15. 


[1647.] The | Grovnds and Ends | of the | Baptisme | of the | Children of 

the Faithfull. |... || London, | Printed by R. C. for Andrew Crooke at the 

Sign of the | Green Dragon in Pauls-churchyard, 1647. (56) 
Sig.: A‘ (first leaf, probably blank, wanting), b?, B4-Z4, Aa‘, Bb‘. Title, 
v. blank; 3p. To the Reader, signed by John Cotton; 4 p. To the 
Reader, signed by Tho. Goodwin; 1p. The Grounds, heading reset on 
p. 1 following and text corrected on p. 2. 1-4, The Grounds; 5-196, text. 
Copies: B; JCB; BM; BP; C; HC; MHS; Y. 

Cotton says in Tothe Reader that this discourse was compiled by him 
in answer to a printed book, ‘The Author I forbeare to name... re- 
puted one of the chiefest note of that way, for moderation and freedome, 
from the leaven of other corrupt opinions, which are wont to accompany 
the denyall of Infants Baptisme . . . a young Scholar, (but of pregnant 
gifts and parts) Mr. Benjamin Woodbridge, dwelling in my house, seeing 
me solicitous for the young man [a son of one of his ‘Graceous Saints in 
Lincolnshire,’ now a member of a neighbouring Church and standing 
‘aloofe to the Baptisme of Children’], undertooke the answer of the 
Booke,” which was “speedily and acutely” done. As this was “so full of 
Scholarship and termes of Art” that the young men “could not well 


JOHN COTTON 375 


understand it,” Cotton decided that he must answer it himself in “‘such 
a familiar language, as might best suite with his capacity.” 
The Thomason copy is dated Oct. 10, 1646. 


[1647.] Singing | Of | Psalmes | A Gospel-Ordinance.|. . . || London; | 

Printed by M. S. for Hannah Allen, at the Crowne | in Popes-Head Alley: 

and John Rothwell at the | Sunne and Fountaine in Pauls-Church-yard. | 

1647. (57) 
Sig.: 11., B4 (stub between between 2 and 3) to K*. (1), 72 p. Title, v. 
blank; 1-72, text, Of the | Singing | of Psalmes. Copies: HC; MHS; 
JCB. 

On a copy at Harvard College Library is written Thomas Shepard’s 
name, 1655, and William Brattle’s book, March 23, 1704/5; and the 
latter wrote “My H¢? Grand Father Mt Thomas Shepard Pastt of 
Cambr: as my Fath told me Mr Cotton acknowledged it w™ it came 
forth: also; Mt Edward Bulkley pastor of y® c® of X*in Concord told 
me Sept. 20. 1674, that w™ he boarded at Mr Cotton’s house at y® Ist 
coming forth of this book of singing of psalmes, M* Cotton told him that 
my Father Shepard had the chief hand in y® composing of it and y"fore 
M: Cotton said: I am troubled that my bro. Shepard’s name is not 
prefixed to it.” 

Dean Chester N. Greenough of Harvard University in his valuable arti- 
cle on this work in the Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachu- 
setts (20:239) says in conclusion: “It thus seems fairly evident that we 
should hesitate to give way to the impression that John Cotton was at 
fault for having failed to make sure that Thomas Shepard, if he was the 
principal author . . . received credit therefor on the title-page.” The two 
copies, here indicated, have a list of errata, apparently in the hand of 
Cotton, written on the back of the title-page. The copy in the Massa- 
chusetts Historical Society was given by Cotton to Richard Mather. 
Dean Greenough calls attention to the fact that only one of the list of 
errata was corrected in the second edition of 1650. 

The Thomason copy is dated March 28. 


[1647-1650.] Singing | of | Psalmes|.. . || London, | Printed by J. R. at 

the Sunne and Fountaine in Pauls-| Church-yard: and H. A. at the 

Crowne in Popes- | Head-Alley. 1650. (58) 
Sig.: leaf, BK‘. (1), 72p. Title, v. blank; 1-72, text, [continues same]. 
Copies: JCB; C. 

[1648.] The Way of | Congregational | Churches | Cleared: |. . . || London, 

Printed by Matthew Simmons, for John Bellamie, | at the signe of the 

three Golden Lions, | in Cornhill. 1648. (59) 
Sig.: A‘, a2, Bt-O*, Aat-Ee‘, Ff?. (1), (9), 104, 44 p. Title, v. blank; 6 p. 
An Epistle Pacificatory, |... signed by Nathanael Holmes, below which 
on the last page is a short paragraph, and Imprimatur | January 1, 1647. 
John Bachiler; 3 p. The Contents, followed on the third page with five 
lines of Errata; 1 p. blank; 1-104, text, Treatise I; 1-44, The second Part 
(being Doctrinal, and Controversial | Concerning Congregational 


376 JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


Churches and their | Government. Copies: JCB; BM; BP; C; HC; 
B; MHS; Y. 

Entered in the Stationers’ Register, Jan. 12. The Thomason copy is 
dated Feb. 9. 

The John Carter Brown Library Catalogue describes copies with dif- 
ferent words at the end of leaf 4a; “vi-bipending” and “re-viling.” 


[165 -1658.] A | Defence | Of| Mr. John Cotton | From the imputation 

of | Selfe Contradiction, | charged on him by| Mr. Dan: Cavvdrey | 

Written by himselfe not long | before his death.|—]|. By John Owen: 

D:D:...|— || Oxford, | Printed by H: Hall: for T. Robinson. 1658. (60) 
100, 83 p. Title, v. blank; 3-100, Christian Reader, by John Owen; 
followed by 1-3, The Preface; 3-83, text. Copies: JCB; BP; BM; HC; 
B. 


[1650.] Of the | Holinesse | of | Church-Members. | . . . || London: Printed 
by F. N. for Hanna Allen, and are to be sold at | the Crown in Popes-head 
Alley. 1650. (61) 


Sig.: A’, BY P*. (1), (2),'95 [103] p. Title, °v. blanks 20 
Honored, Worshipfull,| and worthy Friends, . . . with the | whole 
Congregation and Church at Boston: | signed John Cotton; 1-95, text, 
Quest: I....| Chap.I|...Sect. I. [to Sect. XVII]; 1 p. blank. Pages 
89-95 are misnumbered for 97-103. Copies: JCB; BM; BP; C; HC; 
B; MHS; Y. 
The Thomason copy is dated April 20. 
[1650.] Some Treasure Fetched out of Rubbish. 

Copies: BM; Y. (62) 


[1650-1660.] Some | Treasure | Fetched out of | Rubbish: | . . . concerning 
the Imposition and | Use of | Significant Ceremonies in the Worship of God. 
‘viz. |I. A Discourse upon I Cor. 14.40....|II. An Enquiry, ... | III. 
Three Arguments, . . . || London, Printed in the year, 1660. (63) 
Sig.: A’, B*-K4, L?. (1), (2),75 p. Title, v. blank; 2 p. To the Reader; 
1-8, text; 9-52, May not the Church; 52-75, Of the Surplice; 1 p., v., 
blank. It is stated in the preface that “Mr. John Cotton, that faithful 
Servant of Christ, (famous in both Englands) was the known Author of 
the first Discourse, and (as it is verily believed) of the second also,” and 
that “Mr. Robert Nichols studiously composed the third.” Also that 
“These ensuing Treatises were found laid by the Walls, and covered 
with dust, in the study of an old Non-Conformist, (there being diverse 
Copies of each, under several unknown hands:) ” Copies: BM; HC; 
MHS. 
The copy in the Massachusetts Historical Society was owned by 
Thomas Shepard in 1660, who wrote after part I, “s* to be Mr J. Cotton’s 
B.D.” The Thomason copy is dated Oct. 8, 1660. 


[1651.] Christ | The | Fountaine of Life:|. ..| Published according to 
Order. | —|| London | Printed by Robert Ibbitson. | mpc tt. (64) 


JOHN COTTON 377 


Sig.: A‘-Kk‘. (1), (4), 256 p. Title, v. blank; 4 p. The Contents; 1- 
aso, text. Copies: JCB; BP; C; HC. 

Advertised in the Perfect Diurnall, May 12, 1651, noted by Roger P. 
McCutcheon, in Pub. Col. Soc. Mass. 20:88. 

Entered in the Stationers’ Register, by Samuel Mann, March 24. 

The Thomason copy is dated June 4. 


[1651.] [Same] . . . || London, | Printed by Robert Ibbitson, and are to be 

sold by | George Calvert at the signe of the half Moone in Watling Street, 

near Pauls Stump. | mpctt. (65) 
Sig.: A*+Kk‘. Title, v. blank; 4 p. The Contents; 2 p. Books Printed 
for George Calvert; [continues same]. Copies: JCB; HC. 


[1654.] A Briefe | Exposition |...]| of | Ecclesiastes|...| Published by 
Anthony Tuckney, D.D. | Master of St. Johns Colledge in Cambridge. 
| — || London, | Printed by T. C. for Ralph Smith at the Bible | in Corn- 
hill. 1654. (66) 
Sig.: [A]*4, B&-S§, T4 (last leaf, probably blank, wanting). (1), (6), 277, 
(1), (1) p. Title, v. blank; 6 p. To the Right Worshipfull, | Mr. George 
Caborn, Mayor;|...and.. .| friends of Boston in Lincolnshire, signed 
Anthony Tuckney, From St. Johns Colledge | in Cambridge | July 7, 
1654; 1-277, text, A Briefe | Exposition |... ; 1 p. Books printed for 
Ralph Smith; 1 p. Mr. Cotton on Ecclesiastes (line down middle of 
page); 1 p. blank. Copies: B; BA; JCB; BP; BM; HC; MHS; Y. 
Publication noted in the Perfect Diurnall of July 24, 1654. See Pub. 
Col. Soc. Mass. 20:91, noted by Roger P. McCutcheon. Entered in the 
Stationers’ Registers, Jan. 24. 


[1654-1657.] A Briefe | Exposition|. . .[same to] Cambridge. | The 

Second Impression, Corrected | — || London, Printed by W. W. for Ralph 

Smith at the Bible | in Cornhill. 1657. (67) 
Sig.: A®-R®. (1), 6, 258, (1), (1) p. Title, v. blank; 6 p. [Same], dated 
From S. Johns Col | ledge in Cambridge, | July 7, 1654; 1-258, text, A 
Briefe Exposition upon | Ecclesiastes; 1 p. Books printed for Ralph 
Smith, v. blank; 1 p. Mr. Cotton on Ecclesiastes, down the middle of 
the page; 1 p. blank. Copies: JCB; BM; BP; C; HC; MHS. 


[1654.] The New| Covenant, |. . .|—| Being the substance of sundry 
Sermons | Preached by | Mr Cotton | At Boston in New-England, some 
years since, | and corrected by his owne hand, not | long before his death | 
— || London: Printed by M.S. for Francis Egles- | field, & John Allen, at 
the Marigold, and Ri- | sing Sun in Pauls Church-yard. 1654. (68) 
Sig.: B&-O4, in ‘The Covenant of Grace,’ London, 1655. (1), 198 p. 
Title, v. blank; 1-198, text. Copies: B; JCB; BM; BP; HC; MHS; Y. 
This was “delivered back” by Mr. Cotton after correcting the notes 
taken, “into the hands of a Gentleman, (one of the Church in Boston 
then) who coming over hither, and being about to return, left it with me 
to take order for the Printing of it,” as noted by Thomas Allen in his 
address To the Reader in the ‘Covenant of Grace.’ 


378 JULIUS H. TUTTLE 


[1654-1655.] Certain | Queries |... | Published by a Friend to whom | the 


Author himselfe sent them | over not long before his Death. | — || London | 
Printed by M. S. for John Allen | and Francis Eglesfield in Pauls | Church- 
yard. 1654. (69) 


Sigs. O [5-8], P8, in ‘The Covenant of Grace,’ London, 1655. (1), 22 p. 
Title, v. blank; 1-22, text. Copies: JCB; BM; BP; HC; MHS; Y. 

Thomas Allen says in To the Reader: “That of the Queries I had from 
the Reverend Author himself (my most Honoured friend) in a letter from 
him, with liberty (if it might be thought meet) of publishing of it: At my 
coming over from that Country (which was about a year before his 
death) he delivered unto me the same in substance, but in another 
Form, viz. in 12 Propositions, and therefore did then expresse his un- 
willingness to yield to the impression of them (being moved thereunto 
by a Reverend Elder then present with us) by reason (as he said) they 
were set down by way of Propositions; but afterward the Lord having 
directed him to mould them into another model (turning the twelve 
Propositions into eleven Queries) he was pleased to send them over unto 
me as here they are presented . . . unto which (may it be without 
offence) I shall be bold to add one more to make up the number even 
and round.” This 12th Query runs from page 15 to the end. 


[1654.] The Result | of a | Synod | at | Cambridge | in | New-England, | 

Anno. 1646.|...[{—|| London | Printed by M. S. for John Allen | and 

Francis Eglesfield in Pauls | Church-yard. 1654. (70) 
Sig.: Q8 to end, in ‘The Covenant of Grace,’ London, 1655. (1), 75, (1), 
p. Title, v. blank; 1-47; text, The Result of the Disputati-| ons of the 
Synod, or Assembly, | at Cambridge in New-England, | Begun upon the 
first day of the 7° Month, An.| Dom. 1646; 48-75, The| Nature & 
Power | of | Synods;| 1 p. Courteous Reader, as to faults in the press, 
signed, Vale. Copies: B; JCB; BM; BP; HC; MHS; Y. 


[1655.] The | Covenant | of | Grace|.. . || London: Printed by M. S. for 

Francis | Eglesfield and John Allen, at the Marigold, and | Rising Sun in 

Pauls Church-yard. 1655. (71) 
Sig.: 8a’, BLU®. (1), (7), (8), (2), (9)» (2), (1), 198, (1), 2 (1), 75, (1)- 
Title, v. blank; 7 p. To the | Truly Vertuous and | Religious... Mr 
Catharine Hodson, signed W. Retchforde; 1 p. blank; 8 p. To the 
Reader, signed Tho: Allen; 2 p. Books |Sould by John Allen | at the 
Rising Sun in | Pauls Church-yard; 9 p. The Contents of the Treatise | 
concerning the Covenant; 2 p. Some Faults to be Corrected | by the 
Reader; 1 p. blank; (1), 198, The New | Covenant, |... 1654; (1), 22, 
Certain | Queries |... 1654; (1), 75, The Result | of a | Synod | at 
| Cambridge]... 1646.|... 1654; 1 p. Courteous Reader; | By reason 
of the Death of the| Reverend Author, and the far | distance of his 
loving Friend | (the Publisher of this Booke) | some faults may have 
escaped the | Presse, for the which the Printer | desireth excuse. | Vale; 
I p. blank. Copies: B; BM; BP; HC; MHS; Y. 


JOHN COTTON 379 


[1655-1659.] A| Treatise | of the | Covenant | of | Grace, |. ..|—| The 
second Edition, by a Copy far larger then the | former; and Corrected also 
by the Authors | own hand.| This Copy was fitted for the Press, by Mr. 
Tho. | Allen Minister in Norwich. | — || London, | Printed by Ja. Cottrel, 
for John Allen, at the | Rising-Sun in Pauls Church-yard. | 1659. (72) 
Sig.: A’, B4, B8-O8, R®. 1 p. blank, v. “The 13. of the third Moneth,” 
the reasons of this Publication, signed by Joseph Caryl, in which he 
writes, “The Name of Cotton is an oyntment poured out: nor needs there 
more to commend a Book to any godly acceptation than to say, ’tis his’’; 
title, v. blank; 2 p. The | Stationer | to the | Reader, signed J. A. [John 
Allen], who says that he received the Treatise “from a neer Friend and 
Relation, one of the reverend Elders” of Mr. Cotton’s Church in Boston, 
which is a third part larger than the first edition. The reason for this 
“enlargement, is not from any addition by any other hand, but (as may 
easily be conceived) from the diversity of the Amanuenses, who did take 
the Notes of his Sermons, some writing the same more largely and exactly 
then others, and several Copies so taken being presented to the reverend 
Author to correct, He, as he had leisure (willing and ready to gratifie the 
desire of his Friends) did peruse and rectifie the sense with his pen, as 
he went cursorily over the same”; 16 p. A| Table of the Contents; 1 
p. an erratum, v. blank; 1-250, text; 2 p. Books sold by John | Allen, at 
the Sun-rising | in Pauls Church-yard. Copies: BP; MHS. 
This was advertised in the Mercurius Politicus, on May 26, 1659, as 
noted by Roger P. McCutcheon in Pub. Col. Soc. Mass. 20:94. The 
Thomason copy is also dated May 26, 1659. 


[1655-1671.] A| Treatise | of the | Covenant | of | Grace, |... The Third 

Edition, Corrected, and very much | Enlarged by the Authors own Hand | 

— || London, | Printed for Peter Parker, in Popes-head-Ally, | next Corn- 

hill, 1671. (73 
Sig.: A®-P®. (1), (1), (14), 223 p. Title, v. To the Reader signed by 
Joseph Caryl; 14 p. A| Table of the Contents; 1-223, text. Copies: 
C; HC; MHS. 


[1655.] A Brief| Exposition |... of | Canticles. | Never before Printed 
[—|...| Published by Anthony Tuckney D.D. Master | of Saint Johns 
Colledge in Cambridge. | — || London, | Printed by T. R. & E. M. for Ralph 
Smith | at the Signe of the Bible in Cornhill, neere | the Royall Exchange. 
1655. (74) 
Sig.: A*-Q8 (last two leaves blank). (1), (1), (1), (10), 238 p. 1 p. Cotton 
on the Canticles, down the middle of the page; v. blank; 1 p. blank; v. 
Imprimatur, | Joseph Caryl. | Jan. 23, 1653; title, v. blank; 1op. To 
the Reader, signed by Anthony Tuckney, Cambridge July 24, 1655; 1- 
238, text. Copies: JCB; BM; BP; HC; MHS. 
Advertised in the Perfect Diurnall, Sept. 17, 1655, noted by Roger P. 
McCutcheon in Pub. Col. Soc. Mass. 20:92. 


380 JOHN COTTON 


[1656.] A| Practical Commentary, |. ..| upon | The First Epistle Gen- 

erall of | John.|. . . || London, | Printed by R. I. and E. C. for Thomas 

Parkhurst, and are to be| sold at his shop at the Three Crownes over 

against the | Great Conduit, at the lower end of Cheapside, | m.pc.Lv1. (75) 
Sig.: [A]+-lhi‘.. (1), (4), (1), (1), 431, (1) p. Title, v. blank; 4 p. To the 
Reader, signed Chr. Scott. From my Study in| Muchwakering | in 
Essex, Octob.|15,1655;1p. “Itis sufficiently evident by the preceding | 
Epistle, and by many other arguments, that the | ensuing sermons were 
preached by Mr. John | Cotton, whose name is so deservedly precious | 
among the Saints of God, that it cannot but in- | courage them to read 
them, and hath invited me to | allow them to be printed for the publick 
good. | Edmund Calamy”; 1 p. Books printed for, and sold by Thomas 
Parkhurst; 1-431, text, with three lines, “Errata” at foot of last page; 
I p. v. blank. Copies: JCB; BP; C; HC; MHS. 

Mr. Scott speaks of Cotton as “a burning and shining light, famously 
eminent abroad and at home,” and says that the Notes fell by providence 
into his hands and that he wishes to make them “‘usefull for the Pub- 
lick.” 

Entered in the Stationers’ Register on May 23. The Thomason copy 
is dated Aug. 26. 


[1656-1658.] A| Practical Commentary, | [continues same] . . .| The 

second Edition . . . |] London, | Printed by M. S. for Thomas Parkhurst, 

and are to be sold at | his shop at the Three Crownes over against the 

Great | Conduit at the lower end of Cheapside, | M.pc.Lv1i1. (76) 
Sig.: 1 1, A*-Kkk# (last leaf blank). (2), (6), 431, (6) p. 1 p. blank, v. 
Reader, signed by Roger Drake, Feb. 26, 1657; title, v. blank; 3 p. To 
the Reader, signed, Chr. Scott. From my Study in | Muchwakering |; 
2 p. Books lately printed for Thomas Parkhurst [this by mistake of 
binder precedes the part, To the Reader]; 1 p. continues same to “Ed- 
mund Calamy; 1-431, text; 1 p. v. blank; 6 p. The Table. Copies: JCB; 
BP; HC; MHS. 


[1663.] A| Discourse | about | Civil Government | in a | New Plantation | 
Whose Design is | Religion. | Written many Years since... || Cambridge: 
Printed by Samuel Green and Marmaduke Johnson. | mpcixit1. (77) 
Sig.: A*-C4, 24 p. Copies: BP; HC; MHS. 
Cotton Mather in his Magnalia (Book III, 56) says that “the name 
of Mr. Cotton, is, by a mistake, put for that of Mr. Davenport.” 


SOME NOTES ON THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 
IN NON-HEBREW BOOKS, 1475-1520 


By ALEXANDER MARX 
_ Librarian of the Fewish Theological Seminary, New York 


HE history of Hebrew printing is a fascinating subject. 

Like the history of the Jews, it takes us to almost every 
country in the world. It is in consequence a very difficult task 
to trace its development and follow its migrations from coun- 
try to country. The fundamental essay by Cassel and Stein- 
schneider published in 1851 1 is, of course, out of date. The 
summary of this article given in the Jewish Encyclopedia ? does 
not even try to go beyond it and to utilize the many correc- 
tions found in Steinschneider’s later works and the numerous 
recent discoveries, which have greatly enriched our knowledge 
of early Hebrew printing and, naturally, have added many 
new puzzles. 

If my friend, Professor Freimann,? were right in his conjec- 
ture that the first edition of *Bahya’s * commentary on the 
Pentateuch s. |. 1491, now found in the library of the Jewish 
Theological Seminary, was printed in the East this book would 
precede the Cettinje Bible and could claim to be the first 
product of the Balkans. But to me this edition looks distinctly 
like a Spanish incunabulum and I cannot admit the validity of 
Freimann’s proof. 

Another Hebrew book, slightly later in date than the edition 
of Bahya just mentioned, may on stronger grounds dispute the 
title of the Cettinje Bible to priority in the peninsula. There 
is an edition of *Jacob ben Asher’s code Tur, which in express 
words, not in figures, states that it was printed in Constanti- 
nople on Friday, Tebet 4,5454 (= 1493).° We know fifteen 
books by the same printer from 1505 to 1511 and it is therefore 
generally assumed that this book really appeared in 1503 and 


382 ALEXANDER MARX 


was erroneously dated ten years earlier. Such mistakes in date 
are not uncommon in Latin incunabula where it is the omission 
of an X which is responsible for the error. Here, however, 
such an explanation is impossible and it seems a little hazard- 
ous to assume that the printer should spell out fifty for sixty. 
The day of the week and date curiously fit both years, 1493 and 
1503. If we consider that the Spanish Jews took their types 
and illuminations with them to Constantinople, where we meet 
them in the sixteenth century, we may wonder why they 
waited so long before they made their first trial in printing in 
their new home. In spite of the difficulties of readjustment a 
single effort may have been made to establish a printing press 
in Constantinople in 1493 which for some reason or other was 
perhaps not repeated by the same printer till twelve years later. 
Nor is it impossible that a few more books were printed in the 
course of these years which have not reached us yet. After all, 
of five copies of this code now known only those in Oxford, 
and the British Museum (?), have the colophon with the date. 

The Lisbon presses were transferred by their owners to Fez, 
as we now know from two copies of the ritual work of *Abu- 
drahim printed in 1516.’ Whether some of the other books 
showing the same type were printed in Fez at an earlier date 
we cannot determine as long as only fragments and no com- 
plete volumes came to light. It is interesting in this connection 
to refer to the discussion by Richard Garnett,® as to the first 
book printed in Africa. Speaking of the doubts about the ex- 
istence of a book said to be printed in Funchal, Madeira, 1637, 
and one supposed to have appeared in Loanda on the West 
coast of Africa in 1641, he adds: “I need not say that the first 
African book would be a treasure almost rivalling the volume 
with which Mexico initiated American typography in 1539.” 
I wonder how many students of the history of printing are 
aware of the discovery of a printing press in Fez well over a 
hundred years earlier. 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 383 


There is here as in many other subjects an unfortunate lack 
of coéperation between the specialists in Hebrew studies and 
those of other branches. I strongly realized this when I be- 
came interested in the subject of these notes and came across 
a great many incorrect statements or insufficient references. 
I am therefore woefully aware of the incompleteness of my 
own material, which I have put together only in order that it 
might instigate others to correct and complete it and to pub- 
lish such additional material as they know of or may come 
across. Working in a highly specialized library, I may have 
overlooked some general bibliographical helps which might 
have lightened my task and made it more complete. I shall be 
thankful for any additional bit of information. 

The subject referred to in the preceding paragraph is the 
use of Hebrew letters, words or passages in non-Hebrew books, 
mostly cut and printed by Christians. This subject is only an 
episode of the history of early Hebrew printing, which deserves 
a monograph in the style of Proctor’s volume on the printing 
of Greek in the fifteenth century. In no instance during the 
fifteenth century was movable type employed even where it 
might easily have been obtained from Jewish printers. We 
cannot conclude from this fact that there existed no relation- 
ship between the two for we find cases of illuminated borders 
being used both for Hebrew and Latin books. One such ex- 
ample, the beautiful border occurring in Tuppo’s Aesop, 1485, 
and again in the Soncino Bible of 1488 was pointed out by 
Lippmann.’ My brother, Moses Marx, recently drew my at- 
tention to another instance he came across in the preparation 
of the ‘Thesaurus Typographiae Hebraicae Saeculi XV.’ The 
borders used in the ‘Manuale Caesaraugustanum’ attributed 
by Haebler” to Ixar about 1486 or 1487 occur again, as he 
noticed, in the *Lisbon Abudrahim of November 25, 1489. 
They occur already in the first book printed in Lisbon, *Nach- 
manides’ “Commentary on the Pentateuch’ (July 15, 1489)" 


384 ALEXANDER MARX 


and, what is much more interesting, in an undated Ixar Penta- 
teuch # generally placed 1490-95 (!). Undoubtedly we may 
assume that this book was printed before the borders were 
transferred to Lisbon, 1. e. 1486-89. On the other hand, the 
fact that these borders were used in Ixar in a Hebrew book 
greatly strengthens Haebler’s theory of the origin of the Man- 
uale in that city. His main proof is that the printer Alfonso 
Fernandez de Cordova whose type he recognizes in the volume 
was associated with the Jewish printer Solomon Zalmati in 
Valencia, 1484-85. We meet Zalmati again at Ixar in 1490 
and therefore Haebler assumes that de Cordova also went 
there. It may be of interest to add that we find the same bor- 
ders again in Constantinople in 1505 seq. 


1475-1499 

It is characteristic of the economic and cultural state of the 
Jews of Germany that in the country of Gutenberg they did 
not practise printing till the end of the third decade of the 
sixteenth century.# On the other hand, we find the first He- 
brew words in Germany in a Latin text as early as 1475, the 
same year in which the first dated Hebrew books appeared al- 
most simultaneously in the South and the North of Italy, 
Rashi on the Pentateuch in Reggio di Calabria and *Jacob 
ben Asher’s code in Pieve di Sacco’. [1] Petrus Nigri (Peter 
Schwarz) in his *‘Tractatus contra perfidos Judeos de con- 
ditionibus veri messie,’ the account of a disputation held in the 
preceding year at Regensburg between the author and some 
Jews, published June 6, 1475, in Esslingen by Conrad Feyner, 
gives several Hebrew and Aramaic texts in transcription. He 
adds at the end a Hebrew alphabet and on fol. 10 of the volume 
three words in Hebrew which were reproduced by Dibdin and 
others. [2] Two years later in 1477 he added a short primer 
of Hebrew to his larger work, * “stern des Meschiah,’ pub- 
lished at the same press. Nestle has reprinted this primer 
and some extracts of the Latin treatise. 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 385 


It is rather curious to read Nestle’s praise of the beauty of 
the Hebrew characters employed by Feyner; a closer inspec- 
tion at once reveals their unevenness as well as their clumsy 
and unsightly form. The British Museum Catalogue of fif- 
_ teenth-century books (II, 514) has for the Latin volume the 
statement “woodcut Hebrew letters,” but for the German 
volume it states “Hebrew 180.” Yet in this volume the He- 
brew is undoubtedly cut in wood and the one page which has 
14 lines of Hebrew and from which the measure, 180, has been 
taken clearly reveals itself as printed from one block since the 
lines are not entirely straight and are not at exactly equal dis- 
tances from one another. The German text in the parallel 
column is clearly printed independently.” 

Nestle states, page 8, that these two are the only books 
printed in Germany before 1500 which include Hebrew letters. 
This is not entirely correct, though the other instances are of 
no real importance. [3-4] Breydenbach added a Hebrew al- 
phabet (with names of the letters written above them) to his 
travels to the Holy Land, Mayence, 1486, Lyons, 1488, and 
Speyer, 1502,8 these being the first cases in which Hebrew 
letters occur in France. The original blocks of the first edition 
were repeatedly used for new issues in different places. 

In Philip Culmacher’s [5 ]‘Regimen wider die Pestilenz,’ 
(Leipzig, Martin Landsberg, after 1492] we find a few Hebrew 
letters on the back of the title-page. Sudhoff,!’ rightly remarks 
that the word Ananzipata which serves as the center for a 
blessing against the pestilence ‘auch in schauerlichen hebri- 
ischen Schriftzeichen vergefiihrt wird.” 

The first words of Genesis in Hebrew (as well as Greek and 
Latin) are found in [6] Diirer’s woodcut of Jerome in Hier- 
onymi Epistolae, Basle, Nicolas Kessler, 1497.” 

In Louvain we find a few lines of Hebrew texts inserted in 
[7] Paulus of Middleburg’s Epistola Apologetica printed by 
John of Westfalia ca. 1488 (Campbell, 1364).7 I have before 


386 ALEXANDER MARX 


me three of these pages with Hebrew photographed from the 
copy in The Hague, which clearly show that the inserted texts 
are not printed from movable type but that the passages, con- 
sisting of one, two, three, or four lines, are always cut on a 
wood block. Therefore the lines are not quite straight and the 
single letters look a little different in every case: The same 
applies to all the books mentioned so far. 

In Italy I find a few Hebrew letters and words used in 
[8] *Pico della Mirandola, Opera II, Bologna, B. Hector, 1495, 
on two pages near the end of his treatise Heptaplus on the 
Creation, while elsewhere in many places blanks are left for 
Hebrew texts as they are in the Venice edition of 1498.¥ The 
letters are not well cut but not as clumsy as in the German 
volumes. In Bologna some beautiful Hebrew volumes had 
previously been printed by Jews. 

Aldus used a few Hebrew words in his edition of [9] Po- 
liphilo, Venice, 1499, fol. 68 (h 8) recto in the illustration to- 
gether with Arabic, Greek, and Latin.% Here also he did not 
employ movable type as is evident from the difference in the 
characters. 

This is all I have found about Hebrew words or letters used 
in non-Hebrew texts in the fifteenth century. I have no doubt 
that more books include such words but unfortunately the 
bibliographers have paid very little attention to this point and 
even Proctor omits to mention the fact. 

1500-1 520 
' rel HW big 

As we finished the fifteenth century with Aldus we now be- 
gin the sixteenth with him. [10] A specimen page of a polyglot 
Pentateuch, 1501, reproduced by Renouard™ still shows great 
unevenness in the letters and does not come up to the general 
standard of Aldus. 

It is different with the little primer which was repealy 
published by the author. This unique small duodecimo en- 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 387 


titled [11] ‘Introductio wutilissima hebraice discere cupienti- 
bus’ in the Johns Rylands Library ®> was fully described by 
Panizzi.”° It is printed on 8 leaves from right to left like a 
Hebrew book, in red and black type, and uses a larger un- 
_ vocalized and a smaller vocalized font of Hebrew elegantly 
cut by Francesco da Bologna after the type of Soncino. 

[12-16] This ‘Introductio perbrevis ad hebraicam linguam’ 
as he called it later, Aldus reprinted in 4 quarto pages from 
left to right without use of red as an appendix to his Latin 
grammar in 1501 and again to the undated *Lascaris, 1501— 
03. It was again reprinted from the same type in the Latin 
grammar of 1508; it was reset in the *Lascaris of 1512 ?® and 
the Latin grammar of *1514 and 1523 according to Renouard. 

In the sale catalogue of G. Manzoni’s library ” an edition of 
[17] Aldus’s ‘Introductio,’ 4 leaves, 8vo, is mentioned and 
ascribed to the year 1501. Our Library has an undated duo- 
decimo of the sort marked as an unknown Aldine edition with 
the book plate of Carolus Jacobus Stuart Baronettus. Here in 
opposition to the previously mentioned editions only one 
small font of Hebrew is used. I cannot judge whether it is 
really from the Aldine press, but must refer to a remark of 
Manzoni* that very many editions of the four leaves of this 
Introductio exist, of which those in octavo are certainly not 
printed by Aldus. Otherwise Aldus does not seem to have 
made use of his Hebrew type. 

Two of the works from the press of the famous Jewish 
printer Gerson (Hieronymus) Soncino in his beautiful type 
fall within the scope of this paper; the printer’s own [18 ] ‘In- 
troductio ad literas hebraicas,’ Pesaro, 1510,” of which Man- 
zoni possessed a unique copy which he showed to be the source 
of Aldus’s primer and [19] *Petrus Galatinus, “Opus de ar- 
canis catholicae veritatis,’ Ortona, 1518*° (Feb. 18). 

The primer of Aldus was very frequently reprinted in the 
early part of the sixteenth century. Thus the [20-21 | Florence 


388 ALEXANDER MARX 


editions of *Lascaris, the one dated 1515, the other undated 
but from about the same time, have this appendix in fairly 
well-cut characters.*! We shall meet it again in Germany. 

On July 8, 1513, there appeared at Fossombrone [22] 
*Paulus of Middleburg, ‘Paulina de recta Paschae celebratione 
et de die passionis domini nostri Jesu Christi’ which has some 
Hebrew type (in the eighth book, sig. M 2b one word, M 4b: 
two lines, N 2a—5b a column of two to three letters for the 
dates of the Hebrew years). In the sixteenth book (Z 1a and 
4a) we find the Tetragrammaton in large characters, while all 
other passages are in a small heavy and fairly good type, which 
occurs again at the end of the volume in the concluding formula. 

From the same year 1513 (after August 1) we have a little 
volume [23 ] *Augustinus Justinianus, ‘Precatio pietatis plena 
ad deum omnipotentem composita ex duobus et septuaginta 
nominibus divinis Hebraicis et latinis una cum interprete com- 
mentariolo,’ Venice (?), 12mo, which, fol. 11a, has nine lines of 
vocalized Hebrew from the Pentateuch, and on 11b a few un- 
vocalized Hebrew words on the margin besides two in the text 
which are repeated on 12a. These passages are evidently not 
printed from movable type, but from ugly woodcuts partly 
almost unreadable. 

In November, 1516, the same scholar edited in Genoa the 
[24] *Polyglot Psalter with the well-known reference to Co- 
lumbus on the margin of chapter XIX. The Hebrew and. 
Aramaic texts have vowels and accents, a Hebrew and Ara- 
maic introduction is unvocalized; smaller type is used for the 
large quotations in the marginal notes. In order to fill the 
lines extended letters are employed and illuminated initials 
occur at the beginning of the introductions and in the text. 
The type is much inferior to that of Basle and rather awkward. 

In Rome three small works of Elijah Levita * were printed 
in 1518 in the house of Juan Giacomo Fagiot di Montecchio 
by Jewish printers with special permission of Pope Leo X 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 389 


(1513-21). Without having seen the book, Steinschneider*® 
ascribes to Rome [25] Agathius Guidacerius, ‘Grammatica 
Hebraica’ including Isaiah chapter LIJ-LIII in Hebrew and 
Latin which is dedicated to the same Pope. De Rossi,** who 
owned a copy, says nothing about the printing place; Schwab 
(no. 155) recording the copy of the Bibliothéque Nationale 
repeats Steinschneider’s suggestion and (no. 222) mentions 
[26 ]another (?) ** grammar by the same author, likewise 
found in the Bibliothéque Nationale, without the texts from 
Isaiah and without printing place, which he dates ca. 1518. 
A comparison between these grammars and Levita’s books 
would show whether both come from the same press, as 
Rieger ** takes for granted. 

In 1520 Hebrew letters were omitted in [27 | Benedictus de 
Falco ‘de origine hebraicarum, graecarum et latinarum liter- 
arum, printed in Naples; they were written in by hand in the 
Paris copy.*® Between 1486 and 1492 some of the most beauti- 
ful Hebrew incunabula had been printed in this city. 

Although there probably were many more instances of the 
use of Hebrew type in Italy in the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, I have not come across any others. 


B. GERMANY *” 


Turning to Germany we have the inestimable advantage of 
being able to refer to Proctor’s Index of the early printed books 
in the British Museum II, 1, which generally records the oc- 
currence of Hebrew type and in many instances also mentions 
where a printer employed woodcut type. Proctor did not go 
far enough in this respect but I must gratefully acknowledge 
my indebtedness to his masterly book which greatly enriched 
the following lists. Important and exact information on some 
books which I have not seen is found in two papers by Professor 
Gustav Bauch, ‘Wolfgang Schenck und Nicolaus Marschalk’* 
and ‘Finfiihrung des Hebradischen in Wittenberg.’*® To the 
latter essay Bauch appends an Index Bibliographicus® with 


390 ALEXANDER MARX 


the exact titles of a number of books discussed hereafter 
and also a record of copies in a dozen German libraries. I 
thought it advisable to add wherever possible the numbers of 
this Index (quoted as B) as well as those of Proctor and, for 
the books falling within its scope, also those of Boecking’s 
bibliography of the Reuchlin-Pfefferkorn controversy in the 
second volume of his great edition of the ‘Epistolae obscur- 
orum virorum’ *! from which some additions were gathered for 
my list. About half of them are found in the Library of the 
Jewish Theological Seminary and could therefore be examined 
and compared at leisure.“* Many of these form part of the 
recently acquired E. N. Adler Library, most of the others of 
the Sulzberger Collection. 

In general these books exhibit very poor specimens of 
Hebrew character. The Rabbinical type used by Thomas Ans- 
helm and also that of Erhard Oeglin being far better than their 
square characters. Of the latter Anshelm’s are distinctly su- 
perior to those of all the other printers with the exception of 
Froben, the only printer of Hebrew whose work during our 
period deserves mention besides that of the Soncinos and Daniel 
Bomberg or the Prague printers. Movable type for Hebrew 
was distinctly not yet the rule; we find many instances of spe- 
cially cut larger or smaller wood blocks which were mostly 
discarded after they had once served their purpose. Only 
Marschalk seems to have preserved them, for a line of his 
Erfurt edition of Aldus’s primer occurs a few years later at 
Wittenberg and perhaps he used his blocks again in Rostock. 
The forms of most of the Hebrew letters of the German print- 
ers are extremely clumsy. It therefore seems to me that even 
where movable type was used it was not of the same character 
as the Latin or German type. It seems that the letters were 
cut in wood or soft metal and not cast. It is hard to say what 
model the printer wished to imitate; I am inclined to believe 
that it was a kind of Hebrew character written by German 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 391 


Jewish converts to Christianity. The Rabbinical type of 
Oeglin in Boeschenstein’s grammar indeed shows remarkable | 
similarity with Boeschenstein’s handwriting in our copy of 
Reuchlin’s ‘septem Psalmi.’ 


1. Errurt 


In Germany we meet with Hebrew characters in the sixteenth century 
for the first time in [28] a reprint of Aldus’s ‘Introductio Utilissima’ which 
was published in Erfurt in 1501 or 1502 through Nic. Marshalk, Pr. 11232, 
B 41,* Steinschneider whom I follow first described the volume. Like the 
first edition of the primer with which it shares the title ‘Introductio u#i/is- 
sima’ and the size the booklet is printed from right to left. Like its prede- 
cessor also the Hebrew and a great part of the Latin is printed in red. 
Letters, syllables, and words, according to Steinschneider are printed not 
from movable type but “from woodcuts which look like caricatures of the 
Aldine letters cut by Francesco da Bologna.” “ Proctor also remarks 
*“woodcut Hebrew letters.”’ The same characterization applies to the next 
Erfurt volume containing Hebrew I know. *Boeschenstein’s ‘Vil guter 
Ermanungen,’ 1523, in which two lines of woodcut Hebrew are found 
above and one below the German title. These are repeated two and three 
times respectively in the course of the booklet. But this leads us beyond 
the period of the present paper. 


2. SPEYER 


[29] 1502, Breydenbach travels appeared in Speyer with new cuts in- 
cluding the Hebrew alphabet according to Davies; see above. 


3. FREIBURG 


A woodcut alphabet is found in the first edition of [30] *Greg. Reysch, 
‘Margarita philosophica,’ Freiburg, Joh. Schott, July, 1503, Pr. 11717 
(without reference to Hebr.). 


4. STRASSBURG * 


Of much greater interest for our subject are the editions of Reysch’s 
work published by Joh. Griininger at Strassburg. 

[31] *1504 (Feb. 23), Pr. 9891, including the Hebrew grammar by 
Pellican. In the beginning of the volume we find an alphabet as in the 
preceding edition but not as well cut. After the Latin grammar the He- 
brew one is inserted sig. F IX-F XXVIII including five pages of Hebrew 
texts. Four of them are excerpta Ysaiae, the first in one, the others in two 
columns, followed by two chapters of Psalms with Latin translation in 
parallel column; the first word of Isaiah is in very large letters (the third 
of them a misprint). Then follows a dictionary, the first word of which is 
larger than the rest. (Proctor only notes two sizes of the letters); the 
letters are very uneven and a little different from the alphabet at the be- 


392 ALEXANDER MARX 


ginning of the volume; the lines are not quite straight; the little work un- 
doubtedly was reproduced from woodcut blocks, not from movable type. 
The grammar which is shown by the letter on fol. F XVIIIa to be written 
by Conrad Pellican in Basle, 1503,4° has been reproduced in facsimile by 
Nestle.47 

The Hebrew texts do not appear again in Griininger’s later editions. 
The blocks were probably destroyed and it was considered not worth while 
or it was too difficult to have them cut again; or the printer may have be- 
come aware of the incredibly poor character of his work. 

[32] The next edition 48 of 1508 (March 31), is Pr. 9907, which has a 
shortened grammar; according to Nestle it gives the reproduction of Pelli- 
can up to fol. F XVIb of the preceding edition and then follow some He- 
brew texts in Latin transcription. 

[33] In the *third edition of Griininger, 1512 (May 31), Pr. 9924, the 
Hebrew grammar is placed in the ‘Matheseos in Margaritham philosophi- 
cam,’ sig. B, 1-6, C, 1-2, stopping fol. XIIIIa of ed. 1504. It is preceded by 
5 pages of a general introduction already extant in ed. 1508. 

[34] Ed. 1515 (Jan. 24) seems to repeat the appendix although Pr. 9935 
has no reference to Hebrew. The alphabet in the beginning of the text is 
found in all the editions. It is not identical with that of 1 504. 


5. COLOGNE 


In Cologne Hebrew printing occurs late in our period but woodcuts of 
Hebrew characters occur earlier and not rarely. 

[35-36a] 1503, 1504 and 1506 (Quentell’s sons), Jacobus Gaudensis, 
“textus dominicae passionis,’ Pr. 10383 A (p. 14) and 10406 states that these 
contain woodcut Hebrew. The first edition, 1 503, which IJ saw in Frankfurt 
and Berlin and that of 1504 contain on the title-page the sentence Jesus 
Nazarenus Rex Judaeorum in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, the Greek show- 
ing the most curious superabundance of breathings and accents over almost 
every vowel, except the article. This sentence occurs most frequently in 
our period, e. g. at the end of Aldus’s primer, in verses 40 and 46 etc. 

[36b] *A recently acquired book of 28 Il. 4to lacking title-page and 
last leaf, evidently printed by Quentell at Cologne in our period, has fol. 
4h the heading ‘Textus parrianis dominice ex quatuor evangelistio per 
Magdalium Gaudeniem collectres.’ The text is quite different from the 
preceding booklet of our author and contains fol. 7b, 8a, 20a, 21a, 22a, 
23, 25, 26a Hebrew words or short passages. Each word was separately 
cut in wood as can be seen, e. g. 20a, 23a, 26a. 

[37] 1508, March 13 (Johann von Landen), Pfefferkorn, Hebrew transla- 
tion of the Lord’s Prayer, Ave Maria, and Credo; a single leaf 4to printed on 
one side only. The text is printed from left to right with the transcription 
placed under each Hebrew word and the translation above it.‘® 

[38] 1509, Jan. 3, Id. *‘wie die blinden Juden yr Ostern Halten,’ Bock 
VI, has on fol. ga and gb-10a two passages of Exodus without vowel-points 
but with Raphe signs, with transcription over the line. Instead of printing 
the text from right to left the transcription goes from left to right and the 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 393 


Hebrew words are placed in inverse order under this transcription offering 
a very curious appearance. 

[39] Same date, Id. ‘der Juden veindt’ Boeck. VI, 1, with Hebrew on 
title-page and text vocalized, again printed from left to right with transcrip- 
tion. 

[40] 1509, Feb. (Heinrich of Neuss), Id. **quomodo ceci illi tudei suum 

pascha servent,’ Pr. 10561, Boeck. V, contains on fol. ga—b the same texts 
as 38) but vocalized and printed properly from right to left, the transcrip- 
tion being printed over every word. 

[41]1509, March (Heinrich of Neuss), Id. * Hostis Judaeorum,’ Pr. 10562, 
Boeck. VI contains on 2a—b words and phrases preceded by transcription, 
3b and 4a pieces from the prayer-book, g-10 passages from the Prophets; 
printed from right to left vocalized, with transcription above the lines. 

[42] 1510 (Heinrich of Neuss), Id. ‘In lob und eer dem .. . Maximilian’ 
Boeck. VII, 1. 

[43] 1510 (March) (Heinrich of Neuss), Id. *‘In laudem et honorem . 
Maximiliani,’ Pr. 10564, Boeck. VII contains fol. 8b-ga list of the Biblical 
books in Hebrew unvocalized, from right to left. Latin names above and 
transcriptions underneath. 

The difference in the appearance of the various letters in each of these 
volumes proves that the lines were always cut in wood or soft metal and 
that this printer had no movable type. 

[44] Boecking, pp. 73-74 prints from a Wolfenbiittel MS. a circular of 
Pfefferkorn which, he thinks, was also published as a broadside. At the 
end it contains some lines of Hebrew, or rather German written in He- 
brew characters, also from left to right, as in 37-39, a fact which favors 
Boecking’s hypothesis; I therefore include it here. Perhaps it ought to be 
placed before [40] on account of the arrangement of the Hebrew. Looking 
at the original, MS. Wolfenbiittel 757. 1 Nov., I noticed that the four 
lines of Hebrew characters together with the transcription are actually 
printed and pasted at the end of the copy of the German text. 

[45] ca. 1510 (Johann of Landen). *Victor von Carben, ‘Propugnaculum 
fidei Christiane,’ Pr. 10496 does not mention Hebrew. On back of title 
the Ave Maria transcribed into Hebrew characters, translation of Jesus 
Nazarenus rex Judaeorum similar to that found on the title of the Juden 
veindt of Pfefferkorn, square and cursive Hebrew alphabet, and in the 
latter character, transcription of ‘Victor sacerdos olim Judaeus.’ On the 
back of the last page there are four sentences and three words with tran- 
scription and translation above them. On the margin we find as a heading 
printed across from the third to the ninth line ‘Vera hebrea verba.’ In an 
inserted cutting from a catalogue of Wilfred de Voynich from whom the 
copy was bought it is correctly stated that both pages are printed from 
full-page woodcut blocks. 

[46] 1517 (Eucharius Cervicornus), *Josephus, ‘de imperatrice e ratione,’ 
Erasmus’s paraphrase, Pr. 10580, contains on fol. 3b one word in Hebrew. 

_ [47] 1517 (August 7), Aldus’s ‘Introductio perbrevis,’ appendix to ‘de 
literis graecis,’ Pr. 10581. 


394 ALEXANDER MARX 


[48] 1518 (June 11), *Johann Heil ‘ Bsalterium in quatuor linguis exar- 
atum,’ viz. Hebrew, Greek, Chaldean (i.e. Ethiopic) and Latin ed. Jo- 
hannes Potken, Pr. 10598. In a medium-sized square type with vowels 
and one accent in the middle of each verse (ethnahta). The first letter of 
the text is a nice initial in a cut. The ‘introductiuncula in tres linguas ex- 
ternas’ includes practically Aldus’s primer with change of reading matter 
which mainly follows Adrian’s Hebrew translations so often reprinted in 
these early primers.®! 


6. ProrzHEIM, TUBINGEN, AND HAaGENAU 


The first German printer who used movable type for Hebrew was 
Thomas Anshelm who in his second printers mark used in Pforzheim since 
July, 1507, and in Tiibingen as well as in a later one used in Hagenau ® 
employs the Tetragrammaton with the letter shin inserted. In 1505 he 
employed a neat Rabbinic type cut after Spanish MSS. and in the follow- 
ing year added a large square type somewhat bulky, with vowels. Smaller 
type was added several years later. 

He printed first at Pforzheim [49], 1505, Reuchlin, ‘tuetsch missive 
warumb die Juden so lang im ellend sind,’ Pr. 11753, Boeck. I §§ using the 
Rabbinic type in the longer or shorter passages occurring on every page. 

[50] *1506 (March 27), Id. Rudimenta Hebraica; uses the large vocal- 
ized type which is out of proportion to the Latin and compels the printer 
to lead the lines all along wherever Hebrew is used. On the last page of the 
text we find two lines of a quotation from the Talmud in Rabbinic char- 
acters. 

[51_] Henrichmannus, ‘grammaticae institutiones’; Pr. 11764, mentions 
use of the large Hebrew type in the edition of 1508 and 11709 in that of 
Hagenau, 1520. No Hebrew is recorded in the editions of other printers, 
Leipzig, 1510, Pr.11341; Hagenau, Heinrich Gran, 1512 and 1514, 
Pr. 11655 and 11659. According to Steiff,s* Anshelm published twelve 
more editions of this grammar. Does it include a Hebrew primer? ® In the 
1508 edition and the one at Hagenau a Hebrew word occurs on fol. 12a 
and 13a respectively. 


In T&sincen we find Anshelm using a smaller font of Hebrew with 
vowels. It occurs for the first time in [52]. 

[51b] 1511 (August),* Reuchlin, Augenspiegel Pr. 11722, Steiff 22, Boeck. 
IX contains a few separate words in the Rabbinic type on sigs. B 4b, C 1. 
Proctor does not mention the Hebrew. 

[52]1512 (March), *Reuchlin’s Latin translation of Joseph Husso- 
paeus, ‘lanx argentea,’ Pr. 11726, Steiff 30, containing one line on fol. 3b 
near the end of the introduction. 

£53]1512 (July), *Aldus ‘de literis graecis’ with the Hebrew primer at the 
end, Pr. 11729, Steif 32. On the first page of this appendix the alphabet is 
given in the old large type, otherwise only the smaller type occurs. 

[54] 1512 (August), *Reuchlin, ‘septem psalmi poenitentiales,’ Steiff 3 3 
contains nine pages of Hebrew text printed from right to left with Reuch- 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 395 


lin’s Latin translation on the opposite page. The explanation printed from 
left to right contains many Hebrew passages, occasionally unvocalized. 
This is the first real Hebrew text printed in Germany and by far the best 
in our period outside of those printed in Basle. The small type used is far 
superior to the Jarger one used by Anshelm in other books. Our copy has 
on the title several MS. lines in clear German Rabbinic characters includ- 
ing the name ‘Johann Béschenstein, priest of the uncircumcised,’ who evi- 
dently owned the copy. ‘ 

[55]1513 (January), * Matthaeus Adrian, ‘Libellus Hora faciendi,’ 
Steiff 40, against Pfefferkorn’s leaflet mentioned above no. 44. This 
pamphlet is printed in the oriental way from right to left and contains 
Adrian’s translations with Latin above and transcription underneath. It 
uses the large type with vowels. 

£56.]1513 (March), *Reuchlin, Defensio contra calumniatores suos 
colonienses (Steiff 42, Boecking XIII, 1) contains towards the end of the 
book (sigs. 1, 2-4) several Hebrew passages in the small type with or with- 
out vowels. 

[57] 1514 (March), **Clarorum virorum epistolae ad Joh. Reuchlinum,’ 
Pr. 11737, Boeck. XV, Steiff 54; contains on fol. 45a—b, two letters in He- 
brew in the large type unvocalized. On this account the lines are not as 
heavily leaded as usual and the upper part of the lamed, the only Hebrew 
letter to go above the line, has no place between the lines and is therefore 
mostly pushed down spoiling the appearance of the page. 

[58] 1514, Reuchlin, Defensio, a reprint of 56 (Steiff 65; Boecking 
XIII, 2). 

[58a] 1515 (August), *Athanasius in librum Psalmorum translated by 
Reuchlin Pr. 11742, Steiff 78, Boeck. XX contains a passage in Hebrew 
in the small font unvocalized in sig. B 2a. Proctor has no reference to 
Hebrew. 

In Hacenavu Anshelm printed 

£59] 1517 (March), *Reuchlin, ‘de arte Cabbalistica,’ Pr. 11685, Boeck. 
XXIV, using the large Hebrew type unvocalized in the numerous Hebrew 
quotations all through the book. The lamed here reaches into the line 
above, whether Latin or Hebrew, so that the ugly appearance which 
marred the Hebrew pages of the preceding number is avoided. Proctor 
makes no reference to use of Hebrew. 

[60] 1518, February, *Reuchlin, ‘De accentibus et orthographia linguae 
Hebraicae,’ Pr. 11690, uses the large type with and without vowels and 
accents; the Hebrew again is out of proportion to the Latin. At the end of 
the volume he gives the accents with their Hebrew names and with musical 
notes while on the preceding pages the names of the accents are printed in 
red with some specimen word bearing the respective accent in black type 
underneath. 

[61] 1518, *Joh. Cellarius, ‘Isagogicon in Hebraeas literas,’ B 24; uses 
the large type with and without vowels. 

[61a] 1518 (May), Phil. Melanchthon, Institutiones graecae gramma- 
ticae has sig. h4b 3 words in the large type showing the author’s ignorance 
of Hebrew. 


396 ALEXANDER MARX 


[62] 1519 (Jan.),” *Moses Kimhi ‘in introductorio grammaticae,’ 
Pr. 11697; Introduction in a smaller Hebrew font unvocalized, text vocal- 
ized, colophon without vowels, in the larger type. Except for title and 
dedicatory letter this little volume is entirely Hebrew. 

[63] 1519 (March), Athanasius, ‘de variis quaestionibus,’ Latin transla- 
tion by Reuchlin, Pr. 11698, Boeck. XXXIITI uses the large type without 
vowels in many Hebrew passages quoted in the ‘aduatationer.’ 

[64] 1519 (May), ‘Illustrium virorum epistolae, Hebraicae, Graecae et 
Latinae ad Joh. Reuchlin,’ Pr. 11702, Boeck. XX XVIII, uses large type 
without vowels in the two letters reprinted from [57] sig. m1 and in the 
Hebrew statement of Reuchlin printed sig. E on 7 pages from right to left. 
The texts are sufficiently spaced to avoid the ugly appearance referred to 
under [57]. Hebrew words occur also in a few other places. 

[65] 1519, “Aldus, ‘De literis Graecis’ with the Hebrew primer 12mo,® 
uses the large type. 

[66] About Henrichmannus 1520, see above. 


7. WITTENBERG 


In Wittenberg the first Hebrew characters according to Bauch 23, Cen- 
tralblatt, 390, were used by Joh. Gronenberg. 

[67] 1508 (Dec.), Andreas Carlstadt, ‘Distinctiones Thomistafum.’ 
Bauch informs us (I.c. and Monatsschrift, p. 146) that the last page of this 
book contains some specially cut childishly imperfect Hebrew lines which 
he reprints, but unfortunately not in facsimile. They are in large square 
characters vocalized with Latin translation underneath and are not worse 
than many others. 

[68] 1509 (Sept. 6), Thiloninus Philymnus, ‘Comoedia Teratologia,’ 
B 55, Centralblatt, p. 391, Monatsschrift, p. 147. Bauch states that this 
volume contains one woodcut line from Marschalk’s edition of Aldus’s 
primer (see above, Erfurt [28]). 

[69] 1518, Philipp Melanchthon ‘sermo de corrigendis adolescentiae 
studiis,’ Pr. 11844 B. 45; according to Pr. woodcut Hebrew; according to 
Bauch, Centralblatt, p. 398, there are two Hebrew passages, fol. 6b. One 
is in square, the other in German Rabbinic character, both incredibly poor 
woodcuts. 

[70] 1518 (Dec.), *Joh. Boeschenstain, Hebraicae grammaticae insti- 
tutiones, Pr.11837, Bauch 14. Steinschneider, Handbuch, quotes an old 
description by Hirt according to which the first alphabet is printed, the 
rest including the whole of pp. 11-12 is written in red ink. Bauch, p. 214, 
makes the same statement, but Pr. remarks all Hebrew written in. In our 
copy I have the impression that the first alphabet was first printed from a 
woodcut block, the lines not being straight and large spaces being left be- 
tween the names printed above the letters in Latin characters. They are 
afterwards traced over with ink which shines through the opposite page. 
But I am not entirely sure. The rest of the Hebrew text is filled in, in our 
copy, in red ink also, evidently by the hand of the author. 

Bauch claims that movable Hebrew type was first used in Wittenberg by 
Joseph Klug in Aurigallus, ‘Compendium hebraicae grammaticae’ Oc- 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 397 


tober, 1523, and that the first Hebrew text printed was Melanchthon’s 
editions of Lamentations, January, 1524. But the proofs Bauch gives 5° 
that these books were printed by Klug seem very flimsy. He does not 
mention the edition of Obadiah printed by Johannes Grunenberg in large 
type, 1521, probably edited by Aurigallus. 


8. AuGsBuRG #4 


In Augsburg several of Pfefferkorn’s German pamphlets were reprinted, 
but here the printer seems to have used movable type. The appearance of 
the Hebrew is still very uncouth but the same type appears again in 1514 
and as conclusive proof that the text is set up I found in our copy of the 
“Judenfeind’ (formerly Kloss) a letter (mem) printed upside down. 

[71.] 1509 (Erhard Oeglin) *Pfefferkorn, ‘der Juden veindt,’ Pr. 10706, 
Béck. VI,2. Same texts as mentioned under Cologne 12, but printed from 
left to right; has a Hebrew line with translation above and transcription 
below on title. 

[72] same date (Erh. Oeglin) Id. ‘wie die blinden juden yr Ostern hal- 
ten,’ Pr. 10707, Bock. V. 

[73] 1510 (Erhard Oeglin) Id. ‘Zu lob und Ere des . . . Maximilian,’ 
Pr. 10708, Boecking VII, 2 has fol. 7b-8a the same texts as [42'] (Bécking 
VII, 3 has still another edition s. I. e. a.). 

[74] 1514 (May) (Erhard Oeglin) *Joh. Boeschenstein,® ‘Elementale 
introductorium in hebreas literas,’ Pr. 10715. Has the same square char- 
acters with and without vowels as the previous number, and besides on the 
title-page three words and on 3b an alphabet in cursive characters which 
are very similar to Boeschenstein’s handwriting as mentioned above, no. 
[54]. Includes the’ Ten Commandments, Lord’s prayer, Ave Maria, 
Credo, Magnificat, etc., in Hebrew, Latin, and German in parallel columns. 

[75] 1515 (April 28) (Joh. Miller) Joh. Foeniseca, Opera, Pr. 10827; 
on verso of title and fol. 2a is a short Hebrew grammar with the first two 
verses of the Psalms in Hebrew. I saw the book some years ago but my 
notes contain no further details. 

[76]* 1516 (June 9g) (Joh. Miller),*Paulus Ricius, ‘Porta lucis,’ Pr. 10835; 
uses Oeglin’s type on title-page and in various places of text where one or 
two Hebrew words are inserted. They are handled much less skillfully 
than in Oeglin’s books, the words sometimes being quite crooked and spoil- 
ing the appearance of the page. 

[77] 1520, May (Grimm and Wirsung), *Moses Kimhi, “Rudimenta 
Hebraica,’ ed. Joh. Boeschenstein, Pr. 16916; uses a new type somewhat 
larger but quite crude; text vocalized, but not editor’s introduction; a few 
large initial letters. 

[78] 1520, April (Grimm and Wirsung),*‘ Septem Psalmi poenitentiales’ 
with Latin and German translation by Boeschenstein, Pr. 10917. Type 
a little smaller and less heavy than the previous. First word of each psalm 
with very large type. At the end two lines in Rabbinic type. 

[79] 1520 (Grimm and Wirsung), *Aldus, “Introductio utilissima He- 
braice discere cupitentibus’ corrected by Boeschenstein with Adrian’s 


398 ALEXANDER MARX 


translations, reprint of Basel 1518 ed. with Froben’s preface (see [96]); 


same type as [77]]. 
g. OTTBEUREN 


In Ottbeuren Proctor mentions Hebrew type with vowels but rough as 
being used in 

[80] Oct. 10, 1511, in “Passio septem fratrum’ 11954. Three words from 
Psalms occur, fol.17b, in the‘ Translatio sancti Alexandri,’ in square char- 
acters probably woodcuts. 


10. FRANKFURT 


In Frankfurt Beatus Murner printed three books containing a few 
words in Hebrew vocalized in a large woodcut type which is better than 
most of these productions. The books are most carefully described by 
M. Sondheim, ® 

[81] *1512, Thomas Murner, ‘Ritus et phase celebratio judeorum,’ 
Pr. 11958, Sondheim 3; two words on title and one at bottom of fol. sb, 
Pr. here and in the following does not mention the Hebrew characters. 

[827] 1512 *Id. ‘Benedicite iudeorum,’ Pr. 11959, Sondheim 4. Three 
Hebrew words on two lines on the title-page, same size as in [52]. 

[83] 1512 Id. “der iuden benedicite,’ same as previous in German, 
Pr. 11960, Sondheim 5; contains according to Sondheim the same words 
on the title while a reprint of the same year, Sondh. 7, omits the Hebrew 
lines. 

11. LeErpzic 


[84] In Leipzig Melchior Letter in 1516 printed the Hebrew grammar 
of Bartholomaeus Caesar, ‘Elementale Hebraicum,’ B. 21, in which as 
Bauch informs us ®* blanks are left for all the Hebrew which is written in 
the only known copy in the Library of the Deutsche Morgenlaendische 
Gesellschaft. This booklet really does not come within the compass of my 
paper as these are probably more books with blanks for Hebrew type. It 
is included like [27/] to give as complete a list as possible of Hebrew gram- 
mars up to 1520. 

Hebrew printed from woodblocks is recorded by Proctor for two other 
Leipzig printers in 1520: (Valentin Schuman), [85] Philip Novenianus, 
**Elementale Hebraicum,’ Pr. 11548, B.53. Three sizes of square charac- 
ters, two very large, occur besides a cursive alphabet (notula curreno), all 
very uneven and awkward, and 

(Wolfgang Stoeckel), [86] Aug. Alveld, ‘tractatus de communione sub 
utraque specie,’ Pr. 11502. Fol. 2b.we find the Tetragrammaton, the letter 
Ibin and, three times, the combination of both, very clumsy and uneven 
woodcuts. 

12. Rostock 


In Rostock Nicolaus Marschalk, who was responsible for the first 
Hebrew characters used in the sixteenth century in Germany printed three 
little books of his in 1516: 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 399 


[87_] April 1, ‘Rudimenta prima linguae Hebraicae,’ B. 42. 

[88] April 5, ‘Orationes hymni,’ etc., B. 43 

[89] May 1, ‘Compendium grammatices hebraice,’ B. 44. 

Nestle * first drew attention to these booklets of 4, 4 and 12 leaves re- 
spectively. Neither Bauch nor Nestle gives information about the Hebrew 
characters he used. Do we have here a repetition of his old woodcuts from 
Erfurt? According to Bauch, Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, 405-6, 
he had bought back his old Erfurt type from Gronenberg of Wittenberg. 


C. SWITZERLAND 


In Basle *° Hebrew printing began late but it quickly super- 
seded all the other presses mentioned before. Hebrew alphabets 
occur in the new editions of [go-g1] Reysch’s Margaritha 
philosophica, 1508 and *1517; the latter is much superior to 
those of the earlier editions. The fame of Hebrew printing in 
Basle is due to Johann Froben. 

After September 1, 1516, there appeared from his press as an 
appendix to the edition of Jerome’s works [92 | *‘Psaltertum 
quadruplex’ in fol. containing the Hebrew, Latin, and Greek 
text with translation into Latin. Froben employed a medium- 
sized vocalized type with one accent in the middle of the 
verse; headings of the pages and numbers of the chapters in 
neat Rabbinical type; and a large alphabet on the last page in 
C. Plellican]’s one page Institutiuncula. The printer frequently 
used extended letters to fill the lines. 


(After 1516 Nov.), there followed another purely Hebrew edition of the 
[93] *Psalms in 32mo with a short Hebrew preface by Pellican and, be- 
ginning on the left side of the volume, *Wolfgang Faber (Capito)s ‘insti- 
tutiuncula in Hebraeam linguam’ which is missing in some copies. The 
type is similar to the preceding but blacker and therefore heavier looking; 
no Rabbinic type but large letters for title and first word of each Psalm. 

[94] 1516 Aldus, ‘Alphabetum Hebraicum’ as appendix to Theodor 
Gaza’s Greek grammar.® 

[95]1518 (Jan.), Capito ‘Institutionum Hebraicarum libri duo,’ a 
larger grammar.®? 

[96] 1518 (March 15), *Aldus, ‘Introductio utilissima Hebraice discere 
cupientibus’ with Mat. Adrianus’s ® oratio dominica, etc., in the same 
neat type B. 2. 

[97] 1520 (February), this book was reprinted again, with the omission 
of a sentence of Froben’s preface. B. 3. 


400 ALEXANDER MARX 


[98] 1520 (August), ‘Proverbia Salomonis, Praefatio Fratris Conradi 
pelicani. Epitome hebraicae grammaticae. Fratris Sebastiani munsteri.’ ® 

[99] To our period probably also belongs:” ‘Praecationes quaedam’ and 
‘Cantica videliceo Oratio dominica Symbolum Apostolorum,’ etc. 8vo, 
Hebrew and Latin in an anonymous translation. 


These Basle editions are, except for the Complutensian 
Polygot, the first real Hebrew books printed at a Christian 
press, for that of Bomberg, although owned by a Christian, 
was actually run by Jewish scholars. Froben’s type shows a 
curious slant to the left which has some similarity with the 
Bologna Psalms of 1477 and the prayer book according to the 
German rite, ca. 1490, and occurs again in some of the other 
books printed later in the South of Germany, e.g. in Thiengen 
and Freiburg. 

D. LOW COUNTRIES 


In the Low Countries we have according to Schwab 7 
Pagninus ‘Institutiones Hebraice’ Leyden (Lugdunum Bata- 
vorum) 1520; but Pagninus was printed in Lyons (Lugdunum) 
and, as Porges” rightly pointed out, a 1520 edition never 
existed but is due to a mistake caused by the fact that MDXX 
is printed on one line and VI on the next. 

In Louvain Thierry Martens published, ca. 1520, [100] 
*'Dictionarium Hebraicum,’” an abridged Hebrew dictionary 
excerpted from that of Reuchlin with a short grammar at the 
end. He uses a rather poor large alphabet at the beginning of 
the Grammar and as headings in the dictionary and a neat 
small type without vowels in the dictionary, with vowels in the 
grammar. 

E. FRANCE 

In France we find Hebrew type in our period only in a few 

books published in Paris by Gilles de Gourmont. 


[101] 1508 *Franciscus Tissard’s Hebrew grammar. The curiously cut 
Hebrew characters, as Porges ™ rightly remarks, remind us more of the 
Spanish hand than of the German which we noticed in most of the preced- 
ing books. But the letters are so uneven and sometimes crooked that I 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 401 


cannot escape the impression that they also were not printed from mov- 
able type but from woodcut blocks. We can therefore easily understand 
that in the last part of the grammar we get the paradigms of the verb from 
the second conjugation onward only in transcription and no more in 
Hebrew type. 

[102] Schwab mentions a reprint from the preceding volume, of the 
alphabet, the Lord’s prayer, etc., found in the Bibliothéque Nationale. 

In 1520 the same printer published two books under the supervision of 
Augustinus Giustiniani, whom we met already as editor of the Genoa 
Psalter; see [23'], [24]. 

[1031] Feb. 28, Moses Kimhi’s grammar vocalized with specially cut new 
type, the preparation of which took 18 months.?® The Bibliothéque 
Nationale and the John Rylands Library have copies on vellum. 

[104] June 4, Ruth and Lamentations with an appendix containing the 
part of Joseph Sarco’s grammar on numerals 7 with dedication of the cor- 
rector Petrus de Soublefour. Neither of these volumes is accessible to me, 
but the type is undoubtedly the same as used by Gourmont in 1523 in 
*Johannes Cheradamus Hypocrates ‘Rudimenta quaedam Hebraicae 
grammaticae’ 4to, which is still very primitive, though much superior to 
that used for Tissard. A further improvement of Gourmont’s Hebrew type 
is noticeable in *Joannes Cheradamus, ‘Alphabetum Linguae Sanctae, 
mystico intellectu refertum,’ 1532, 12mo. The characters found here mean 
a great advance over the previous characters, but they are by no means 
pleasing and have many imperfections. They remind us more of German 
models and have the slant characteristic for this class in all its reproduc- 
tions in Germany. 

Reed” mentions also two editions of an “Alphabetum Hebraicum et 
Graecum,’ 1507 and 1517, both as printed by Gourmont. The former may 
be due to a confusion with the reprint from Tissard’s grammar of 1508. 
The latter probably refers to the Basle edition of this year which Stein- 
schneider originally ascribed to Paris, an error which he later rectified but 
which was repeated by Schwab. 

[105] According to Chevillier 7 a few verses or lines of Hebrew occur in’ 
“Annotationes doctorum Virorum in Grammaticos, Oratores, Poetas, 
Philosophos, Theologos & leges’ printed by Jodocus Badius Ascensius, 
August 15, 1511. I find no reference to Hebrew type in P. M. Renouard’s 
Bibliographie, Paris, 1908, 11, pp. 38-39, or id., 1, pp. 66-69 in the chapter 
on the characters used by Badius. 


F, SPAIN 


We conclude with the most important and largest publica- 
tion which falls within the scope of the present paper, the 
great [106] *Polyglot, Complutum, 1514-17.” The letters 
of this Bible naturally are cast after a Spanish model, though 
they are not identical with any of the Incunabula printed in 


402 ALEXANDER MARX 


Spain. Two fonts of letters are used, large ones for the text 
and smaller ones for the marginal notes and in the first volume 
also for the Targum. The first letter of each book of the text 
of the Pentateuch is in especially large size. The text is vocal- 
ized. In the early pages the printer is frequently troubled by 
blank spaces at the end of the line which he later adjusted by 
improving the spacing of the words. We therefore find in the 
beginning of the book a large number of special signs similar in 
form to a yod in order to make the Hebrew column even. On 
some pages these signs occur on almost every line in groups of 
2, 3, 4, and even 5. Later on, however, as the printer acquires 
more skill, they almost entirely disappear. While the work 
does not reach the perfection of Bomberg’s editions, it is cer- 
tainly a most creditable piece of work. The same type, as far 
as I know, was only used once more in 1526 in the reprint of 
Alfonso de Zamora’s *! Hebrew grammar, the first edition of 
which is found in the sixth volume of the Polyglot. The colo- 
phon of the 1526 edition mentions as typesetter Roderigo della 
Torre, like the author probably a Maranno. Besides Alfonso 
de Zamora, two other converts codperated in the work of the 
Polyglot, another Alfonso and Paul Coronel. But they were 
probably all concerned with establishing the Hebrew text. 


We have now reached the end of our survey. Looking over 
our lists we notice that the greater part of the publications 
we have recorded are Hebrew grammars. In Germany the 
Reuchlin-Pfefferkorn controversy about the books of the Jews 
with its large pamphlet literature is responsible for a consider- 
able proportion of our list; of the couple of dozen items which 
date from the first decade of the sixteenth century almost half — 
belong to this group. In several instances Hebrew passages are 
brought in merely for show without inner connection with the 
subject of the booklets. Half the items from Germany and al- 
most all those from Italy and France are grammars and the 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 403 


editions of Biblical books mostly show by their additions that 
they were to serve as text-books for studying Hebrew; only the 
polyglots might perhaps be excluded. The only other Hebrew 
texts we meet are translations from the New Testament which 
also occur as reading exercises in the little grammars and vari- 
ous editions of Moses Kimhi’s compendious Hebrew grammar. 
Thus our list offers a certain record of the serious efforts made 
during these decades to further the study of Hebrew in order 
to bring about a better understanding of the Bible. Most of 
these efforts, though, were extremely feeble and only at the 
end of our period we find a few grammars which consist of more 
than a few leaves, Reuchlin’s great works of 1506 forming the 
exception. It is astonishing how often the slight primer of 
Aldus was reprinted or sometimes recast. 

Another obvious fact is the gradual increase in the number 
of publications which altogether amount to about a hundred. 
While we enumerated nine for the twenty-five years, 1475- 
1500, there are four or five in Italy and six in Germany from 
1500-05; two in Italy and France, one in Switzerland, and 
twenty in Germany (all but eight due to the above-mentioned 
controversy), 1505-10; six in Italy, one in France, and over 
a dozen in Germany, 1511-15; four in Italy, two in France, 
one in Belgium, nine in Switzerland, and twenty-three in Ger- 
many, besides the Polyglot in Spain, 1515-20. The three 
polyglot Psalters and the smaller Biblical books all appeared 
during this last half-decade, while the Hebrew passages in the 
books prior to 1510 on the average were considerably shorter 
than in the following period. 

While at first we meet mostly with woodcut Hebrew letters, 
cast type becomes the rule towards the end of our period. 
Still even after 1520 woodcut Hebrew letters do not entirely 
disappear. In the first book containing Hebrew letters which 
appeared in England, Wakefield’s ‘Oratio de utilitate trium 
linguarum,’ London, Wynkyn de Worde, 1524, of which the 


404 ALEXANDER MARX 


Harvard Library has a copy, a few words appear rudely cut on 
wood, as Reed ®* informs us. The author also complains that 
he had to omit a part of his book for lack of type. ; 

Again in our own country we find a few words in Hebrew 
printed from blocks, not from movable type, in the “Bay 
Psalm Book,’’ Cambridge, 1640, which was made accessible in 
a facsimile reprint * by the eminent bibliographer in whose 
honor this volume is published.™ 


NOTES 


1. Ersch und Gruber, Allgemeine Encyklopaedie, Section 11, vol. 28, pp. 21-94. 

2. XI, pp. 295-335- 

3. Leitschrift fiir Hebréische Bibliographie, 1x, 184-185, xxl, 28-29. 

4. I designate with a star in this article those books which are found in the 
Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary. 

5. Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., p. 1182, gives an abstract of the colophon and 
following De Rossi, Annales Hebraeo-Typographici, Sec. xv, Parma, 1795, p. 106, 
suspects the date. This volume is printed by David ibn Nahmias and his brother 
Samuel, while the later Constantinople editions mention David and his son Samuel. 
This is an additional reason to permit a longer space of time between the Tur and 
the other publications of these printers. 

6. Pollard, An Essay on Colophons, pp. 45-47, mentions five instances of such 
mistakes, four from the year 1478. 

7. Freimann, l. c., xtv, 1g10, 79-80, cf. 127; xv, 1911, cf. 180-181. The next 
press in Africa was established at Cairo. Our Library has a fragment of an other- 
wise unknown book, Refuot Ha-Talmud, Cairo, 1562, printed by one Gerson, 
son of Eliezer Soncino; cf. Freimann, |. c., x11, 15. 

8. Essays in Librarianship and Bibliography, New York, 1899, pp. 123-124. 

g. The Art of Wood Engraving in the Fifteenth Century, London, 1888, p. 15, 
note, cf. Fewish Quarterly Review, New Series, x1, 113-114. 

10. Bibliografica Iberica, 1, p. 114. Geschichte des spanisches Friihdrucks im 
Stammbiumen, Leipzig, 1923, pp. 36-46, where the borders of the Manuale (p. 37) 
and the Abudraham (p. 42) are reproduced. Haebler assumes that these borders 
were originally cut by Alfonso de Cordova, who was a goldsmith, to serve with 
Hebrew type, and that it is only due to a chance that we first meet with them in a 
Christian liturgical work. 

11. In the first page, missing in our copy. It is reproduced in I. M. Hillesum, 
Bibliotheca Rosenthaliana. En Keur uit de handschriften en boeken, Amsterdam, 
1919, p. 9, and C. P. Burger, De incunabelen . . . in de Bibliothek der Universiteit 
van Amsterdam, The Hague, 1923, p. 8. 

12. Reproduced in Wachstein, Bibliothek der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde, 
11, Wien, 1914, p. 29. 

13. In the Pentateuch of 1505, the first dated Constantinople book of the 
sixteenth century, and the six books enumerated by Freimann, Zeitschrift fir 
Hebréische Bibliographie, xx1, 1918, p. 28. 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 405 


14. In Oels, Silesia, 1530, and in Augsburg, 1534. In Prague, Hebrew printing 
was practised from 1512. 

15. The unique copy of this book, of which our library has parts of two leaves, 
is in Parma. The colophon is reproduced in the Jewish Encyclopedia, x, 329, a 
page in A. S. Onderwijzer Raschie’s Leven en werken, Amsterdam, 1901. De Rossi 
expressly states that his copy is defective in the beginning. In spite of this, curi- 
ously, the beginning of the text is reproduced in facsimile by Faulmann, Illustrierte 
Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst, Vienna, 1882, p. 217, and repeated by Marzi, 
La Bibliofilia, 11, 1900, p. 131, and Fumagalli, Lexicon Typographicum Italiae, 
Florence, 1905, p. 323, as a specimen of the earliest Hebrew book. While the book 
is printed in Rabbinical characters, these lines show square characters and are evi- 
dently from a manuscript supplement of the missing pages. Faulmann discusses 
the type and color of ink, etc., without noticing this. He states ‘‘nur sind die gross 
gedruckten Anfangsworte naiher zum Text geriickt als im Original.” Marzi and 
Fumagalli, who evidently copy Faulmann’s facsimile, fail to repeat this statement! 

15a. For convenience of reference I number the books which form the subject 
of this paper. 

16. Nigri, Boehm und Pellican, Tuebingen, 1893. 

17. See e.g., the reproduction in Olschki’s catalogue, 1909, p. 42. 

18. H. W. Davies, Bernhard von Breydenbach and his Journey to the Holy 
Land, 1483-1484, London, 1911, exhaustively deals with the reprints of the plates 
and alphabets from the same blocks in the different editions and reproduces the 
Hebrew alphabet from the first edition which I have seen in the New York Public . 
Library. He states on p‘ xix that the edition of Haarlem, 1486, recorded in the 
‘Census’ from the Boston Athenaeum is really the Pilgrimage of Human Life by 
G. de Deguilville. No mention is made in the text of reprints from the same blocks. 

1g. Deutsche medicinische Inkunabeln, Leipzig, 1908, no. 201, p. 177. My 
attention was first drawn to this volume by Dr. G. P. Winship; Prof. C. P. Fisher 
had the page photostated for me from the copy in the Library of the College of 
Physicians at Philadelphia. 

20. I learned of this fact through the reproduction in Jos. Baer & Co., Incuna- 
bula xylographica et typographica, Supplementum, 11 (Lager Katalog 585), p. 435. 

21. My attention was first drawn to this volume by T. B. Reed, A History of the 
Old English Letter Foundries, London, 1887, p. 63. I do not know whether the 
Hebrew letters also occur in the earlier edition, Louvain, 1484 (Campbell, 1362). 

22. According to L. Geiger, Johann Reuchlin, Leipzig, 1871, pp. 167-168, note 3. . 

23. I was not aware of this fact when dealing with Aldus’s use of Hebrew type 
in Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, x111, Chicago, 1919, pp. 64-67. 

24. Annales des Aldes, 2d ed., 111. 

25. It is placed in the year 1500 in the Catalogue of this library, 1899, p. 921, 
and therefore perhaps ought to have been mentioned in the previous paragraph. 
Schwab, Incunables Orientaux, Paris, 1883, no. 93, says vers 1501. 

26. Chiera Francisco da Bologna?, London, 1858, p. 11, seq. Four pages of the 
little volume are reproduced by Panizzi in appendix 7. 

26a. Our library has two copies of this edition in which the Hebrew primers show 
marked differences; e.g. in one the few lines of the last page are printed to the 
right, in the other to the left as in the other issues we have. 

27. Bibliotheca Manzoniana, 11, Citta di Castello, 1893, p. 242, no. 4186 bis. An 


406 ALEXANDER MARX 


Aldus s. d. in 8vo, in the Bibliothéque des Chartres is recorded in Répertoire des 
ouvrages pedagogiques du xvi siécle, Paris, 1886, p. 3. 

28. Annali Tipographici dei Soncino, 11, Bologna, 1883, p. 261, note. 

29. See his full description, |. c., no. 59, pp. 256-265 and the catalogue of his 
library, |. c., no. 4186. 

30. Manzoni, |. c., no. 108, pp. 464-470. 

31. The Latin is printed in italics throughout in the undated edition except 
for the headings; in the dated edition in our library mostly roman type is used. In 
one of the two copies of the dated edition the appendix agrees exactly with that 
of the Lascaris, Venice (Melchior de Sessa and Petrus de Ravanis), 1521; it is 
probably taken from this edition. 

32. Sefer ha-Harkabah, August, 1518, Sefer ha-Bahur and Luah ha-Binyanim, 
September, 1518, Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., p. 836, no. 13, 935, no. 6, 2800, no. 
5561, De Rossi, Annales Hebraeo-Typographici ab an. M.D.1. ad M.D.x.L, Parma, 
1799, p- 17, nos. 81-82. 

33- Bibliographisches Handbuch iiber die Literatur der hebriischen Sprach- 
kunde, Leipzig, 1859, p. 56, no. 757, I. 

34. L.c., p. 48, no. 40. 

35. The Répertoire (see note 27), p. 344, says s.].e.a. and records only one 
edition. 

35a. Vogelstein und Rieger, Geschichte der Juden in Rom, 11, Berlin, 1895, 
p- 11S. 

36. M. Schwab, |. c., no., 263. 

37. Cf. Freimann, Uber die ersten hebriischen Drucke in Deutschland 
(1512-1519), Israelitische Monatsschrift (Wissenschaftliche Beilage zur Jiid. Presse), 
1899, no. 8, pp. 45-46. 

38. Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, xu, 189 5, PP- 353-409. 

39 Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Fudentums, x.vitt, 1904. 

40. Pp. 478-490. 

41. Leipzig, 1869, pp. 55-115. - 

41a. While the paper was in proof I could see a few of the other books of the 
list in Wolfenbiittel, Frankfurt, and Leipzig, and add a fewnotes. I wish to thank 
the officials of these libraries, especially my friends Prof. A. Freimann and Prof. 
Gotthold Weil for their great courtesy. 

42. Cf. Centralblatt, pp. 371-372. 

43. Hebraeische Bibliographie, 1, 129, ‘ Bibliographisches Handbuch,’ p. 13. 

44. ‘Cf. Proctor’s judgment on the first Greek type which appeared in Erfurt 
shortly before in 1500 (The Printing of Greek in the Fifteenth Century, Oxford, 
1900, pp. 138-139). “‘Itis an exceedingly rude type... it is so barbarous as to defy 
conjecture as to the model on which it is based.” 

45. In Torrentinus, Elucidarius carminum, Strassburg, 1505, and often else- 
where the Hebrew words are given in Latin characters; see Steinschneider, Hand- 
buch, p. 140, no. 2015, and cf. Schwab, no. 115. 

46. The date of this letter, Basle, 1503, is the source of the mistake of the older 
bibliographers who mention a Basle edition of 1503. In spite of Nestle’s decisive 
rectification the Basle edition still figures in Schwab, no. 97, and hence in E. N. 
Adler, Gazetteer of Hebrew Printing, London, 1917, p. 8. 


THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 407 


47. Conradi Pellicani, de modo legendi et intelligendi Hebraeum durch Licht- 
druck neu herausgegeben, Tiibingen, 1877; the facsimiles were given again in the 
book mentioned in note 16. 

48. On this and the other editions see Nestle in the introduction to the 1877 
publication and Kautzsch, Theologische Literaturzeitung, 11, 1878, pp. 457-458. 

49. Wolf, Bibliotheca Hebraea, 11, Hamburg, 1727, p. 940; L. Geiger, Serapeum, 
1868, p. 196, and Fahrbiicher fiir deutsche Theologie, xx1, Gotha, 1876, p. 197. 

50. Johann Peringius, Exhortatio studiosae juventutis ad linguam hebraeam, 
Cologne, Eucharius Cervicornus, 1517 (Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, x1v, 568), 
according to a communication of Professor Porges does not contain any Hebrew. 

51. Porges in Simonsen-Festschrift, Copenhagen, 1923, p. 185, note, quotes an 
edition of Béschenstein, Hebr. Grammaticae institutiones, Cologne, 1520, in which 
blank space is left for many of the Hebrew words. As he informs me, the date is 
misprinted and it is the edition mentioned by Steinschneider, Handbuch, p. 24, 
no. 252, 2 from Maittaire and Panzer as printed by Joh. Soter, October, 1521. 

$2. Schwab, pp. 63-65; Steiff, pp. 18-20; Revue des Etudes Fuives, x1, 317. 

53. Cf. L. Geiger, Johann Reuchlin, Leipzig, 1871, p. 206, note 1. 

54. In the copy of the Bibliothéque Nationale the last leaf seems to be missing, 
which caused some difficulty to Schwab, no. Iog. 

55. Der erste Buchdruck in Tiibingen, 1881, p. 38. : 

56. Steinschneider does not refer to Heinrichmannus either in his Handbuch or 
in his Zusaetze und Berichtigungen, Leipzig, 1896. 

57. Besides the Latin date we find a Hebrew colophon stating that the book was 
finished December 17, 1518. According to Steinschneider, Handbuch, p. 74, no. 
1051, 3, Cat. Bodl., p. 1840, the Bodleian has two copies, one merely with Hebrew 
title and colophon, the other like the one before me. 

58. Our copy lacks the title and introduction of Aldus to De literis Graecis; at 
the end it states formulis Thomae Anshelmi Badensis with the printer’s first device. 
It is undoubtedly the edition quoted by Steinschneider, Handbuch, p. 12, no. 110, 
s, from Panzer which Joh. Secerius excudit formulis Th. Anselmi. 

59. Centralblatt, 409. 

60. Le Long-Masch, 1, p. 82; Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., no. 3ga. 

61. Cf. Steinschneider, Hebraeische Drucke in Deutschland, Zeitschrift fiir 
Geschichte der Fuden in Deutschland, 1, Braunschweig, 1887, pp. 282 ff., who only 
mentions nos. 45, 48-50. 

62. Our Library has a contemporary print of Béschenstein’s picture signed J. H. 
with an ornament in the form of a small tree between the two letters. Underneath 
we find three lines of Hebrew containing Psalms 7, 18, and 119, 75. The letters are 
very large and show German character. 

63. Die aeltesten Frankfurter Drucke, Frankfurt, a. M., 1885. 

63a. Monatsschrift, p. 284. 

64. Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, xv1, 1899, p. 231. 

65. Cf. above note 46. 

66. Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., p. 2810, no. 6710, corrects Handbuch, where 
Paris is given as printing place. Schwab, no. 185 quoting him, still ascribes the 
book to Paris. 

67. Steinschneider, Handbuch, p. 32, no. 344. 


408 THE USE OF HEBREW TYPE 


68. Bauch, 2-3, ascribes the whole booklet to Adrian. The printer expressly 
states in the preface that he uses Aldus and only replaces his Hebrew translations 
by those of Adrian; see above no. 28. 

6g. Steinschneider, Cat. Bodl., no. 38, L. Geiger, Fahrbiicher (as in note 49) 
p- 215, note I. 

70. L. Geiger, ib., 197, note 4. 

71. No. 262, repeated in Adler’s Gazetteer; Reed, pp. 63-64, probably also refers 
to this book. 

72. Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen, xiv, 568. 

73. Cf. F. L. Hoffmann in Hebraeische Bibliographie, 1, 1858, pp. 107-108. 

74. Simonsen-Festschrift, Copenhagen, 1923, p. 184. Porges gives, pp. 172-187, 
a full account of this rare grammar. 

75. Wolf; 1, 893, note f; Chevillier, L’origine de l’imprimerie de Paris, Paris, 
1694, pp. 292-293, and from him Wolf, 11, 950, reprints the editor’s preface. 

76. Cat. Bodl., pp. 8-9, no. 35, Handbuch, p. 123, no. 1763. 

77, Lic Ce, pp 60-67% 

78. L.c., p. 291, repeated by Wolf, 111, 949. 

79. James P. R. Lyell, Cardinal Ximenes, London, 1917, pp. 24-52, Ginsburg, 
Introduction to the Massoretico-Critical edition of the Bible, London, 1894, pp. 
g06-925, who proves that the Hebrew text is based on the Lisbon Pentateuch, the 
Naples Bible, and a Madrid manuscript. 

80. Lyell, l.c., p. 46. 

81. About him see Neubauer, Fewish Quarterly Review, vil, 398-477. 

$2.) Loci pbs, 

83. The Bay Psalm Book being a Facsimile Reprint of the First Edition with an 
Introduction by Wilberforce Eames, New York, 1905; see also W. Eames, A List of 
Editions of the Bay Psalm Book, New York, 1885, p. 6. 

84. Even in much later times Hebrew letters were cut in wood occasionally. 
Thus Mr. Voynich once showed me a book printed at Lisbon in 1724 which had 
some very oddly shaped Hebrew characters, Francisco Manuel de Mello, Tratado 
de sciencia cabala. 


THE FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 


A GENEALOGICAL SURVEY OF EDITIONS 
BEFORE 1480 


By MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


Librarian of the Annmary Brown Memorial, Providence, R. I. 


HE ‘Fasciculus Temporum’ was unquestionably the 

most popular chronicle of its time. It recorded the 
world’s history to date, from the Creation to 1474, the year of 
its official publication — with supplementary paragraphs in 
later editions giving the news of the hour. In a sense, it was 
both encyclopzdia and newspaper. Judging from the number 
of editions issued between 1474 and 1500, it must have been 
one of the most widely read books of its century. 

From their shelves in The Annmary Brown Memorial 
twenty-four editions look down upon me, interesting in sub- 
ject-matter, fascinating in their peculiar typographical setting. 
It was the lure of the twenty-four which led me, one fine 
autumn day, to set out upon a comparative survey of editions 
in the effort to see what might be learned from their curious 
construction. And it was the multiple complexities of the 
twenty-four that forced me presently to take shelter at that 
frequent resting-place, 1480. It happens that this date is not 
illogical as a temporary stopping-place, for the eight editions 
issued prior to 1480 comprise practically a third of those on 
record as issued in Latin before the end of the fifteenth century. 

Allowing the possible estimate of two hundred copies for 
each of the thirty-three editions on record, over six thousand 
copies of this chronicle of the world’s history must have been 
published simultaneously and successively in several languages 
and in several countries. By the same reckoning, of the five 
signed editions issued at Cologne before 1480, and the single 
editions issued respectively at Louvain, Speier, and Venice 


410 MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


during the same period, well over fifteen hundred copies may 
have been upon the market during the first six, or seven, years 
after the chronicle appeared in printed form. With index, in- 
troduction, and text, its usual form is a folio volume of approx- 
imately a hundred and fifty pages — the exact number varying 
with the edition. And each edition presents individual char- 
acteristics as well as certain inherited features. 

Werner Rolewinck, the author of the chronicle and a pro- 
lific writer, is said to have died of the plague in 1502, after 
having spent fifty-five years in devoted study at the Carthu- 
sian monastery in Cologne. In 1495, Johann Tritheim, a fif- 
teenth-century booklover and writer, went to see Rolewinck 
who was then in his seventieth year. Apparently in the course 
of the visit he obtained the titles of thirty of Rolewinck’s 
writings — “‘hec sunt que se scripsisse mihi nuper confessus 
est.” These he proceeded to list under Rolewinck in his “Catha- 
logus Illustrium Virorum (Mainz, circa 1495), correctly enter- 
ing the chronicle as comprising the world’s history from the 
Creation to Pope Sixtus IV; or, to quote the entry from the 
Memorial’s copy of the ‘Cathalogus,’ “Fasciculus temporum 
cum circulis ab exordio mundi usque ad tempora sixti pape 
quarti.”” Rolewinck he says was a man “in divinis scripturis 
studiosissimus, et valde eruditus, ingenio subtilis, vita et con- 
versatione devotus. Scripsit multa praeclara volumina.” Thus 
it is that the anonymous author and his chronicle are de- 
scribed to us by one of his contemporaries. 

Rolewinck himself was editor of the official edition of the 
chronicle printed at Cologne by Arnold Ther Hoernen in 1474 
which, in its various issues, is the forefather of all the editions 
within the present survey — with the single exception of the 
so-called “spurious”? undated edition printed at Cologne, in 
1473-74, by Nikolaus Gotz. 

Around this Gotz edition there still hangs a veil of mystery. 
The author’s usual printer was the printer of the official 


FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 411 


edition. According to Voulliéme, Ther Hoernen issued fully 
eighteen editions of Rolewinck’s works. The colophon in his 
printing of the chronicle proves it to be unmistakably an 
authorized edition. Yet at approximately the same time, and 
in the same town, there appeared an edition by Nikolaus Gotz. 
The first impulse is to call the Gétz edition pirated, and it has 
long been a point of discussion which of the two was the earlier. 
It has been variously maintained that the Gotz edition of the 
chronicle may have been on the press at the time the author- 
ized edition was in process; that it may even have been issued 
toward the end of 1473; and that in any event it must have 
appeared before 1477, since by that time Gétz was presumably 
at work upon his [1478] edition —in which, however, he 
deserted his first format completely and adopted the superior 
arrangement of the Ther Hoernen edition and its successors. 
A recent study of the copy in the Pierpont Morgan Library, 
the only copy of Gétz’s first edition on record in America, 
occasions the present suggestion that this first edition was ex- 
perimental and may well have been done with the author’s 
knowledge. Or, if one insists upon believing it stolen property, 
it must be that Gotz secured an early draught of the author’s 
‘manuscript and with that in hand raced the official edition in 
the printing. Considering the fact that author and printers 
lived in the same small community, it seems more kindly to 
accept Gétz’s first edition as an experiment in which, as one 
reads it page by page, one can see possibly the author and 
printer feeling their way along together in the effort to system- 
atize the author’s notes and to transcribe into printed form 
the miscellany of facts comprising the chronologies which, in 
clumsy fashion, struggle to run parallel throughout the text. 
In the first portion of the Gétz, from the Creation to the 
birth of Christ, the arrangement of the text is almost unintelli- 
gible — at least it can be followed only by effort. Gradually 
system begins to take command of chaos until, by the time one 


41g MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


approaches the end of the volume, its arrangement becomes 
nearly as orderly as that which prevails throughout the edition 
of Ther Hoernen. 

Likewise in the first portion of the Gétz index, the subject- 
entries — often inserted at irrelevant places — completely 
overthrow the alphabetical order which the index is seeking to 
maintain. For instance, in the 4 section below the Assyrian 
kings there are listed the kings of Babylonia and of Persia. 
After which interruption the index proceeds with its references 
to Assyria, Astrology, etc. And quaintly enough under both 
Babylonia and Persia in their proper places, one is cross-refer- 
enced to Assyria for the list of kings. Also one finds such naive 
subjects as “Boni homines in veteri testamento,” beneath 
which are sixty-nine names in the order of pagination, to the 
utter confusion of the alphabet. But the idea of indenting the 
subject-entries evidently occurred by the time the typesetter 
had reached section £ and the index from that point onward 
becomes more usable. In the Ther Hoernen edition these 
bungling subject-entries were wisely omitted, and the index is 
as clearly arranged and as workable as any book need have. 

Does it not seem that the Gétz edition was at first the literal 
copy of notes intelligible enough to the author, not developed 
for general use, but gradually worked into systematic form 
while on the press; and that in the Ther Hoernen edition, logi- 
cal in its arrangement from beginning to end, both author and 
printer approached their problem from the point of view of the 
reading and purchasing public? The colophon of the Hoernen 
edition states that it has been printed “just as it is edited by 
its author” and that it follows “the first copy which the vener- 
able author arranged with his own hands.” This, therefore, 
proves the latter half of the thesis to have been true, that for 
this edition copy was prepared deliberately with a view to pub- 
lication; and it offers nothing to prove that the first half may 
not also have been the case. 


FASCICULUS 'TEMPORUM 413 


Just how far Ther Hoernen may have been responsible in 
developing the superior system of the authorized edition is a 
question. As he was a most capable printer, it is probable that 
he had much to do with it. Yet, even if he only followed page 
for page the manuscript as arranged by the author, much credit 
is due him — for he transcribed written notes into printed 
notes and he maintained throughout so consistent a scheme 
that subsequent printers followed his type-setting with pre- 
cision. Even now, and in spite of the highly abbreviated Latin 
in which the text is given, it is possible to find one’s way un- 
erringly through his pages. 

The text of the chronicle comprises a series of disjointed 
paragraphs for the most part of a biographical nature but with 
occasional sections recording events of historical importance — 
earthquakes, comets, the founding or the capture and destruc- 
tion of cities, the invention of printing, etc. 

The book in fact is a chronological ‘Who’s Who.’ Its typo- 
graphical arrangement, however, is infinitely more complicated 
than any modern printer would care to undertake. Its interest 
to fifteenth-century readers was purely historical. It was the 
history of their world to date. But since its tabulation of Bibli- 
cal events antedated “higher criticism” by some centuries and 
since its knowledge of legendary days was also prior to the age 
of “scientific comparative mythology,” its historical interest to 
present readers has become quaint and antiquarian. It is in its 
curious typographical construction, and in the contribution 
that its study adds to our knowledge of fifteenth-century 
methods of printing and editing, that its present interest lies. 

Through the centre of each page of text there runs a wide 
band or ribbon set off from the text by double rules. Along the 
top of this band there runs at frequent intervals a chronology 
by “Anno Mundi” which places the Creation at the year I, 
gives the birth of Christ as 5199 and the last date in the book 
as 6673. At the base of the band, and at similar intervals, 


414 MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


there appear the corresponding years according to Christian 
chronology. This system starts on the twenty-fourth folio of 
the text at the birth of Christ and runs by decades to the end of 
the volume, to A.D. 1474, the year of publication. The B.c. 
dates run backward from Christ’s birth to the Creation and 
they are placed upside down, a device which is of immense help 
to the reader of the book — by the merest glance at a page you 
can tell exactly where you are, A.D. or B.C. 

Between these parallel chronologies is a series of circles each 
representing, in the years before Christ, His ancestors from 
Adam down; and, beginning with Peter at A.p. 34, His ecclesi- 
astical descendants, the Popes. Large squares and in some of 
the subsequent editions large-sized circles are used in this 
centre band to indicate the six eras in Biblical history: the 
Creation, and the periods beginning with Noah, Abraham, 
David, the Babylonish captivity, and the birth of Christ. 
Similar distinction is accorded Joseph and Mary. During the 
time of the Great Western Schism half-circles are used to 
represent the popes and antipopes, and in connection with 
popery it is interesting to note that Joanne, “Papa mulier,” 
who appears in the index of Gétz’s first edition, is carefully 
omitted in the Ther Hoernen and succeeding editions — al- 
though not infrequently supplied in contemporary hand, under 
A.D. 860. ? 

Above and below the centre band, which runs page for page 
throughout the chronicle, are the biographical and historical 
paragraphs whose typography is most curious of all. Instead 
of running continuously as do the paragraphs of the introduc- 
tion, those in the text are spaced off and interwoven around 
one another so as to accompany the circles which, interspersed 
throughout the text, give prestige to certain persons important 
in Biblical history, in mythology, or among the rulers of the 
world. Frequently these circles are joined by horizontal lines, 
so that in some instances the “‘Reges ytalie, Reges assiriorum, 
Pontifices, Reges israhel” and “Reges syrie” go marching 


FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 415 


through the pages of the book on parallel lines and in accord 
with the periods designated in the centre band. Each page 
therefore represents the events of a given period and, accord- 
ing to the number of important personages honored by the 
circles, each presents to the eye a different geometric pattern. 

‘The biographical paragraphs are always placed as near as 
possible to the circle representing the person described. The 
historic paragraphs seem to occupy whatever space may have 
been available in their proper period. When space proves in- 
sufficient the last word is followed by a symbol, at the reap- 
pearance of which, on the following page, the text of the in- 
complete paragraph continues. Although the text generally 
follows that of the original, word for word, the spelling is vari- 
ant in all editions. It seems hardly probable that the com- 
positor made up his text from dictation; he could not then 
have followed the interwoven paragraph spacing which reap- 
pears edition after edition from 1474 up to 1479, when the dis- 
jointed paragraphs show a tendency to assume more continu- 
ous setting. It seems more probable that the compositor in 
these early editions read the copy himself line by line and 
carried each succeeding phrase in mind while he set his type, 
spelling the words himself and introducing such abbreviations 
as he needed to make each line or paragraph come out right at 
the end. 

The woodcuts, which in the early editions are fairly numer- 
ous in the first portion of the book, are often more decorative 
than illustrative. In two instances, however, actual cities are 
portrayed. The picture of Cologne as it appears in the Ther 
Hoernen edition is a most interesting representation of the 
cathedral in process of construction. The engraving of Venice, 
which appears in the edition printed by Georg Walch in 1479, 
shows the Piazzetta approached from the water, but with the 
Palace of the Doge and the columns of the Winged Lion and of 
St. Theodore reversed in position. Although the reversing of 


416 MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


position is usually taken to mean that a picture has been 
traced from some other drawing, in this instance the one in 
the Venetian edition of the ‘Fasciculus’ is the first engraving 
of Venice as yet recorded. 

From a decorative point of view, the conventional woodcuts 
used for Nineveh, Tréves, Rome, Jerusalem, etc., vary con- 
siderably in artistic merit. In some editions, the cuts are ex- 
tremely crude. In others they have a quaint charm, those in 
the Louvain edition being in technique the most attractive and 
finished. In the Ther Hoernen edition the typesetting is su- 
perior in effect to the cuts. In the Louvain, the gray of the 
woodcuts is superior in quality to that of the type blocks, 
Apparently when the chronicle was first issued, certain in- 
tended illustrations were not ready. In later issues these ap- 
pear and in succeeding editions the various printers selected 
new points for illustration which, in turn, were repeated by 
their successors. 

Considerable confusion has resulted in the description of 
these woodcuts owing to the fact that some writers have used 
the term “new cuts” to mean new points illustrated, and other 
writers to mean new drawings for the usual points of illustra- 
tion. In the sense in which a modern newspaper editor “fea- 
tures” certain items of interest, it may be said that the several 
points featured in Ther Hoernen’s edition are for the most part 
featured in succeeding editions; or, that the additional points 
featured in the Louvain edition are repeated in the Venetian. 
The cuts themselves, however, are invariably new drawings 
from new designs. 

The only instances in the present survey where drawings are 
copied or borrowed occur in the Winters and [1478] Gétz edi- 
tions and in the case of the Tower of Babel in the Speier edi- 
tion which, although newly drawn, is closely modelled upon 
that in the Ther Hoernen. Both towers are square, according 
to tradition, with the base made of “sun-dried bricks,” and 


FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 417 


with two of the eight towers described by Herodotus as placed 
one upon the other. In both, the upper section is incomplete. 
That in the Ther Hoernen leaves one in doubt as to whether 
the tower was in process of building, or whether the artist had 
in mind its early destruction by “earthquake and thunder.” 
Since the chasm is tidy in outline, the tower is presumably go- 
ing up rather than coming down. But the Speier artist re- 
moves all doubt by adding a carefully constructed crane with 
pulley and tongs. His tower is going up. One may playfully 
read much into these little pictures of olden times, but the fact 
remains that each artist as he set out to make a sketch, how- 
ever crude the result, had something in mind that he sought to 
represent. By the reversal of imagination and with his finished 
product as a guide, one need not be far wrong in one’s conclu- 
sions. 

Even in this small group of fifteenth-century books there are 
a number of interesting “‘firsts”” — the picture of Cologne and 
its Cathedral, so Mr. Murray believes, is the first drawing of an 
actual place to appear in a printed book; and, to quote Mr. 
Pollard, illustration properly so called began in the Low Coun- 
tries with Veldener’s edition of the ‘Fasciculus’; the Walch 
edition is the first illustrated Venetian book; the first Gétz and 
the Ther Hoernen editions together mark the beginning of 
book illustration in Cologne. The Gétz, moreover, is one of 
the early books in which an attempt was made to number the 
leaves in type. Ther Hoernen, who has the distinction of being 
the first printer to have used leaf-numbers, — and that in a 
sermon of Rolewinck’s printed in 1470, — left his edition of 
the chronicle entirely without printed foliation. It was in- 
tended, however, that the numbering should be supplied by 
hand, for in the index of the Ther Hoernen edition and so with 
its successors the leaf-numbers are given — with a dot before 
or after the number to indicate the recto or verso. 


418 MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


It is here that one comes to the parting of the way, for the 
Ther Hoernen index was issued in two forms, one occupying 
eight leaves and the other nine. It is this which occasions the 
terms “‘eight-leaf-index issue” and “nine-leaf-index issue” in 
the tables that accompany this introduction. Each of these 
issues also contains variations in the text and illustrations, and 
each has lineal descendants among the editions produced by 
subsequent printers. In the collation of the editions issued be- 
fore 1480, the appearance of these inherited and repeated char- 
acteristics divides the editions into three distinct series — the 
Louvain-Venice, the Cologne, and the Speier Series. 

The first Louvain edition printed by Veldener, for instance, 
may be rated as a full-blooded and direct descendant of the 
eight-leaf-index issue — with the single exception of a contin- 
ued sentence. The Harvard copy of this issue (the only copy 
on record in America) lacks the continued section of a para- 
graph beginning on folio 23a. In the memorial’s copy of the 
nine-leaf-index issue, the complete paragraph appears (folio 
23a-b). The paragraph likewise appears in full in the Louvain 
edition. Mr. Murray, in his valuable study of the Ther Hoer- 
nen edition,! divides the eight-leaf-index issue into two sub- 

1. The Edition of the Fasciculus Temporum printed by Arnold Ther Hoernen in 
1474, by A. G. W. Murray (The Library, 1913, 3d series, vol. 1v, 57-71), in which 


the author discusses the priority of the eight-leaf-index issue over the nine-leaf- 
index issue and divides each into the following sub-issues: 
I. The eight-leaf-index issue without Cologne and Crucifixion. 
Il y “ “ “ “ “ wi th “ “ “ 
III. The nine-leaf-index issue “ x . x 
AVES re A vest Ms “ supplementary matter. 


No copies of II and IV are as yet recorded in this country. Recent correspondence 
with Mr. Charles Martel shows the Thacher Library-of-Congress copy of the Ther 
Hoernen 1474 edition to be a third sub-issue of the nine-leaf-issue index — without 
Cologne and the Crucifixion, and also without the continued half-sentence on folio 
23b. Since these omissions occur on three consecutive folios, it seems very possible 
that a gathering was inserted from some left-over stock of Mr. Murray’s I. With 
the exception of the omissions in this gathering, the Thacher LC copy seems to 
correspond to the nine-leaf-index issue as collated in the Cologne series of the ac- 
companying tables, and the make-up of the copy as described by Mr. Martel indi- 
cates that it is in original state. 


FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 419 


issues — one without and one with the illustrations of Cologne 
and of the Crucifixion. In the Harvard copy the leaves on 
which these cuts should appear, as well as part of the muti- 
lated paragraph, are lacking. 

One wonders, therefore, whether the lacking half-sentence 
appeared in the second of the sub-issues, its omission having 
been caught and corrected at the time the woodcuts were in- 
serted; whether for his text Veldener changed to a nine-leaf- 
index issue, in which the full paragraph appears; whether 
copies of the eight-leaf-index were ever bound with copies of 
what in the present. collation is the nine-leaf-index text; or, 
whether Veldener finding a sentence ending in mid-air, with a 
continuation sign but no continuation, searched a friend’s copy 
and chanced upon one containing the desired portion. The 
collation of all existing-copies of the Ther Hoernen may some 
day prove the first or third supposition to have been true. 

No additions to the index appear in the Louvain edition. 
Five instances have been noticed, however, in which the refer- 
ence numbers of the index are misprinted. But the text shows 
improvements. Twenty new paragraphs have been added by 
Veldener, and six illustrations. These points become of inter- 
est in connection with the edition issued in 1479 by Georg 
Walch at Venice. The five misprints noticed in the Louvain 
index are not reproduced, but nineteen of the twenty para- 
graphs added in the Louvain appear in the Venetian edition — 
thus indicating that Walch must have set his index and the 
first few pages of his text direct from the eight-leaf-index issue 
of Ther Hoernen; that at the eleventh folio something attracted 
his attention to the additional matter of the Louvain edition, 
which from that point he followed page for page (making occa- 
sional variations of his own and inserting the woodcut of 
Venice — all of which features a peep into a future collation 
shows to be reproduced in Ratolt’s edition of the following 


year). 


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FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 421 


A study of the Cologne edition issued by Conrad Winters in 
1476 indicates that apparently he used the eight-leaf and nine- 
leaf-index issues interchangeably. Since the extra size of his 
paper made the setting of type for his index quite different from 
that in either of the Ther Hoernen issues, he may even have 
been unconscious of the fact that the copies which he had at 
_ hand varied in make-up. In fact he must have followed the 
entries rather unintelligently because his introduction, on 
larger paper than the Ther Hoernen, occupies fewer pages and 
in consequence the text following folio 3a varies one page from 
Ther Hoernen’s typesetting. Yet Winters blindly copied the 
Ther Hoernen index, numbers and all, leaving it for his readers 
to discover that they must subtract one if they would find the 
references in his text. 

This same blunder is repeated by Gétz in his second edition, 
in which he follows Winters throughout — with a few mis- 
prints of his own and the addition of eleven new paragraphs at 
the end. His edition is so clumsily printed that it rather ex- 
onerates the author’s manuscript from undue responsibility 
for the lack of style in Gétz’s first edition. A printer who could 
not follow neatly printed text with good effect could not be ex- 
pected to have done much with an author’s manuscript — 
whether he stole it or was given it by the author for publica- 
tion. It seems that Quentell may have felt the clumsiness of 
the Gotz edition for, although he followed the index of Gétz’s 
second edition, he changed to the Winters edition for his text, 
adding as his contribution signatures and a charming little cut 
representing the Adoration of the Magi. 

It is probably because of the popularity of the chronicle and 
the consequent number of volumes in circulation that its 
printers so frequently made use of more than one edition in 
building up their copy. A most interesting variation of this 
method occurs in the edition issued by Peter Drach at Speier 
in 1477. Evidently he set his type by the eight-leaf-index issue 


422 MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


of the Ther Hoernen and then, becoming aware of improve- 
ments, revised his setting by the nine-leaf-index issue. In the 
text he gives the troublesome half-sentence lacking in the 
eight-leaf, and in the index sixteen out of the seventeen entries 
peculiar to the nine-leaf index but lacking in the eight-leaf. 
Four of these entries are out of alphabet in the Speier edition, 
at the end of sections, as if added after the type had been set; 
and one of them, “Heraclites,” is inserted in the place which 
alphabetically belongs to “Hester” —the one which is 
omitted from among the entries taken from the nine-leaf index. 
This seems to indicate that the reviser or proof-reader, realiz- 
ing that two additions were to be made under H, inadvertently 
put one in the place of the other and considered his duty done. 
And again, in attempting to improve the entries for Cologne, 
he inserted the two entries peculiar to the nine-leaf index but 
failed to correct from that index the entries directly above and 
below which are peculiar to the eight-leaf issue. The Speier 
edition adds two entries to the index, Dunstanus and Spira, 
and at the end of the text a supplement of three paragraphs. 
Otherwise as the colophon states it is close to the original. 

At the end of his index, Peter Drach added the pious wish 
“Sit laus Deo” — suggestive also of a sigh of relief and ex- 
pressing a sentiment that one feels moved to echo after collat- 
ing the various editions of the chronicle with their progenitors. 
But, through collation such as this, much may be learned of 
the temperament of the men who operated these early presses. 
Some show themselves to have been painstaking; some both 
intelligent and conscientious; others lacking in skill or in 
patience. 

Much also may be learned of the methods employed in fol- 
lowing copy and in revising proof. Certain of these have been 
noted in the present paper. Others are revealed in the follow- 
ing tables, to which this is an introduction. And still others, 
no doubt, will come to light in the future. For the study can- 


FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 423 


not be considered in any sense complete until all recorded 
copies of the various editions have been collated — to see 
whether the copies described in the present survey are each 
typical of their edition; or whether, as in the case of the five 
or more issues of the Ther Hoernen, these editions also must be 
subdivided into variant issues. 


NOTE ON THE TABLES 


N.B. The placing of the 8-leaf and g-leaf-index issues one after the 
other in the collation is without chronological significance. 

The source of inherited features is indicated in the right-hand column 
of each collation. 

For the benefit of the modern printer abbreviation marks are omitted. 
The spelling of each phrase quoted in the collation is that of the edition 
in which it first appeared. Subsequent changes in spelling, in later edi- 
tions, are not noted providing that in wording the phrases are the same. 


MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


424 



























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MARGARET BINGHAM STILLWELL 


438 








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440 FASCICULUS TEMPORUM 
TABLE D. SPEIER SERIES* 


Summary of the collation of the 


SSS SSS 


1474. COLOGNE: truer HOERNEN 1477. SPEIER: DRACH 








Annmary Brown Memorial 
copy. Sm. fol. Without 
sigs. & leaf numbers. 74 Il., 
the first blank. 










8-Lear-INDEx IssuE 9-Lear-InDEx IssuE 






Index: 

Fol. [11a-xa], 3 col., 50, 51 lines. 

The appearance of the “Abdon iudex” entry, which is in the 8-leaf but not in the 
g-leaf index, indicates that the 8-leaf index must have been consulted in setting up 
the Speier edition, This thesis is further substantiated by the fact that the Speier 
edition follows the reading of the 8-leaf index in two significant errors and in nine- 
teen minor variations. 

On the other hand, the Speier edition contains sixteen of the seventeen entries 
peculiar to the 9-leaf issue and not appearing in the 8-leaf; and it follows the g-leaf 
in an important correction and in eight minor variations — six of which are cor- 
rections, and two of which (occasioned by the transposing of the dot accompanying 
the leaf number) are without significance. Of the sixteen entries taken from the 9- 
leaf issue, one in the Speier edition is out of alphabet; two are added at the end of 
sections; and one is inserted in the place which alphabetically belongs to the only 
entry not included from the seventeen peculiar to the 9-leaf issue. 

All of which weighed together seems to indicate that copy was set first of all from 
the 8-leaf issue, and that subsequently additional entries from the g-leaf issue were 
inserted, plus such corrections as the editor chanced to notice. 

In itself, the Speier index adds two entries not found in other editions, and it has 
twenty-five minor variations in leaf numbers or in arrangement. 


Introduction: 

Fol. [1a—2a], 42 lines. Fasc... feliciter, at beginning. 

The text follows that of the 1474 edition though without regard to abbreviations; 
on the first two pages the words are spelled more fully and on the third page they 
are much more abbreviated than in the 1474 edition. 


Text: 

Fol. [2b-64b], square diagrams. 

The text follows that of the 1474 edition, excepting that the paragraphs are fre- 
quently arranged differently upon the page and the spelling is variant throughout. 
With regard to the only pertinent variation between the texts of the 8-leaf and the 
g-leaf issues of the 1474 edition, the continued sentence of which half is omitted in 
the 8-leaf issue appears in full in the Speier edition. The “Puella” paragraph ap- 
pears on 64a. 

At the end, the Speier edition adds three new paragraphs and a new colophon. 
(For the latter, see AmBM Cat). With device. 


* The table of collations, from which this summary was made, is on file at the Annmary 
Brown Memorial. 





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